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22 The Cultural Consequences

of Social Movements

Jennifer Earl

It was not long ago that women did not sweat or perspire, but instead only ‘‘glistened.’’ Women did not play major professional sports, were not seen as com- petent by most to hold important elected offices and were depicted in demeaning and/or humorous ways in high art and popular media. Women were ‘‘Miss’’ or ‘‘Mrs.’’ Few were ‘‘Dr.’’ Fewer still of those women who were medical doctors or PhDs were addressed as such.

It was also not long ago that African Americans were thought by most to be inferior to whites, legally and informally separated from whites in their use of public facilities, and satirized and caricatured in the visual arts. Indeed, one could sum up these examples and many more quite simply: we live in a somewhat different nation and world today than existed several decades ago. Such a simple observation belies two fundamentally vexing questions from the standpoint of most social scientific researchers: (1) To what extent and in what precise ways is the world we confront today different? (2) Why is the world we confront today different?

Social movement scholarship is largely built on the assumption that the world we live in today is different and that part of the answer to ‘‘why’’ is that social movements have exerted direct and indirect pressure on key civil and political decision-makers, resulting in cultural and political changes. Unfortunately, as virtually every study of social movement consequences and outcomes notes, this fundamental assumption has not been well researched (Burstein et al. 1995; Kriesi et al. 1995; Staggenborg 1995; Giugni 1998; Amenta and Young 1999; Cress and Snow 2000; Earl 2000).1 In fact, we know too little about what has changed and even less about the causal processes that could tie social movements to those changes.

Even still, in what Cress and Snow (2000) accurately term ‘‘lacunae’’ in social movements research, there are still areas where more progress has been made. For instance, Amenta and Caren (see chapter 20 in this volume) discuss research on the political and organizational consequences of social movements, which according to

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The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements Edited by David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, Hanspeter Kriesi

Copyright © 2004 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Earl (2000) have received a relatively large share of research attention when com- pared to other types of movement outcomes. Similarly, Giugni (see chapter 21 in this volume) reviews the growing literature on personal and biographical consequences to activism. In contrast to these areas, the paucity of research on cultural outcomes has been readily evident to most researchers in the field (Burstein et al. 1995; Earl 2000).

This chapter treads down the less worn path of cultural outcomes research in order to address three questions: (1) What challenges have scholars interested in cultural outcomes faced in defining cultural outcomes? (2) What kinds of cultural outcomes have social movement scholarship uncovered? (3) What explanations of cultural change have been suggested in cultural outcomes research? In answering these three questions, I hope to both shed light on where cultural outcomes scholar- ship stands presently and also suggest where future research may productively develop.

Challenges in Identifying the Cultural Consequences ofChallenges in Identifying the Cultural Consequences of

Social MovementsSocial Movements

Social movement consequences are notoriously hard to define. Even within the relatively more settled area of political outcomes, numerous scholars have bemoaned the difficulty of defining outcomes and created typologies meant to resolve such problems. Perhaps the most important of such scholars is Gamson ([1975] 1990), who led the field by identifying acceptance and new advantages as two key social movement outcomes (see chapter 20 in this volume for more detail). More recently, Kriesi et al. (1995) delineate between 14 different types of movement outcomes, Amenta and Young (1999) argue that we should study ‘‘collective goods’’ gained by movements, Earl (2000) suggests differentiating between internal move- ment outcomes and external outcomes, and Cress and Snow (2000) build on Gamson’s initial conceptualization to study four types of consequences. The examples could continue. The ultimate conclusion would be the same: the field lacks a consensual definition of, or classification of, movement outcomes.

Students of cultural outcomes face two additional barriers. First, most studies of movement consequences (and reviews of that literature) have relatively ignored cultural outcomes (Earl 2000). As well, many of the numerous typologies of move- ment outcomes lack conceptual space for cultural outcomes, leaving this area of research even farther away from finding some common conceptual vocabulary. With some notable exceptions, such as Gamson (1998), the methodological difficulties associated with studying cultural outcomes have been assumed to be so difficult that few have devoted much theoretical attention to laying the conceptual groundwork and fewer still have applied what tools do exist to the actual study of cultural outcomes.

The second issue facing researchers involves the conceptualization of culture itself (readers interested in a thorough, independent discussion of culture should see chapter 5 in this volume). As Williams (1976) notes, culture has meant many things to many scholars across time. This has been as true for students of culture as it has been for students of social movements and culture. According to Hart (1996), contemporary scholarship has focused on three dimensions of culture.2

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First, Hart (1996) notes that scholars have argued that culture is social- psychological: it is the set of values, beliefs, and meanings that individuals carry. For example, as we will see more fully below, studies of cultural consequences guided by this definition would look to changes in opinion polls over time to determine whether people’s viewpoints on particular movement-related issues had changed (Rochon 1998). To the extent to which opinion does change, one would affirm that cultural outcomes have been achieved.3

A second dimension of culture identified by Hart (1996) is constituted by a web of signs and the signified meaning of those signs. That is, culture from this viewpoint is ‘‘not in people’s head’’ (Polletta 2002). Polleta explains this perspective in the following manner:

An alternative conception of culture views it as the symbolic dimension of all structures, institutions, and practices (political, economic, educational, etc.). Symbols are signs that have meaning and significance through their interrelations. The pattern of those relations is culture. Culture is thus patterned and patterning; it is enabling as well as constraining; and it is observable in linguistic practices, institutional rules, and social rituals rather than existing only in people’s minds. (1999: 66–7)

This view of culture has frequently been related to ‘‘production of culture’’ approaches and discussions of cultural products such as the visual arts or music. However, practices should also be considered within this domain to the extent to which a practice (or ‘‘routine’’) has an associated meaning (Hart 1996).

In this second view of culture, changes in signs or practices would be clear examples of cultural change. For instance, many would assert that changes in the relationship between signs and their audiences, such as the re-appropriation of symbols, are important cultural changes (Schudson 1989, 1997). To the extent to which one could tie social movement activity to these cultural changes, one could again affirm that cultural outcomes were achieved.

Hart (1996) argues that a third dimension of culture focuses on more macro elements, which is in line with the way that many anthropologists and social historians have understood culture. In this third view, culture frames the worldview and social situation of entire communities or subcultures. Put most simply, culture denotes ‘‘a particular way of life’’ (Williams 1976: 90). This way of life may be represented in totems à la Durkheim or in cockfights à la Geertz. Whether or not there is a focal practice or product that is used to shed light on a culture, the focus is nonetheless on social practices and beliefs shared by an entire community that together uniquely distinguishes that community from other ‘‘cultures’’ (read: places and time periods). Put differently, Mary Douglas did not want to understand dirt (Douglas 1966) or jokes (Douglas 1991) for their own sake, and Darnton (1991) was not solely interested in explaining how cruelty to cats could be comedic; Douglas and Darnton were both using these particular social occurrences to gain leverage over the rich meanings that infused everyday life within particular commu- nities and subcultures.

Further, this dimension of cultural research acknowledges the importance of large constellations of interconnected values and beliefs by focusing on the totality of those beliefs. Culture in this sense is not reducible without remainder to the individual beliefs and values that compose it, and this approach to culture is thus

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distinguishable analytically from the social-psychological dimension of culture addressed above. Indeed, in this view the sum is greater than the parts such that an isolated change in any particular value or belief would not create cultural change of theoretical concern for this group of scholars.

Applying this vision of culture to social movement consequences requires that social movements are tied to changes in the basic fabric of communities or the creation of new communities that share fundamentally new ways of life. Since some religious and self-help movements attempt to create exactly this type of new culture and community, it is important to note that whether one regards the creation of small communities as cultural change should be a question about the degree of cultural change, but not its presence or absence. That is, if a small but distinct new religious community is formed, it is clear that some cultural change has occurred from this perspective.

It is worth noting that some social movement scholars have also blended the symbolic view of culture with a view of culture that examines collective identities and new communities or subcultures. These researchers argue that identity and community exists, for instance, only in practice (Fantasia 1988) and are represented by (and perhaps even identified by) cultural symbols (Taylor and Whittier 1992). Nonetheless, I will review such works as if they address more stable, holistic communities because the thrust of the theoretical inquiry is on the collective group, identification with that group, and relations to that group; their central theoretical interest is not in the symbols and/or practices themselves or changes in those symbols and/or practices.

As one might suspect from the foregoing review of the meaning of ‘‘outcomes’’ and the dimensions of ‘‘culture,’’ when these terms are wed, the result is a harrow- ingly enigmatic dependent variable. In fact, as the next section will reveal, existing scholarship on the cultural consequences of social movements has been spread broadly and thinly. That is, of the small number of studies on cultural consequences, there is not a tremendous amount of overlap in conceptualizations of cultural outcomes. As the third section will show, the way in which cultural outcomes have been conceptualized has also affected the causal explanations for cultural change offered by researchers.

Identifying Cultural ConsequencesIdentifying Cultural Consequences

In this section, I review the different types of movement consequences that have been studied, organizing that review according to the three major perspectives on culture outlined above. Table 22.1 summarizes the categories of outcomes that this section covers as well as leading studies on each type of outcome.

Social Psychological Studies of Cultural Outcomes

Several recent studies of the cultural outcomes of social movements have focused on changes in values, beliefs, and opinions. In particular, three lines or research stand out.4 First, d’Anjou examines the abolitionist movement in England (d’Anjou 1996; d’Anjou and Van Male 1998) and its role in turning opinion against the slave trade.

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In the book length treatment of this issue, d’Anjou adopts a more social- psychological view of culture by arguing that ‘‘changes in the symbolic realm such as changes in definitions, views, beliefs, and values’’ (d’Anjou 1996: 45) constitute cultural change. The book then seeks to understand how British abolitionists were able to change the hearts and minds of Britons where the slave trade was concerned. In other works he continues this emphasis: ‘‘Although the first abolition campaign did not reach its goal – prohibition of the slave trade – the public discourse it initiated affected the way slavery and the slave trade were collectively defined in British society from then on’’ (d’Anjou and Van Male 1998: 214). In particular, the abolitionist view that the slave trade was immoral became ‘‘definitive’’ and ‘‘un- assailable’’ (d’Anjou and Van Male 1998: 214).

Second, Rochon (1998) examines a wide array of changes in opinion, values, and beliefs through a series of case studies, attempting to tie these changes to ‘‘critical

Table 22.1 Conceptualizing the cultural consequences of social movements

Conceptualization of culture Consequence Research traditions and projects

Social-psychological approach

Values, beliefs and opinions Rochon (1998), d’Anjou (1996), d’Anjou and Van Male (1998), NSM research, Gamson and Modigliani (1989)

Cultural production and practices

Literature Children’s literature: Pescosolida et al. (1997)

Magazines: Farrell (1995) Media coverage Gamson (1998) Visual culture Oldfield (1995) Music Eyerman and Jamison (1995,

1998), Eyerman and Barretta (1996)

Fashion McAdam (1988, 1994) Science and scientific practices

Epstein (1996), Moore (1999)

Language McAdam (1988), Rochon (1998)

Discourse Gamson and Modigliani (1989), Gamson (1998), Katzenstein (1995)

Worldviews and communities

Collective identity Taylor and Whittier (1992), Polleta and Jasper (2001), NSM research

Subcultures Within movements: Kanter (1968), Fantasia (1988), Bordt (1997)

As distinct subcultures: Birmingham Center of Cultural Studies including Hall and Jefferson (1976) and Hebdige (1979)

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communities’’ and social movement inspired diffusion of critical ideas. Rochon is quite clear about his take on culture: ‘‘Culture consists of the linked stock of ideas that define a set of commonsense beliefs about what is right, what is natural, what works’’ (Rochon 1998: 9). Accordingly, he seeks to study cultural change by exam- ining changes in discrete beliefs, noting that his unit of analysis is a ‘‘single cultural value’’ (Rochon 1998: 48).

Because each of these works tie changes in beliefs and values to changes in language and/or discourse, some might be tempted to argue that each study also casts language and/or discourse as the subject(s) of inquiry. However, this view is not actually consistent with either authors’ arguments. As will be discussed more fully below, both d’Anjou and Rochon are centrally interested in explaining changes in beliefs, values and opinions. Although discourse and/or language may also change, the authors’ focus is on more social-psychological phenomena.

Work by new social movements (NSM) scholars also has implications for this dimension of cultural outcomes research (in addition to other dimensions, as will be discussed below). Since a full review of the NSM literature is beyond the scope of this chapter, I will only briefly note that many leading theorists have argued that NSMs are less directed toward policy outcomes and instead are more concerned with contesting cultural values and beliefs (Cohen 1983, 1985; Melucci 1985, 1989, 1994; Offe 1985; Touraine 1985; Pichardo 1997).5 For instance, Melucci (1994) argues that movements such as the women’s movement, the environmental move- ment, and the youth movement have been centrally concerned with contesting values, opinions, and beliefs.

Despite the salience of this cultural theme in NSM theorizing, research has largely focused on establishing that large-scale changes in values, opinions, and beliefs have occurred, with less emphasis on establishing the clear empirical role of social movements in that change process. Across a large body of work, Inglehart (1977, 1981, 1990; Inglehart and Appel 1989) has been able to show that younger cohorts across numerous nations have endorsed less materialist, and more ‘‘postmaterialist’’ values, opinions, and beliefs. Such postmaterialist values include concerns for free- dom, self-actualization, and esthetics, among others. While there are good reasons to believe that some of Inglehart’s findings may be attributable to NSMs (Kriesi 1993), scholars have not yet pinpointed what aspects of NSM activity produce these cultural changes. Further, it is likely that NSMs have a reciprocal relationship with value change: as Inglehart (1981) reports, increases in postmaterialist values may both result from and contribute to NSM activity.

Finally, Gamson and Modigliani (1989) propose a multidimensional view of culture in their study of media discourse and opinion on nuclear power. Specifically, they blend a social-psychological view of culture (i.e., culture as opinions) with a more symbolic view of culture (i.e., culture as discourse itself). Although they explicitly term discourse ‘‘cultural’’ and term opinion ‘‘cognitive’’, they nonetheless argue that both discourse and opinion ‘‘involve the social construction of meaning’’ (Gamson and Modigliani 1989: 2). Further, in terms of the causal relationship between discourse and opinion, they assert:

We do not, in this paper, argue that changes in media discourse cause changes in public opinion. Each system interacts with the other: media discourse is part of the process by which individuals construct meaning, and public opinion is part of the process by which

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journalists and other cultural entrepreneurs develop and crystallize meaning in public discourse. (Gamson and Modigliani 1989: 2; emphasis in original)

In this way, Gamson and Modigliani suggest that changes in opinion are important, but not the only meaning-related outcomes of social movements.

Symbolic Studies of Cultural Outcomes: Sign and Signified

A larger (although still not large) number of studies have examined cultural change from a more symbolic standpoint. As table 22.1 suggests, the changes that have been explored include both cultural products and cultural practices.6 In terms of cultural products, literature has been the focus of limited inquiry. For example, Pescosolida et al. (1997) examine changing representations of African Americans in children’s literature. They find that when the civil rights movement was highly mobilized, and thus contention over racial issues was high, that there were fewer black characters in children’s books. They argue that their finding resulted from caution on the part of publishers: publishers were afraid to include black characters that might be criticized by the civil rights movement, but publishers were also afraid to include black characters that would be endorsed by the civil rights movement, because such characters could offend whites.

Farrell (1995) examines the production of Ms. Magazine as a widely distributed feminist magazine. Farrell argues that Ms. grew directly out of the women’s move- ment, with influential women’s activists such as Gloria Steinem playing a key role in its founding. However, just as Pescosolida found that market pressures interacted with movement mobilization, Farrell shows that Ms. struggled to keep its feminist editorial style while attempting to generate sufficient advertising revenue. Ultim- ately, this juggling act could not be sustained and Ms. was forced to switch to an ad- free format that uses high subscription fees, instead of advertising revenue, to fund the magazine. In doing so, Ms. also moved out of the mass-distribution magazine market and into the more specialized subscription market, effectively limiting its ability to reach out to nonmovement members.

Gamson (1998) moves away from books and magazines to address the media more generally, arguing that that media coverage and representations of movements are critical cultural movement outcomes. Further, he devises an approach to study- ing movement success in the cultural sphere. He adapts his definition of movement success from The Strategy of Social Protest (Gamson [1975] 1990) to focus on cultural acceptance and new cultural advantages, arguing that ‘‘acceptance’’ as a cultural outcome is defined by having media standing (e.g., being a regularly quoted news source), whereas ‘‘new advantages’’ are gained when a challenger’s frame is more prominent than an antagonist’s frame (Gamson 1998: 70).

Oldfield (1995) focuses on visual culture. In his study of the British abolitionist movement, he discusses the ways in which abolitionists created visual culture, most famously represented by the image of a black slave kneeling with the phrase ‘‘Am I not a Man and a Brother’’ attached. Oldfield shows that a number of pro-abolition products were produced and sold in Britain, including work by Wedgwood, penny and half-penny producers, printmakers, and other artists. This art was both a part of abolitionist mobilization and an enduring outcome of the campaign to end the slave trade. That is, art produced in this period was created by abolitionists to popularize

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and diffuse support for abolition, but the art was also clearly produced to literally capitalize on the growing pro-abolition sentiment in Britain. In particular, this type of art was marketed to middle class and aspiring upper class members as a symbol of their up and coming class status.

Eyerman and Jamison (1995, 1998) and Eyerman and Barretta (1996) show that movements have also played a role in shaping music. Eyerman and Jamison (1995) argue that music and movements are mutually constitutive of one another, using US folk music in the 1960s as an example. Folk music in this period inspired young people to participate in movements and allowed singer-songwriters to serve as movement intellectuals who framed movement issues in powerful and provocative ways. However, movements acted back upon folk music by inspiring new visions of folk music that radically changed the genre. Coupled with a new and booming youth market, folk music became more commercial and ultimately pulled away from the mooring of its Old Left roots.

Eyerman and Barretta (1996) also focus on folk music, but they examine folk music’s development in the 1930s and its transformation in the 1960s using a more elaborated theoretical model. They show that folk music developed from a policy of the Communist Party of the USA (CPUSA) that sought to promote the representa- tion of common people’s lives through music. While initially the CPUSA had focused on the biographies of artists and to a lesser extent the instruments played, the Party ultimately adopted a stance the allowed folk music to grow into a kind of common person’s truth-telling.

Building on Eyerman and Jamison’s (1995) study of folk music in the 1960s, Eyerman and Barretta (1996) argue that folk music was reinvigorated and altered by its association with the civil rights movement and then with the antiwar movement. Most notable in their explanation is the way in which old left politics ceased to influence folk music in the 1950s because of McCarthy-era blacklisting. As Com- munist notables and influences pulled back from folk music, broader visions of political interests came to be represented within folk music. Of course, many folk artists in the 1950s and 1960s shared the prior belief in a music formed around truth-telling and everyday people, but these artists shifted their attention from labor politics to concerns raised by the new left, particularly racial and peace politics. Eyerman and Jamison’s (1998) book length treatment of this subject extends these arguments, examines the relationship between soul music and the civil rights move- ment, and discusses the development of the progressive music movement in Sweden.

Finally, to the extent to which music festivals reoccur over time, they can serve as lasting culture consequences of movement activity. For instance, Staggenborg (1995) discusses the success and failure of women’s music festivals in the United States (although her focus is on repercussions of collectivist organizational forms). The Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival (Taylor and Whittier 1992), and more recently, the Lilith Fair, which featured female and feminist musicians, suggest that the women’s movement has created and continues to create cultural events of independ- ent significance.

Still within the world of cultural production, McAdam (1988, 1994) shifts the focus to the ways in which fashion can be inadvertently affected by social move- ments. McAdam (1988) argues that the Northern, white, middle- and upper-class youth who participated in Freedom Summer sought to emulate Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) leaders and activists through their dress. For

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example, Freedom Summer participants replaced their chinos with jeans as a way of signifying their association with Freedom Summer and the civil rights movement more generally. McAdam argues that this privileged conduit to elite Northern colleges and communities allowed jeans to diffuse into Northern mainstream cul- ture. Just as Oldfield argued that some Britons consumed abolitionist products in order to demonstrate their aspiring class position, McAdam asserted that young whites were attempting to use consumption and fashion to demonstrate their con- nection to the civil rights struggle.

As mentioned earlier, a symbolic view of culture can also include cultural practices that are imbued with meaning. Polletta, a major proponent of this position, argues that culture can be understood to include sets of rules, routines, and schemas (Polletta 2002). This view of culture allows some work to be labeled cultural even when the researchers conducting that work have not cast their studies in such lights.

In this vein, Moore (1999) examined the relationship between antiwar protest and science in the United States during and after Vietnam. She argues that science as an institution was altered by antiwar protest, in large part because of the actions of influential mediators who held dual-identities as scientists and antiwar activists. Moore does point out that it was not only these influential movement-related actors that mattered: science had become a vulnerable target for change as a result of massive growth, extensive ties to the state, a developing association with a clientele that demanded more responsible scientific practices, and dispersed (and hence weak) internal authority structures.

Epstein’s (1996) study of AIDS activism similarly shows how movements can affect scientific practices. His study examines the confrontation between lay activists and scientists over the search for the cause of AIDS and over the procedures used in clinical trials. He ultimately concludes that while AIDS activists where not very influential in affecting the search for a cause of AIDS, AIDS activists were very influential in critiquing and ultimately changing the model used in clinical trials for HIV and AIDS medication. By changing treatment protocols and drug testing protocols, AIDS activists challenged core institutional practices within medicine and in some ways the meaning of clinical trials.

By way of further example, one could also imagine that movements could affect more general cultural routines. For instance, forms of address (e.g., the Miss, Mrs., Ms. example discussed in the introduction) and certain social practices (such as men always paying for dates or opening doors) may have changed over time as a result of movement efforts. However, a wide search through the movements literature was unable to locate systematic studies conducted on such changes in mainstream culture.

Language and discourse, which blend symbol and practice, are also argued to have been affected by social movements. As was discussed above, Rochon (1998) argues that social movements can produce linguistic changes. McAdam’s (1988) discussion of Freedom Summer participants’ emulation of SNCC activists extended beyond just the fashion of jeans; McAdam also argued that Freedom Summer participants adopted language and linguistic styles from SNCC activists.

Focusing specifically on discourse, Gamson and Modigliani (1989) and Gamson (1998) discuss the ways in which movements may seek to shape discourse by advocating particular interpretative frames. Gamson and Modigliani (1989), for instance, show the way in which the antinuclear movement attempted to insert

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new framings of nuclear power into public discussions and portrayals of nuclear power. Gamson (1998) highlights the importance of framing by arguing that move- ments achieve new cultural advantages to the extent to which they are successful at having their frames adopted over alternatives.

Similarly, Katzenstein (1995) discusses the way in which Catholic women have challenged religious discourse (and doctrine) within the Church. Although she does not argue that her research is a study of cultural outcomes, she does show that religious women have been able to place feminist issues on the agenda for discussion at lower church levels (e.g., bishops conferences) and have been able to create a discourse about feminism within the church. Further, she shows the importance of the cultural changes by applying Gaventa’s (1980) definition of power.

According to Gaventa, power partly involves the ability to keep insurgent or contentious issues off of the public agenda (i.e., ‘‘the mobilization of bias’’). The women that Katzenstein studies have been able to overcome that mobilization of bias and have forced the Catholic Church into discussions about feminism and the role of women in the Church. Another facet of power, according to Gaventa, involves control over language, discourse, and symbols, which Katzenstein also argues are challenged by these religious women. Again, while Katzenstein does not cast these changes in discourse as a cultural outcome, to the extent to which they endure, they should be considered cultural outcomes within the institution of the Catholic Church.

Communities and Cultures as Cultural Outcomes

Most work on more macrocultural outcomes examines the creation of new collect- ive identities and new communities. Even though collective identities and subcul- tures are often mutually constitutive of one another in practice, I separate collective identity creation and subculture formation for analytic ease.

As well, I do not address much of the work on collective identity, referring readers instead to chapter 19 of this volume. It is sufficient to note three things here. First, collective identities can be thought of as important cultural movement outcomes. For instance, Polletta and Jasper (2001) suggest the following where collective identity outcomes are concerned: (1) movements can have identity change as a goal, as is the case with some self-help and religious movements; (2) movement participation can change people’s individual biographies and hence values and ideals; (3) movements can create broad identities that persist in abeyance structures until later mobilization revives them; (4) by attaching certain symbols to specific movement identities, movements can affect what cultural symbols are available for use by other movements; and (5) movements can create or legitimize new identities that result in subsequent backlash. Of particular importance to this review is the first class of identity-related outcomes: movements that have identity change as a goal (Kanter 1968; Breines 1989; Melucci 1989; Epstein 1991; Lichterman 1999).7

Second, this focus on identity has been an animating concern of NSM theorists and researchers (see Cohen 1985 for a thorough theoretical discussion on this point). Melucci (1985, 1989, 1994), in particular, has elaborated on the connection be- tween NSMs and collective identity, casting the collective identity work of NSMs as integral to both their existence and their success.

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Third, collective identity is often explicitly constructed in social movement activ- ity (Snow 2001). For instance, Taylor and Whittier (1992) examine the explicit creation of a lesbian-feminist social movement community in the US, arguing that lesbian feminists created a culture where personal politics were central and lesbian- ism was rendered inherently political. Importantly, according to their analysis, a lesbian-feminist identity did not automatically arise from common structural positioning. Instead, three processes were key to the creation of a collective les- bian-feminist identity: (1) the creation and maintenance of community boundaries; (2) the creation of a self-reflexive group consciousness; and (3) negotiation with and resistance to dominant culture.

Where the creation of subcultures, countercultures, and communities is concerned, this review limits itself to scholarship that explicitly focuses on the generative role of social movements, even while acknowledging that a great deal of work in cultural studies (e.g., by members of the Birmingham Center of Cultural Studies, such as Hall and Jefferson 1976), the sociology of religion (see Sherkat and Ellison 1999 for a brief review) and the sociology of youth (see Bucholtz 2002 for a review) have focused on the creation, meaning, and implications of subcultures, countercultures, and commu- nities.8 Within movement-centered scholarship, there are a number of influential studies that examine the ways in which movements themselves can form important communities with distinct cultures. For instance, Kanter’s (1968, 1972) work on commitment in utopian communities examines the types of movement/community created structures that are likely to result in strong and distinct utopian subcultures (see Hall 1988 for a re-analysis of Kanter’s original findings). Zablocki’s (1971) work on utopian communities studies the way in which the resolution of recurrent commu- nity crises can strengthen some utopian communities. Moving away from utopian communities, Yinger focuses on ‘‘contracultures’’ (1960) and ‘‘countercultures’’ (1977, 1982), arguing that movements as well as more demographically-oriented social changes set the stage for the creation of some countercultural communities (as did some of his contemporaries, see Berger 1983 for a brief review).

More recently, Fantasia (1988) used a practice-oriented approach to culture and consciousness to argue that communities, ideology, and consciousness are made and remade in the process of contention. When contention is high, entire communities can be remade around an axis of ideological contention. For instance, in discussing the strike against Clinton Corn, Fantasia argues that the ideology of pro-strike forces became much more radical such that all areas of social life – from religion, to politics, to family, to work – were read through class lines and motives. Indeed, in summarizing his major contributions in the book, he discusses exactly the kind of collective identity and insular sense of community that one would expect from a study with this view of culture: ‘‘workers then engaged in new forms of activity (militant, direct action), created new associational bonds in practical forms (essen- tially emergent social movements), and developed new-found values of mutual solidarity (a new sense of ‘us’, a new sense of ‘them’, and emergent moral sensibil- ities about the values associated with each)’’ (Fantasia 1988: 232–3).

Bordt (1997) studies transformations of communities at a slightly smaller level: she examines the way in which feminist collectives came to be dominant and, in many ways, identifying forms of organizing in the women’s movement and women’s communities. While she also argues that collectives were later deinstitutionalized, at a more microlevel the predominance of this form of social organization represents

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the kind of coupling between social organization and worldview represented in this view of culture.

Finally, Hebdige’s (1979) study of British youth subcultures suggests that move- ments broadly construed can create and be recreated by subcultures, as subcultures engage dominant culture in contention over signs, signification, and material condi- tions. Work in cultural sociology by other scholars associated with the Birmingham Center of Cultural Studies such as Stuart Hall (Hall and Jefferson 1976) also examines the ways in which subcultures can use style and signification in contention, and in doing so constantly recreate their own subcultures.

Explaining Cultural ConsequencesExplaining Cultural Consequences

As one might expect, given the variety of ways in which cultural outcomes have been conceptualized and studied, scholars have also produced different causal explan- ations for cultural outcomes. As was the case with the last section, I will review these causal explanations according to the dimension of culture on which researchers have focused. Table 22.2 summarizes this discussion.

Explanations in Social-Psychological Studies of Culture

Studies that conceive of culture in a social-psychological manner have shared a fairly common casual explanation: framing (Snow et al. 1986). That is, most studies that fall within this category of work on cultural outcomes suggest that well-framed arguments are more likely to lead to large-scale changes in values, beliefs, and opinions. Of course, the specifics and terminology of each argument, propositions about what makes an effective frame, and factors beyond framing that may affect cultural change all vary slightly between researchers.

In their studies of the British abolitionist movement, d’Anjou (1996) and d’Anjou and Van Male (1998) argue that movement success depends on a movement’s ability to reframe issues in familiar yet still challenging manners. By developing ‘‘interpret- ative packages’’ that identify and explain problems as well as suggesting how problems can be rectified, movements attempt to reshape the cultural terrain.9

However, the tools that movements draw upon in the construction of interpretative packages must have some preexisting cultural currency to be effective.

Specifically, d’Anjou and Van Male (1998) identify three paths for successful reframing: (1) connecting movement issues with culturally accepted values; (2) connecting movement issues with existing oppositional cultural themes; and (3) connecting movement issues with rising cultural themes (i.e., themes that are neither hegemonic nor completely oppositional and are gaining popularity inde- pendent of the movement). No matter what path a movement follows, it is the successfulnessoftheinterpretativepackagethatdeterminestheextentofcultural(read: value) change. According to d’Anjou and Van Male (1998), the British abolitionist movement largely succeeded because it was able to frame opposition to the slave trade both in terms of oppositional themes and newly rising cultural themes.

In addition, d’Anjou and Van Male argue that the successfulness of an interpret- ative package will, in part, also depend on the conduciveness of the cultural context: ‘‘movement actors produce new meanings but not exactly as they wish. They are free

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to choose neither the elements from which they produce them nor the circumstances under which production takes place. The situation in which they act is a given that is handed down to them’’ (d’Anjou and Van Male 1998: 223). In this way, effective frames can only be created or forwarded by movements in some historical moments.

Instead of being concerned with a specific movement, such as the abolitionist movement, Rochon (1998) is primarily interested in explaining rapid cultural change (read: rapid changes in values). He argues that many values do not change steadily over time by consistently adding converts to a position each year. Instead, values tend to be fairly stable and then experience rapid changes only to once again stabilize at new and different points. In order for values to change rapidly, Rochon argues that issues have to named and raised, issues have to be discussed, that discussion has to diffuse, and finally the new ideas that the discussion carries have to become normalized (or, in some senses, institutionalized). Rochon (1998) for- wards two key players in these tasks: critical communities and social movements.

Table 22.2 Explaining the cultural consequences of social movements

Conceptualization of culture Explanation Research traditions and projects

Social-psychological approach

Framing Rochon (1998), d’Anjou (1996), d’Anjou and Van Male (1998), Gamson and Modigliani (1989)

Cultural opportunities d’Anjou and Van Male (1998)

Media practices Gamson and Modigliani (1989)

Cultural production and practices

Framing and movement mobilization

Rochon (1998)

Movement institutional insiders

Moore (1999), Epstein (1996), Katzenstein (1995)

Network connections McAdam (1994, 1988) Movements and markets Pescosolida et al. (1997),

Farrell (1995), Oldfield (1995), Eyerman and Jamison (1995)

Media practices Gamson and Modigliani (1989), Gamson (1998)

Production of culture Eyerman and Barretta (1996), Eyerman and Jamison (1998)

Worldviews and communities

Internal movement dynamics Kanter (1968), Taylor and Whittier (1992), NSM research

Contentious interactions Fantasia (1988), Taylor and Whittier (1992), Birmingham Center of Cultural Studies including Hall and Jefferson (1976) and Hebdige (1979)

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Critical communities identify and name issues and problems. Movements take the ‘‘conceptual innovations’’ produced by critical communities and repackage or reframe these ideas for mass appeal. In doing so, movements attempt to diffuse the new value and eventually normalize the perspective.10 In many ways, Rochon’s arguments about critical communities and movements parallel work discussed above on the role of NSMs and value change.

Rochon also makes clear that discourse is the driving force behind value change: to the extent to which movements can properly package new conceptual innov- ations, they will better compete in the marketplace of ideas. The linkage he draws between values and discourse is so strong that Rochon uses changes in language to diagnose value change. That is, according to Rochon ideas are so tightly linked to language and discourse that changes in culture (read: ideas) can be read from linguistic changes: ‘‘The connection between language and culture is so close that changing use of language is one of our primary signals that culture is being re- formed. Cultural change is invariably accompanied by innovations in the lan- guage . . . ’’ (Rochon 1998: 16). In this way, one can determine when movement discourse has successfully changed values: if linguistic innovations become normal- ized, movements have succeeded.

Finally, Gamson and Modigliani (1989) studied the way in which media packages affect opinion. Media packages are frames that imply ‘‘a range of positions . . . allowing for a degree of controversy among those who share a common frame’’ (3) and offer ‘‘a number of different condensing symbols that suggest the core frame and positions in shorthand’’ (3). They argue that three things shape the life course (and success) of media packages: (1) the cultural resonance of the package; (2) the actions of sponsors of those packages; and (3) internal media norms and practices. Movements, as sponsors of certain packages, change public opinion by effectively advocating for specific frames. Applying these ideas to their study of opinions on nuclear power, they argue that shifts in public opinion were complicated and far from stable because of the intense competition between different pro- and anti- nuclear power frames and media packages.

Explanations in Symbolic Studies of Cultural Outcomes

A range of theoretical explanations has been proposed by movement researchers studying changing cultural products and practices. Some of these explanations tie movement outcomes fairly directly to movement action (although not necessarily just to the level of mobilization attained by a movement). One such explanation, offered by Rochon (1998), mirrors the framing explanation just discussed. Specific- ally, Rochon (1998) argues that language changes as a result of ideational changes, thereby constituting almost a secondary cultural effect of movement framing. Put simply, the better movements are at framing, the more likely values are to change, and, consequently, the more likely language is to change.

Researchers who have examined institutional practice and discourse have also had movement-centered explanations of cultural change. For example, Katzenstein’s religious women are argued to have directly altered discourse by using their insider roles and connections to generate discussions about the place of women in the Catholic Church. Similarly, Epstein (1996) argues that direct action by AIDS activ- ists was critical to the cultural and institutional outcomes that were achieved, as was

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action by doctors who played a bridging role between the movement and medicine. Moore (1999) offers a similar although slightly more elaborated model in which movement-friendly insiders still figure prominently. In her model, changes exogen- ous to science occurred that rendered military-related sciences vulnerable. After protest against the Vietnam War grew, scientists who were both marginally con- nected scientists and marginally connected protesters began to pressure military- related sciences to change. As external pressure grew from the antiwar movement, internal and external pressure mounted until scientific practices and, in some senses, the meaning of science were altered.

Others have examined direct diffusion routes from the movement to subcultures and the general public. In explaining the diffusion of jeans and linguistic practices associated with the South and the civil rights movement, McAdam (1988) suggests that Northern white students who participated in Freedom Summer began emulat- ing SNCC workers. When these students returned to their privileged institutions the following year, these new forms of dress and speech diffused through those campus bodies and into popular culture. McAdam (1994) extends this argument to suggest that network connections to cultural elites are important to explaining cultural outcomes. While not examining culture outcomes, Diani (1997) proposes that networks often play an important role in movement outcomes. In fact, he suggests that networks are so influential that scholars should consider the development of social capital (understood by Diani in terms of network connections) to constitute an important mesolevel outcome of social movements.

Other researchers have tried to blend movement-centered explanations of changes with cultural markets and production systems. For instance, Pescosolida et al. (1997), Farrell (1995), Oldfield (1995) and Eyerman and Jamison (1995) all make use of market dynamics in their explanations of cultural movement outcomes. As discussed above, Pescosolida et al. (1997) attribute a decline in the number of black characters featured in children’s books during the peak of the civil rights movement to countervailing market forces produced by civil rights protest. Publishers thought that blacks were increasingly less likely to purchase books that depicted black characters in traditional or unaffirming ways. Further, even if black consumers would still purchase these books, the civil rights movement would be likely to generate bad press around books that included questionable character- izations of blacks. Publishers also feared that white consumers would not purchase books that featured characters acceptable to the African-American community and to the civil rights movement. Facing market pressures that made any portrayal of black characters a hazardous bet, publishers simply omitted black characters all together.

Similarly, Farrell (1995) shows movements and movement organizations may have to reinvent themselves overtime to adjust to market pressures. According to Farrell, Ms. Magazine was unable to overcome the pressures of advertisers, who did not always bend to the feminist editorial policy of the magazine and who expected free and supportive editorial copy to accompany advertisements. After over more than a decade of struggle with advertisers, Ms. ultimately reissued itself as an ad-free, subscription-based magazine so that it could avoid continuing pressure from advertisers.

Instead of market pressures affecting cultural outcomes, Oldfield (1995) suggests a way in which markets can create opportunities for movements and facilitate

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cultural outcomes.11 His research shows that consumption was used as a marker for social standing in Britain. Thus once abolition began to be seen as a social cause of the middle and upper classes, entrepreneurial abolitionists created art for profit that at once conveyed pro-abolitionist perspectives and the rising class affiliations of the owners.

Eyerman and Jamison’s (1995) research suggests that folk music was in part altered in the 1950s and 1960s because of the massive youth music market that had been created by the baby boom. The large market created interest among recording labels and generated new venues for performers. In turn, this helped to decrease the importance of Old Left influence on folk music, allowing some folk music to become commercialized and other folk music to focus on political issues of the New Left. This is not to suggest that markets were the only influence in Eyerman and Jamison’s explanation. As is true of many of the works that consider the role of markets, social movements were integral in inspiring and actualizing cultural change.

Other researchers look to the cultural production processes, instead of more narrowly at nexus of movement action and market forces and/or opportunities. For instance, both Gamson (1998) and Gamson and Modigliani (1989) argue that media practices and routines are critical to explaining changes in media coverage and changes in discourse. As Gamson and Modigliani summarize: ‘‘pack- ages succeed in media discourse through a combination of cultural resonances, sponsor activities, and a successful fit with media norms and practices’’ (1989: 9). Media norms of interest would be such preferences as tastes for official sources and more institutional sources. As noted above, social movements play key roles as sponsors of certain packages, hoping to effectively advance a preferred package.

Finally, some have advocated for a more full-blown production of culture approach that considers movement influences, market influences, and production- related influences. Eyerman and Barretta (1996) outline such an approach in their explanation of the development and change of folk music, suggesting the following:

The production of culture perspective analyzes forms of cultural expression as products of organized ‘‘worlds’’ or ‘‘fields.’’ Rather than discussing artistic works or other symbolic goods as the product of an isolated creator, or alternatively, as mirroring ‘‘society,’’ this perspective explains them in terms of their location in a social and organizational context. Integrated into an art world or market for symbolic goods, the object (a cultural good) is explained in relation to a social organization of produc- tion, distribution, and recognition. (Eyerman and Barretta 1996: 503–4)

In applying this approach to the case of folk music, they show that a burgeoning youth market, new production processes (e.g., the popularization of the cassette tape), and changing interests of recording labels combined with movement action to fundamentally change folk music:

In attempting to account for both this continuity and change in the two waves of folk revival we have drawn from both the cognitive approach to the study of social movements, which calls attention to the creative role of social-movement actors in the production of knowledge, and the production of culture perspective, which

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highlights the effects of institutional arrangements in the production of cultural goods. From the former, we have focused on the changing character of ‘‘movement intellec- tuals’’ . . . from the latter, we have noted how, among other things, the changing nature of the recording industry helped recast the folk music revival. (Eyerman and Barretta 1996: 536)

Explaining Communities and Cultures

Research on collective identity and subcultures suggests two important casual mechanisms. First, many researchers have stressed the importance of internal move- ment dynamics to the development of collective identities and insular subcul- tures. For instance, Kanter’s (1968, 1972) and Zablocki’s (1971) studies suggest where insular movements are concerned (e.g., utopian and some religious groups), the actual structure and process of group participation shapes the level of commit- ment and identification that members share. Instead of focusing on group processes, NSM scholars, such as Melucci (1989), have argued for the importance of submerged, internal NSM networks and communities in the (re)creation of collect- ive identity.

Showing a similar interest in internal movement dynamics, Taylor and Whittier (1992) attribute the development of lesbian feminist collective identity and commu- nity to disputes within the feminist movement. As was noted above, many promin- ent heterosexual feminists shunned lesbian feminists, fearing that an association between feminism and lesbianism would hurt the women’s movement. In response, lesbian feminists developed a related but nonetheless importantly distinct collective identity. In part, this collective identity was built around a reinterpretation of lesbians’ role in feminism that cast lesbians as a feminist vanguard. This positioning owed to lesbians seemingly unique ability to wholly reject the masculine world and ties to men. Heterosexual women could join this vanguard only if they considered themselves to be ‘‘political lesbians,’’ which were women who were not sexually attracted to other women but who nonetheless wholly rejected the masculine world and ties to men.

Other researchers have suggested that collective identities and subcultures are produced through interaction with and conflict between social movement groups and mainstream culture and institutions. Yinger (1960, 1977, 1982), Hall and Jefferson (1976), Hebdige (1979), and Fantasia (1988) would fall within this camp. Illustratively, Fantasia suggests that conflict forges identities and that the lived experience of that conflict creates ties between participants. Importantly, practice is so critical to the creation of collective identities that such identities are necessarily ephemeral. Fantasia notes quite clearly that class consciousness and solidarity (read: collective identity) are not traits, characteristics, or attitudes; they are emergent properties of conflictual or oppositional encounters and are created out of opposition itself.12

ConclusionConclusion

As this review has made evident, students of social movement outcomes have not reached consensus over what outcomes can be appropriately considered

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cultural, or even on the meaning of culture. Analyzing three dimensions of culture, social movement researchers have instead identified a number of potential social movement outcomes over a broad area of social life, ranging from value and opinion change, to changes in art, to the development of new and distinct collective identities and communities. That is, in a somewhat ironic manner, the polysemic character of culture itself as an analytic concept has produced a diverse set of research projects on cultural movement outcomes.13

Further, cultural outcomes have been explained in very different ways. Even though most work on value and opinion change focuses on framing and most work on collective identity and subcultures focuses on movement activity and conflict, research on cultural production and practices have relied on a number of different explanatory approaches. Such diversity has some advantages. For instance, it should increase the depth at which researchers understand the processes surround- ing movement-related cultural changes and ensure that important theoretical con- tributors to cultural change are not overlooked. However, the wide array of theoretical perspectives coupled with very different conceptualizations of culture also makes evaluating different theoretical propositions and support for those propositions difficult.

Perhaps as important as the theoretical issues of conceptualization and explan- ation are issues of causation that have not been raised in this chapter. As prior reviews of movement outcomes research stress (Giugni 1998; Giugni et al. 1999; Earl 2000), moving from plausible explanations to evidence of causal relations can be much harder than expected where social movement outcomes are concerned. This is arguably even more the case where cultural outcomes are concerned. For instance, to ultimately build a rich and powerful explanation of cultural outcomes, research- ers need to be able to move beyond simply identifying correlations in time and/or space between movement action and cultural changes. Scholars must work toward identifying mechanistic links between movements and possible outcomes, identify- ing and examining the plausibility of causal contenders, and defending against claims of spuriousness (Earl 2000).

Since the primary goal of this chapter was to review the existing literature on cultural outcomes, a more detailed discussion of issues surrounding causality is not warranted here. Nonetheless, it is essential to note that even if the number of research projects on cultural outcomes were to expand dramatically and/or coalesce around specific visions of culture and definitions of cultural outcomes, the literature would still face the significant challenge of demonstrating that the causal explan- ations underlying various approaches are clearly supported by available data. Thus scholars interested in cultural outcomes research should also consult methodological (Earl 2000) and review (Burstein et al. 1995) pieces that confront concerns over causality more directly.

In sum, researchers interested in the cultural consequences of social movements have faced, and will continue to face, a number of concerns in the areas of conceptualization and theoretical explanation. To varying extents, though, a growing pool of scholars have attempted to address these issues and demonstrate that social movements do matter and that movements can shape culture. As this review has shown, the fruits of that labor are thus far varied and interesting.

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Notes

I would like to thank David Snow, Sarah Soule, Hanspeter Kriesi, Jenny Irons, Saylor Breckenridge, and Verta Taylor for their comments and suggestions.

1 I will use ‘‘consequences’’ and ‘‘outcomes’’ interchangeably throughout this review. 2 While Hart (1996) describes these three dimensions of culture as separate meanings for the

concept of culture, I use dimensions instead to emphasize the interrelationships between the three views of culture.

3 While I adopt Hart’s labeling of ‘‘social-psychological’’ research, I acknowledge that much of the research that focuses on this cultural dimension has examined cognitive factors such as beliefs, values, and meanings, while less research has focused on more affective senti- ments.

4 Other researchers have discussed or alluded to cultural changes in terms of changing values, beliefs, or opinions, but their research has not been centrally concerned with explaining cultural outcomes. For instance, Jenness (1990) and Weitzer (1991) both examine the political goals of the prostitutes’ rights movement. However, both also conclude that opinions about prostitution have not fundamentally changed in the US. Relatedly, Bush (1992) examines the policy outcomes of two women’s movements and argues that while policy aims were not achieved, the US battered women’s movement was able to transform domestic abuse from a private to public issue. Since these projects, and others like them, do not directly demonstrate the extent or cause of reported cultural changes, they are not reviewed here.

5 I use the term ‘‘movement’’ here in a more singular manner than many NSM theorists, given that NSM theorists contest the ‘‘reification’’ of social movements, arguing that movements are too heterogeneous, multivocal, and dynamic to be captured by any single description or characterization. This, for instance, is why Melucci (1994) is so clear in arguing that some segments of new social movements may be concerned with policy and the distribution of state resources even while other segments are fundamentally concerned with more cultural contestation.

6 One could argue that theorists have suggested that NSM contest meaning, logics, and practices. However, since the bulk of NSM theory attempts to tie these changes to the larger development of collective identity and subcultures, I do not review that work separately here. Instead, I discuss NSM work again in the discussion of collective identity later in the chapter.

7 Other work has been done in this area but has a less exclusive view identity. For instance, Gould’s (1995) study of identity demonstrated the ways in which multiple sources of identity are available in mobilization. Theoretically, his study made clear that the salience and activation of particular identities within a larger set of available identities is of critical importance and should be the subject of study. However, I do not review his work or other work similar to his because it focuses on mobilization, not outcomes.

8 Certainly some of the works excluded from this review focus on the relationship between resistance and subcultural creation and identity. Nonetheless, because social movements are not centrally important to the explanations, interested readers are referred to the pieces cited in the main text for more detail on this topic.

9 D’Anjou and Van Male (1998) adopt the language of ‘‘interpretative packages’’ instead of frames, drawing in part on Gamson’s and his collaborators prior use of this terminology (Gamson and Lasch 1983; Gamson and Modigliani 1989). While later work by Gamson (1998) predominately uses the language of frames, earlier work by Gamson argued that interpretive packages were distinguishable from frames. D’Anjou and Van Male (1998) extend Gamson’s use of interpretive packages, arguing the interpretative packages include

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10 three components: a cognitive frame, justificatory reasoning, and discussions of ‘‘the effects of what is being framed as an issue’’ (211). In terms of this review’s discussion of discourse and framing, any distinction between a frame and interpretative package is not consequential to this paper’s arguments.

10 Rochon (1998) also considers the relationship between political change and cultural change, but concludes that there is not necessarily a directional relationship between the two. At times political changes create cultural changes, as he argued occurred with equal employment opportunity for women, while at other times cultural changes cause polit- ical changes, as he argued occurred with the failure of the Equal Rights Amendment.

11 It is interesting to note that studies of other types of movement outcomes also show that market opportunities and forces can shape the success of movements. For instance, Rosenberg’s (1991) research on social movements and legal change suggests that move- ments are much more likely to achieve social change when some sort of market imple- mentation of legal decisions is possible. In his examination of abortion-related decisions, for instance, he found the market forces strongly shaped both the immediate provision of abortion services to women after Roe v. Wade and that these same forces accounted for a constriction in abortion services in the 1980s.

12 When conflict over rhetoric between movement insiders and opponents is considered, Hunt et al. (1994) suggest that framing is integrally related to the creation of collective identities.

13 As Earl (2000) points out, even once issues of conceptualization are resolved, cultural outcomes researchers also face major difficulties in the operationalization of the changes they seek to study. Earl (2000) reviews these additional methodological burdens in more detail and suggests approaches designed to overcoming some of these conceptual and methodological obstacles.

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