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SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH METHODS

Learning Objectives Explain why sociological research is necessary and how it challenges our commonsense beliefs about pressing social issues such as suicide.

Compare deductive and inductive approaches in the theory and research cycle.

Distinguish between quantitative research and qualitative research.

List and briefly describe the steps in the quantitative research model.

List and briefly describe the steps in a qualitative research model.

Explain what is meant by survey research and briefly discuss three types of surveys.

Compare research methods used in secondary analysis of existing data, field research, experiments, and triangulation.

Discuss ethical issues in research and identify professional codes that protect research participants.

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A Preventable Tragedy Jumping off the gw [George Washington] bridge. Sorry. —Tyler Clementi, then a freshman at Rutgers University, posted this terse good-bye message on his Facebook page before jumping to his death after his roommate

secretly filmed him during a “sexual encounter” in his dorm room (People, 2010: 58).

Tyler was a fine young man, and a distin- guished musician. The family is heartbroken beyond words. —a statement issued by Tyler’s family (qtd. in Foderaro, 2010: A4)

I will always remember everything from our preschool’s Halloween party to your amazing musical talents. When you picked up the violin and began to play, it was as if every- thing just paused until you put it down. We will never forget you Tyler. May you rest in peace. —a posting on a social network by Courtney Ayukawa, a friend of Tyler (qtd. in Friedman, 2010)

As a parent of two daughters, it breaks my heart. It’s something that just shouldn’t happen in this country. It’s time for Americans to dispel the myth that bullying is “just a normal rite of passage.” I don’t know what it’s like to be picked on for being gay. But I do know what it’s like to grow up feeling that sometimes you don’t belong. It’s tough. But what I want to say is this: You are not alone. You didn’t do anything wrong. You didn’t do anything to deserve being bullied. —President Barack Obama commenting on the death of Tyler Clementi, as well as on the suicides of other young people who experienced bullying or taunting for being gay (qtd. in Powers, 2010)

C learly, the internationally publicized sui-cide of Tyler Clementi deeply touched his family, friends, and millions of people who did not know him. In fact, the Tyler Clementi Foundation was established following Tyler’s death to promote safe, inclusive, and respect- ful social environments in homes, schools, churches, and the digital world for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youths and their allies. (See the Tyler Clementi Foundation Facebook page.)

Tragic suicides such as this also raise important sociological questions about the individual and social causes of behavior such as suicide. Although we will

never know the full story of Tyler’s life, this tragic occurrence brings us to larger sociological ques- tions: Why does anyone commit suicide? Is suicide purely an individual phenomenon, or is it related to our social interactions and the social environment and society in which we live? How have cell phones, webcams, the Internet, and other digital technolo- gies affected our communications—both positively and negatively—with others?

In this chapter we examine how sociological theories and research help us understand social life, including seemingly individualistic acts such as committing suicide. We will see how sociological

● Tyler Clementi, a gifted violinist and first-year student at Rutgers University, committed suicide after becoming the victim of online bullying. Studying sociology provides us with new insights on problems such as suicide by making us aware that much more goes on in social life than we initially observe.

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theory and research methods might be used to answer complex questions, and we will wrestle with some of the difficulties that sociologists experience as they study human behavior.

Why Sociological Research Is Necessary Most of us rely on our own experiences and per- sonal knowledge to help us form ideas about what

happens in everyday life and how the social world works. However, there are

many occasions when this personal knowledge is not enough to provide a thorough understanding of what is going on around us. This is why sociologists and other social scientists learn to question ordi- nary assumptions and to use specific research meth- ods to find out more about the social world.

Sociologists obtain their knowledge of human behavior through research, which results in a body of information that helps us move beyond guess- work and common sense in understanding society. The sociological perspective incorporates theory and research to arrive at a more accurate under- standing of the “hows” and “whys” of human social interaction. Once we have an informed perspective about social issues, we are in a better position to find solutions and make changes. Social research, then, is a key part of sociology.

Common Sense and Sociological Research How does sociological research challenge our com- monsense beliefs about an issue? Consider our discussion of suicide, for example. Most of us have commonsense ideas about suicide. Common sense may tell us that people who threaten suicide will not commit suicide. However, sociological research indicates that this assumption is frequently incor- rect: People who threaten to kill themselves are often sending messages to others and may indeed attempt suicide. Common sense may also tell us that suicide is caused by despair or depression. However, research suggests that suicide is sometimes used as a means of lashing out at friends and relatives because of real or imagined wrongs. Research also shows that some younger people commit suicide because they believe there is no way out of their problems, particularly when they are continually harassed or bullied by individuals whom they encounter daily. Before reading on, take the Sociology and Everyday Life quiz to find out more about suicide.

Historically, the commonsense view of suicide was that it was a sin, a crime, and a mental illness. French sociologist Emile Durkheim refused to accept these explanations. In what is probably the first soci- ological study to use scientific research methods, he related suicide to the issue of cohesiveness (or lack of cohesiveness) in society instead of viewing suicide as an isolated act that could be understood only by

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How Much Do You Know About Suicide?

Sociology and Everyday Life

True False

T F 1. Suicide is the number-one cause of injury-related death in the United States. T F 2. There is 1 suicide for every 25 attempted suicides annually in the United States. T F 3. Suicide rates are lower for young Native Americans (American Indians) and Alaska Natives between

the ages of 15 to 34 than for persons in the same age bracket for any other racial/ethnic category in the United States.

T F 4. In grades 9 through 12, significantly more Latina (Hispanic) female students report that they have attempted suicide in the last year than African American (black), non-Latin female students, and white American, non-Hispanic female students.

T F 5. Females complete suicide (take their own life) at a much higher rate than that of males. T F 6. Firearms are the most commonly used method of suicide among males and females. T F 7. Alcohol intoxication is present in nearly one-fourth of all suicide deaths in the United States. T F 8. Government agencies such as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have developed public

health programs to prevent suicidal behavior and now emphasize that promoting individual, family, and community connectedness is an important way to prevent such behavior.

Answers on page 39.

studying individual personalities or inherited ten- dencies. In Suicide (1964b/1897), Durkheim docu- mented his contention that a high suicide rate was symptomatic of large-scale societal problems. In the process he developed an approach to research that influences researchers to this day (see “Sociology Works!”). As we discuss sociological research, we will use the problem of suicide to demonstrate the research process.

Because much of sociology deals with everyday life, we might think that common sense, our own personal experiences, and the media are the best sources of information. However, our personal expe- riences are subjective, and much of the information provided by the media comes from sources seeking

support for a particular point of view. The content of the media is also influenced by the necessity of sell- ing advertisements based on readership, audience ratings, or the number of hits that a website receives.

We need to be able to evaluate the informa- tion we receive. This is especially true because the quantity—but, in some instances, not the quality— of information available has grown dramatically as a result of the information explosion brought about by computers and by the telecommunications industry.

Sociology and Scientific Evidence In taking this course, you will be studying social sci- ence research and may be asked to write research

Durkheim’s Classical Study of Suicide and Young People in India Today

Sociology Works!

The bond attaching [people] to life slackens because the bond which attaches [them] to society is itself slack.

—Emile Durkheim, Suicide (1964b/1897)

Although this statement described social conditions accom- panying the high rates of suicide found in late nineteenth- century France, Durkheim’s words ring true today as we look at contemporary suicide rates for young people in cities such as New Delhi, India. Suicide rates in India are highest in the 15–29 age category and are especially great among those living in the wealthier and more-educated regions of the nation (NDTV.com, 2012; Lancet, 2012).

Doesn’t this seem unlikely? Many people think rural farm- ers facing poor harvests and high debt would have the highest risk of suicide; however, this has not proven true in India. At first glance, we might think that economic success and a good edu- cation would provide insurance against suicide because of the

greater happiness and job satisfaction among individuals in cities such as New Delhi, as these individuals have gained new opportunities and higher salaries in recent years. However, this economic boom—including the more-open markets of India in the past twenty years—has not only created new opportu- nities for people; these changes have also contributed to rapid urbanization and weakened social ties. The result? Intensified job anxiety, higher expectations, and more pressure for indi- vidual achievement. Social bonds have been weakened or dissolved as people move away from their families and their community, and, ironically, newer technologies such as cell phones and social networking sites have contributed to the breakdown of traditional family units as communication has become more impersonal and fragmented.

In addition, life in the cities moves at a much faster pace than in the rural areas, and many individuals experience lone- liness, sleep disorders, family discord, and major health risks such as heart disease and depression (Mahapatra, 2007). In the words of Ramachandra Guha (2004), a historian residing in India, Durkheim’s sociology of suicide remains highly rel- evant to finding new answers to this challenging problem: “The rash of suicides in city and village is a qualitatively new development in our history. We sense that tragedies are as much social as they are individual. But we know very little of what lies behind them. What we now await, in sum, is an Indian Durkheim.”

reflect & analyze How does sociology help us to examine seemingly private acts such as suicide within a larger social context? Why are some people more inclined to commit suicide if they are not part of a strong social fabric and have, at the same time, high job anxiety and intensive pressure to achieve?

● Why might those living in large cities in India be more prone to suicide than those living in rural areas?

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reports or read and evaluate journal articles. If you attend graduate or professional school in fields that use sociological research, you will be expected to evaluate existing research and perhaps do your own. Hopefully, you will find that social research is relevant to the practical, everyday concerns of the real world.

Sociology involves debunking—the unmasking of fallacies (false or mistaken ideas or opinions) in the everyday and official interpretations of society (Mills, 1959b). Because problems such as suicide involve threats to existing societal values, we can- not analyze these problems without acknowledging the values involved. For example, should assisted suicide for terminally ill patients who wish to die be legal? We often answer questions like this by using either the normative or the empirical approach. The normative approach uses religion, customs, habits, traditions, and law to answer important questions. It is based on strong beliefs about what is right and wrong and what “ought to be” in society. Issues such as assisted suicide are often answered by the norma- tive approach.

Although these issues are immediate and pro- found, some sociologists discourage the use of the normative approach in their field and advocate

the use of the empirical approach instead. The empirical approach attempts to answer questions through systematic collection and analysis of data. This approach is referred to as the conventional model, or the “scientific method,” and is based on the assumption that knowledge is best gained by direct, systematic observation. Two basic scien- tific standards must be met: (1) scientific beliefs should be supported by good evidence or infor- mation, and (2) these beliefs should be open to public debate and critiques from other scholars, with alternative interpretations being considered (Cancian, 1992).

The Theory and Research Cycle The relationship between theory and research has been referred to as a continuous cycle, as shown in ● Figure 2.1 (Wallace, 1971). You will recall that a

theory is a set of logically interrelated statements that attempts to describe,

explain, and (occasionally) predict social events. A theory attempts to explain why something is the way it is. Research is the process of systematically collecting information for the purpose of testing an existing theory or generating a new one.

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1. True. Suicide became the number-one cause of injury-related death in the United States, surpassing car accidents, between 2000 and 2009 (the latest year for which data are available), when the death rate for suicide increased by 15 percent and decreased by 25 percent for car accidents.

2. True. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1 completed suicide occurs for every 25 persons who attempt suicide in the United States.

3. False. Native Americans (First Americans or American Indians) and Alaska Natives have the highest suicide rates per 100,000 in the United States. Among teens and young adults ages 15 to 34, the rate is 27.3 per 100,000, which is 2.4 times higher than the national average for that age group (11.4 per 100,000).

4. True. Significantly more Latina (Hispanic) female students (13.5 percent) reported attempting suicide in the last year than African American (black), non-Latin female students, and white American, non-Hispanic female students (7.9 percent).

5. False. Males complete suicide at a rate four times that of females. Male suicides account for 78.8 percent of all completed suicides in the United States; however, females are more likely than males to have had suicidal thoughts.

6. False. Although firearms are the most commonly used method of suicide among males (56.1 percent), poisoning is the most common method of suicide for females (38 percent).

7. True. Alcohol intoxication is present in 24 percent (nearly one-fourth) of all suicide deaths in the United States.

8. True. Government organizations such as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have developed these programs and now emphasize that promoting individual, family, and community connectedness is an important way to prevent such behavior.

Sources: Based on Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012d, 2012e.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Suicide

Sociology and Everyday Life

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The theory and research cycle consists of deduc- tive and inductive approaches. In the deductive approach the researcher begins with a theory and uses research to test the theory. This approach proceeds as follows: (1) theories generate hypoth- eses, (2) hypotheses lead to observations (data gathering), (3) observations lead to the formation of generalizations, and (4) generalizations are used to support the theory, to suggest modifications to

it, or to refute it. To illustrate, if we use the deduc- tive method to determine why people commit sui- cide, we start by formulating a theory about the “causes” of suicide and then test our theory by col- lecting and analyzing data (for example, vital sta- tistics on suicides or surveys to determine whether adult church members view suicide differently from nonmembers).

In the inductive approach the researcher collects information or data (facts or evidence) and then generates theories from the analysis of that data. Under the inductive approach, we would proceed as follows: (1) specific observations suggest gener- alizations, (2) generalizations produce a tentative theory, (3) the theory is tested through the forma- tion of hypotheses, and (4) hypotheses may pro- vide suggestions for additional observations. Using the inductive approach to study suicide, we might start by simultaneously collecting and analyzing data related to suicidal behavior and then generate a theory. Researchers may break into the cycle at dif- ferent points depending on what they want to know and what information is available.

Theory gives meaning to research; research helps support theory. Sociologists suggest that a healthy skepticism (a feature of science) is important in research because it keeps us open to the possibility of alternative explanations. Some degree of skepti- cism is built into each step of the research process.

The Sociological Research Process Not all sociologists conduct research in the same manner. Some researchers primarily engage in quan- titative research, whereas others engage in qualita-

tive research. With quantitative research, the goal is scientific objectivity, and the

focus is on data that can be measured numerically. Quantitative research typically emphasizes complex statistical techniques. Most sociological studies on suicide have used quantitative research. They have compared rates of suicide with almost every con- ceivable variable, including age, sex, race/ethnic- ity, education, and even sports participation. The “Understanding Statistical Data Presentations” box explains how to read a table, interpret the data, and draw conclusions.

With qualitative research, interpretive description (words) rather than statistics (numbers) is used to analyze underlying meanings and patterns of social relationships. An example of qualitative research is a study in which the researcher systematically ana- lyzed the contents of the notes of suicide victims to determine recurring themes, such as a feeling of

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Theories

Observations

Generalizations Hypotheses

DEDUCTIVE SCIENCE

INDUCTIVE SCIENCE

● FIGURE 2.1 THE THEORY AND RESEARCH CYCLE The theory and research cycle can be compared to a relay race; although all participants do not necessarily start or stop at the same point, they share a common goal—to examine all levels of social life. Source: Adapted from Walter Wallace, The Logic of Science in Sociology. New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1971.

● Why do older African American men have a lower rate of suicide than white males of similar ages? Questions such as this often serve as the foundation for explanatory studies as sociologists attempt to understand and describe certain cause-and-effect relationships.

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despair or failure. Through this study the researcher hoped to determine whether any patterns could be found that would help in understanding why people might kill themselves.

The Quantitative Research Model Research models are tailored to the specific prob-

lem being investigated and the focus of the researcher. Both quantitative

research and qualitative research contribute to our

knowledge of society and human social interac- tion, and both involve a series of steps, as shown in ● Figure 2.2. We will now trace the steps in the “con- ventional” research model, which focuses on quanti- tative research. Then we will describe an alternative model that emphasizes qualitative research. 1. Select and define the research problem. When you

engage in research, the first step is to select and clearly define the research topic. Sometimes, a specific experience such as having known

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Statistical Data Presentations Are young males or females more likely to die vio- lently? How do homicide, suicide, and firearm death rates (per 100,000 population) compare for males and females ages 15 to 19 in the United States? Sociologists use statis- tical tables as a concise way to present data in a relatively small space; ■ Table 2.1 gives an example. To understand a table, follow these steps:

1. Read the title. From the title, “Rates (per 100,000 U.S. Population) for Homicide, Suicide, and Firearm-Related Deaths of Youths Ages 15–19, by Gender, 2009,” we learn that the table shows relationships between two variables: gender and three causes of violent deaths among young people in a specific age category.

2. Check the source and other explanatory notes. In this case, the sources are the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012b (“Web-Based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System [WISQARS]”), which makes it pos- sible for researchers to put in online inquiries for specific information from the CDC’s database, and Child Trends Data Bank (2012). This data bank is a nonprofit research and policy center that researches issues pertaining to children and young people. The explanatory note in this table states that firearm deaths, which constitute a majority of teen homicides and suicides, may also include accidental deaths that are firearm related. This distinction is made in Table 2.1 because it is possible for “Firearm-Related Death” to occur accidentally; however, firearms were the method of death in 84 percent of teen homicides and 44 percent of teen suicides in 2009.

3. Read the headings for each column and each row. The main column headings in Table 2.1 are “Method,” “Males,” and “Females.” The columns present informa- tion (usually numbers) arranged vertically. The rows present information horizontally. Here, the row head- ings indicate homicide, suicide, and firearm-related death. Based on the explanation above regarding “Firearm-Related Death,” we know that some overlap exists between the first two categories—homicide and suicide—and the third, deaths that are firearm related.

4. Examine and compare the data. To examine the data, determine what units of measurement have been used.

In Table 2.1 the figures are rates per 100,000 males or females in a specific age category. For example, the sui- cide rate is 12 per 100,000 population of males between the ages of 15 and 19 as compared with only 3.3 per 100,000 population of females in the same age category.

5. Draw conclusions. By looking for patterns, some con- clusions can be drawn from Table 2.1: a. Determining differences by gender. Males between

the ages of 15 and 19 are about four times more likely than females to die from suicide (12.0 com- pared with 3.3 per 100,000 in 2009). Males in this age category are almost six times more likely to die from homicide (14.9 compared with 2.6 per 100,000). And even more noteworthy, males are eight times more likely to die from a firearm-related incident (either intentional or unintentional) than females of this age. As shown in Table 2.1, 19.9 per 100,000 males ages 15–19 died by firearms in 2009, compared with 2.5 per 100,000 females in that same age category.

b. Drawing appropriate conclusions. Although the rate of teen suicides has been relatively stable (between 7 and 8 per 100,000) over the past decade, impor- tant differences by gender exist. Males between the ages of 15 and 19 are much more likely than females in their age category to die violently, and many of those deaths are firearm related.

understanding

table 2.1 Rates (per 100,000 U.S. Population) for Homicide, Suicide, and Firearm-Related Deaths of Youths Ages 15–19, by Gender, 2009 Method Males Females

Homicide 14.9 2.6

Suicide 12.0 3.3

Firearm-Related Deatha

19.9 2.5

aFirearm deaths, which constitute a majority of teen homicides and suicides, also include accidental deaths that are firearm related. Sources: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012b (“Web-Based Injury Sta- tistics Query and Reporting System [WISQARS]”); and Child Trends Data Bank, 2012.

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someone who committed suicide can trigger your interest in a topic. Other times, you might select topics to fill gaps or challenge misconceptions in existing research or to test a specific theory (Bab- bie, 2013). Emile Durkheim selected suicide be- cause he wanted to demonstrate the importance of society in situations that might appear to be arbitrary acts by individuals: In his time, suicide was widely believed to be a uniquely individual- istic act. Durkheim emphasized that suicide rates provide better explanations for suicide than do individual acts of suicide. He reasoned that if sui- cide were purely an individual act, then the rate of suicide (the relative number of people who kill themselves each year) should be the same for every group regardless of culture and social structure. Durkheim wanted to know why there were different rates of suicide—whether factors such as religion, marital status, sex, and age had an effect on social cohesion.

2. Review previous research. Before you begin your research, it is important to review the literature to see what others have written about the topic. Analyzing what previous researchers have found helps to clarify issues and focus the direction of your own research. But when Durkheim began his study, very little sociological literature

existed for him to review other than the works of Henry Morselli (1975/1881), who concluded that suicide was a part of an evolutionary process whereby “weak-brained” individuals were sorted out by insanity and voluntary death.

3. Formulate the hypothesis (if applicable). You may formulate a hypothesis—a tentative statement of the relationship between two or more concepts. Concepts are the abstract elements represent- ing some aspect of the world in simplified form (such as “social integration” or “loneliness”). As you formulate your hypothesis about suicide, you may need to convert concepts to variables. A variable is any concept with measurable traits or characteristics that can change or vary from one person, time, situation, or society to another. Variables are the observable and/or measurable counterparts of concepts. For example, “suicide” is a concept; the “rate of suicide” is a variable.

The most fundamental relationship in a hy- pothesis is between a dependent variable and one or more independent variables (see ● Figure 2.3). The independent variable is presumed to cause or determine a dependent variable. Age, sex, race, and ethnicity are often used as independent variables. The dependent variable is assumed to depend on or be caused by the independent

Generate hypotheses for theory construction, draw conclusions, and

report the findings

Collect and analyze the data

Develop the research design

Formulate the hypothesis

Review the literature

Draw conclusions; report the findings

Collect and analyze the data

Develop the research design

Review the literature

Collect and analyze the data

Develop the research design

Select and define the research problem

Review the literature

DEDUCTIVE METHOD (Classic)

INDUCTIVE METHOD (Inclusive)

● FIGURE 2.2 STEPS IN SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH © Cengage Learning

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variable(s) (Babbie, 2013). Durkheim used the degree of social integration in society as the in- dependent variable to determine its influence on the dependent variable, the rate of suicide.

Whether a variable is dependent or indepen- dent depends on the context in which it is used. To use variables in the contemporary research process, sociologists create operational defini- tions. An operational definition is an explanation of an abstract concept in terms of observable features that are specific enough to measure the variable. For example, suppose that your goal is to earn an A in this course. Your professor may have created an operational definition by defining an A as earning an exam average of 90 percent or above (Babbie, 2013).

Events such as suicide are too complex to be caused by any one variable. Therefore, they must be explained in terms of multiple causation—that is, an event occurs as a result of many factors

operating in combination. What does cause sui- cide? Social scientists cite multiple causes, includ- ing rapid social change, economic conditions, hopeless poverty, and lack of religiosity (the de- gree to which an individual or group feels com- mitted to a particular system of religious beliefs).

4. Develop the research design. In developing the re- search design, you must first consider the units of analysis and the time frame of the study. A unit of analysis is what or whom is being studied

hypothesis in research studies, a tentative statement of the relationship between two or more concepts.

independent variable a variable that is presumed to cause or determine a dependent variable.

dependent variable a variable that is assumed to depend on or be caused by the independent variable(s).

Causal relationship Causal relationship

Inverse causal relationship (Durkheim)

Multiple-cause explanation

● FIGURE 2.3 HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN VARIABLES A causal hypothesis connects one or more independent (causal) variables with a dependent (affected) variable. The diagram illustrates three hypotheses about the causes of suicide. To test these hypotheses, social scientists would need to operationalize the variables (define them in measurable terms) and then investigate whether the data support the proposed explanation. © Cengage Learning

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(Babbie, 2013). In social science research, indi- viduals are the most typical unit of analysis. So- cial groups (such as families, cities, or geographic regions), organizations (such as clubs, labor unions, or political parties), and social artifacts (such as books, paintings, or weddings) may also be units of analysis. Durkheim’s unit of analysis was social groups, not individuals, because he be- lieved that the study of individual cases of suicide would not explain the rates of suicide.

After determining the unit of analysis for your study, you must select a time frame for study: cross-sectional or longitudinal. Cross-sectional studies are based on observations that take place at a single point in time; these studies focus on behavior or responses at a specific moment. Lon- gitudinal studies are concerned with what is hap- pening over a period of time or at several different points in time; they focus on processes and social change. Some longitudinal studies are designed to examine the same set of people each time, whereas others look at trends within a general population. Using longitudinal data, Durkheim was able to compare suicide rates over a period of time in France and other European nations.

5. Collect and analyze the data. Your next step is to collect and analyze data. You must decide which population—persons about whom we want to be able to draw conclusions—will be observed or questioned. Then it is necessary to select a sample of people from the larger population to be studied. It is important that the sample accurately represents the larger population. For example, if you arbitrarily selected five students from your class to interview about the problem

of bullying, they probably would not be repre- sentative of your school’s total student body. However, if you selected five students from the total student body by a random sample, they might be closer to being representative (al- though a random sample of five students would be too small to yield much useful data). In random sampling, every member of an entire population being studied has the same chance of being selected. You would have a more rep- resentative sample of the total student body, for example, if you placed all the students’ names in a rotating drum and conducted a drawing. By contrast, in probability sampling, participants are deliberately chosen because they have spe- cific characteristics, possibly including such factors as age, sex, race/ethnicity, and educa- tional attainment.

For his study of suicide, Durkheim collected data from vital statistics for approximately 26,000 suicides. He classified them separately according to age, sex, marital status, presence or absence of children in the family, religion, geographic loca- tion, calendar date, method of suicide, and a num- ber of other variables. As Durkheim analyzed his data, four distinct categories of suicide emerged: egoistic, altruistic, anomic, and fatalistic. Egoistic suicide occurs among people who are isolated from any social group. For example, Durkheim concluded that suicide rates were relatively high in Protestant countries in Europe because Prot- estants believed in individualism and were more loosely tied to the church than were Catholics. Single people had proportionately higher suicide rates than married persons because they had a low degree of social integration, which contrib- uted to their loneliness. In contrast, altruistic suicide occurs among individuals who are ex- cessively integrated into society. An example is military leaders who kill themselves after defeat in battle because they have so strongly identified themselves with their cause that they believe they cannot live with defeat. Today, other factors such as extended periods of military service or lengthy wars may also contribute to relatively high rates of suicide among U.S. military personnel (see “Sociology and Social Policy”). According to Durkheim, people are more likely to kill them- selves when social cohesion is either very weak or very strong, and/or when nations experience rapid social change.

We have traced the steps in the “conventional” research process (based on quantitative research). But what steps might be taken in an alternative approach based on qualitative research?

● An operational definition is an explanation of an abstract concept in terms of observable features that are specific enough to measure the variable. For example, the operational definition of an A may be an exam average of 90 percent or above. After college professors have established the grading requirements for a course, students seek to meet those expectations by performing well on examinations.

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Grandpa, I just wanted to give you my thanks for being a great influence in my life.

—Marine Corporal Daniel O’Brien, who completed two tours of duty in Iraq, sent a note containing this statement to his grandfather prior to taking his own life (qtd. in Roberts, 2011).

We think that we are seeing a societal problem [in regard to suicides by military personnel], and frankly the Army is the canary in the mine shaft here.

—General Ray Carpenter, commander of the Army National Guard, discussing how the incidence of suicide has continued to be a problem in most branches of the U.S. military (qtd. in Roberts, 2011)

Suicide is a problem nationwide, but it has grown as a special problem in the military, where it is now the number- two cause of death (after combat) of U.S. service members (Bumiller, 2012). Pentagon figures show that suicides among troops occur on average once a day and that there have been increases among active-duty members in all the services except the Navy. It is estimated that since 2001, more than 2,500 active-duty service members have taken their own lives (Zoroya, 2012).

Shocked by relatively high rates of both suicide and sui- cide attempts among military service members in the Air Force, Army, Navy, and Marine Corps, the United States Department of Defense and the Executive Branch of the U.S. Government have encouraged all branches of the military to

learn more about the sociological causes of suicide and to develop comprehensive suicide prevention initiatives to help reduce the problem and support military service members around the globe. An executive order, “Improving Access to Mental Health for Veterans, Service Members and Military Families,” signed by President Barack Obama in 2012, set forth nearly a dozen initiatives designed to improve mental health resources and intervention tools. Among those initiatives was improving the capacity of crisis lines and increasing the number of peer-to-peer counselors and mental health pro- fessionals that is available to service members and veterans. For example, “telehealth” programs, such as treatment over the phone or Internet video chats, have been implemented to help professionals reach service members stationed in remote or rural areas (Wong, 2011).

Sociological issues are apparent in government reports and policy pertaining to dealing with suicidal behavior in the military. According to one report by the U.S. Army (2012: 51),

Each potential suicide or attempted suicide is different with respect to contributing factors and triggering events. Each victim responds differently to pre-suicide stressors based on protective factors such as personal resilience, coping skills, and whether or not they are help-seeking. . . . To be sure, the Army has investigated numerous suicide cases that, in hind- sight, seemed to present a clear trail of behavioral indicators that may have afforded leaders or others in the social circle an opportunity to respond.

Studies are being conducted by the Army, which has the highest suicide rate (on par with the civilian rate), to gain a better understanding of why suicides are happening and what might be done to prevent this pressing problem. Although no single cause can be identified for suicide, factors such as financial worries, relationship issues, legal trouble, substance abuse, medical problems, and posttraumatic stress are all thought to be associated with suicidal behavior among military personnel. Perhaps greater awareness and new social policies being implemented by the military will help reduce this problem in the future.

reflect & analyze How might lengthy wars and deployments away from home contribute to suicidal behavior among troops? Do you anticipate that military suicide rates might decrease in peacetime? Why or why not?

Establishing Policies to Help Prevent Military Suicides

and Social PolicySociology

● What unique social conditions do military personnel face that might contribute to suicide or other conditions such as depression and alcoholism?

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A Qualitative Research Model Although the same underlying logic is involved in both quantitative and qualitative sociological research, the styles of these two models are very dif-

ferent (King, Keohane, and Verba, 1994). As previously stated, qualitative research

is more likely to be used when the research question does not easily lend itself to numbers and statisti- cal methods. As compared to a quantitative model, a qualitative approach often involves a different type of research question and a smaller number of cases.

Although the qualitative approach follows the conventional research approach in presenting a problem, asking a question, collecting and ana- lyzing data, and seeking to answer the question, it also has several unique features (based on Creswell, 1998; and Kvale, 1996): 1. The researcher begins with a general approach

rather than a highly detailed plan. Flexibility is necessary because of the nature of the research question. The topic needs to be explored so that we can know “how” or “what” is going on, but we may not be able to explain “why” a particular social phenomenon is occurring.

2. The researcher has to decide when the literature review and theory application should take place. Initial work may involve redefining existing con- cepts or reconceptualizing how existing studies have been conducted. The literature review may take place at an early stage, before the research design is fully developed, or it may occur after the development of the research design and after the data collection has already occurred.

3. The study presents a detailed view of the topic. Qualitative research usually involves a smaller number of cases and many variables, whereas quantitative researchers typically work with a few variables and many cases.

4. Access to people or other resources that can provide the necessary data is crucial. Unlike the quantita- tive researcher, who often uses existing databases, many qualitative researchers generate their own data. As a result, it is necessary to have access to people and build rapport with them.

5. Appropriate research method(s) are important for acquiring useful qualitative data. Qualitative studies are often based on field research such as observation, participant observation, case stud- ies, ethnography, and unstructured interviews, as discussed in the “Research Methods” section of this chapter. How might qualitative research be used to study

suicidal behavior? In studying different rates of suicide among women and men, for example, the social psychologist Silvia Canetto (1992) questioned

whether existing theories and quantitative research provided an adequate explanation for gender dif- ferences in suicidal behavior and decided that she would explore alternate explanations. Analyzing previous research, Canetto learned that most studies linked suicidal behavior in women to problems in their personal relationships, particularly with mem- bers of the opposite sex. By contrast, most studies of men’s suicides focused on their performance and found that men are more likely to be suicidal when their self-esteem and independence are threatened. According to Canetto’s analysis, gender differences in suicidal behavior are more closely associated with beliefs about and expectations for men and women rather than purely interpersonal crises.

As in Canetto’s study, researchers using a qualita- tive approach may engage in problem formulation to clarify the research question and to develop ques- tions of concern and interest to the research par- ticipants. To create a research design for Canetto’s study, we might start with the proposition that most studies may have attributed women’s and men’s sui- cidal behavior to the wrong causes. Next, we might decide to interview people who have attempted suicide by using a collaborative approach in which the participants suggest avenues of inquiry that the researcher should explore.

Although Canetto did not gather data in her study, she reevaluated existing research, concluding that alternative explanations of women’s and men’s suicidal behavior are justified from existing data.

In a qualitative approach the next step is col- lecting and analyzing data to assess the validity of the starting proposition. Data gathering is the foundation of the research. Researchers pursuing a qualitative approach tend to gather data in natural settings, such as where the person lives or works,

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● Sociological research on suicide has begun to look at issues such as what social factors might motivate suicide bombers. Some researchers might ask why suicide bomber Raed Abdel-Hameed Mesk (shown here with his children) would take his own life in the process of committing a terrorist act.

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rather than in a laboratory or other research set- ting. Data collection and analysis frequently occur concurrently, and the analysis draws heavily on the language of the persons being studied, not the researcher.

Research Methods How do sociologists know which research method to use? Are some approaches better than others? Which method is best for a particular problem? Research methods are specific strategies or tech- niques for systematically conducting research. We will look at four of these methods.

Survey Research A survey is a poll in which the researcher gathers facts or attempts to determine the relationships among facts. Surveys are the most widely used research method in the social sciences because they make it possible to study things that are not directly

observable—such as people’s attitudes and beliefs—and to describe a popula-

tion too large to observe directly (Babbie, 2013). Researchers frequently select a representative sam- ple (a small group of respondents) from a larger population (the total group of people) to answer questions about their attitudes, opinions, or behav- ior. Respondents are persons who provide data for analysis through interviews or questionnaires. The Gallup, Harris, Roper, and Pew polls are among the most widely known large-scale surveys; how- ever, government agencies such as the U.S. Census Bureau conduct a variety of surveys as well.

Unlike many polls that use various methods of gaining a representative sample of the larger popu- lation, the Census Bureau attempts to gain infor- mation from all persons in the United States. The decennial census occurs every 10 years, in the years ending in “0.” The purpose of this census is to count the population and housing units of the entire United States. The population count determines how seats in the U.S. House of Representatives are apportioned; however, census figures are also used in formulating public policy and in planning and decision making in the private sector. Statistics from the Census Bureau provide information that soci- ologists use in their research. An example is shown in the Census Profiles feature: “How People in the United States Self-Identify Regarding Race.”

Let’s take a brief look at the most frequently used types of surveys.

Types of Surveys Survey data are collected by using self-administered questionnaires, face-to-face

interviews, and telephone or computer surveys. A questionnaire is a printed res earch instrument con- taining a series of items to which subjects respond. Items are often in the form of statements with which the respondent is asked to “agree” or “disagree.” Questionnaires may be administered by interviewers

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random sampling a study approach in which every member of an entire population being studied has the same chance of being selected.

probability sampling choosing participants for a study on the basis of specific characteristics, possibly including such factors as age, sex, race/ethnicity, and educational attainment.

research methods specific strategies or techniques for systematically conducting research.

survey a poll in which the researcher gathers facts or attempts to determine the relationships among facts.

respondents persons who provide data for analysis through interviews or questionnaires.

questionnaire a printed research instrument containing a series of items to which subjects respond.

● Conducting surveys and polls is an important means of gathering data from respondents. Some surveys take place on street corners; increasingly, however, such surveys are done by telephone, the Internet, or other means.

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in face-to-face encounters or by telephone, but the most commonly used technique is the self- administered questionnaire. The questionnaires are typically mailed or delivered to the respondents' homes; however, they may also be administered to groups of respondents gathered at the same place at the same time. For example, the sociologist Kevin E. Early (1992) used survey data collected through questionnaires to test his hypothesis that suicide rates are lower among African Americans than among white Americans because of the influence of the black church. Data from questionnaires filled out by mem- bers of six African American churches in Florida supported Early’s hypothesis that the church buffers some African Americans against harsh social forces, such as racism, that might otherwise lead to suicide.

Survey data may also be collected by interviews. An interview is a data-collection encounter in which an interviewer asks the respondent ques- tions and records the answers. Survey research often uses structured interviews, in which the inter- viewer asks questions from a standardized question- naire. Structured interviews tend to produce uniform or replicable data that can be elicited time after time by different interviews. For example, in addition to surveying congregation members, Early (1992) con- ducted interviews with pastors of African American churches to determine the pastors’ opinions about the extent to which the African American church reinforces values and beliefs that discourage suicide.

Interviews have specific advantages. They are usually more effective in dealing with com- plicated issues and provide an opportunity for face-to-face communication between the inter- viewer and the respondent. Although interviews provide a wide variety of useful information, a major disadvantage is the cost and time involved in conducting the interviews and analyzing the results. A quicker method of administering ques- tionnaires is the telephone or computer survey. Telephone and computer surveys give greater control over data collection and provide greater personal safety for respondents and researchers than do personal encounters. In computer-assisted telephone interviewing (sometimes called CATI), the interviewer uses a computer to dial random telephone numbers, reads the questions shown on the video monitor to the respondent, and then types the responses into the computer terminal. The answers are immediately stored in the cen- tral computer, which automatically prepares them for data analysis. However, the respondent must answer the phone before the interview can take place, and many people screen their phone calls. In the 2010s, online survey research has increased dramatically as software packages and online

How People in the United States Self-Identify Regarding Race

Beginning with Census 2000 and continuing with Cen- sus 2010, the U.S. Census Bureau has made it possible for people responding to census questions regard- ing their race to mark more than one racial category. Although the vast majority of respondents select only one category (see below), the Census Bureau reports that in 2003, approximately 4.3 million people (1.48 percent of the population) in the United States self- identified as being of more than one race. As a result, if you look at the figures set forth below, they total more than 100 percent of the total population. How can this be? Simply stated, some individuals are counted at least twice, based on the number of racial categories they listed.

Race

Percentage of Total Population

White alone or in combination with one or more other races

74.8

African American alone or in com- bination with one or more other races

13.6

Asian American alone or in com- bination with one or more other races

5.6

Native American and Alaska Native alone or in combination with one or more other races

1.7

Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander alone or in combination with one or more other races

0.4

Some other race alone or in com- bination with one or more other races

7.0

census Profiles

African American only 12.8%

White only 80.5%

Asian American only 4.1%

Native American only 0.95%

Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander only 0.17%

Two or more races 1.48%

Source: Humes, Jones, and Ramirez, 2011.

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survey services have made this type of research easier to conduct. Online research makes it pos- sible to study virtual communities, online rela- tionships, and other types of computer-mediated communications networks around the world.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Surveys Survey research is useful in describing the character- istics of a large population without having to inter- view each person in that population. In recent years, computer technology has enhanced researchers’ ability to do multivariate analysis—research involv- ing more than two independent variables. For exam- ple, to assess the influence of religion on suicidal behavior among African Americans, a researcher might look at the effects of age, sex, income level, and other variables all at once to determine which of these independent variables influences suicide the most or least and how influential each variable is relative to the others. However, a weakness of survey research is the use of standardized questions; this approach tends to force respondents into categories in which they may or may not belong. Moreover,

survey research relies on self-reported information, and some people may be less than truthful, particu- larly on emotionally charged issues such as suicide. Some scholars have also criticized the way survey data are used. They believe that survey data do not always constitute the “hard facts” that other analysts may use to justify changes in public policy or law. For example, survey statistics may over- or under- estimate the extent of a problem and work against some categories of people more than others, as shown in ■ Table 2.2.

Secondary Analysis of Existing Data In secondary analysis, researchers use existing material and analyze data that were originally collected by others. Existing data sources include public records, official reports of organizations and government agencies, and surveys conducted by researchers in universities and private corpo- rations. Research data gathered from studies are available in data banks, such as the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, the National Opinion Research Center (NORC), and the Roper Public Opinion Research Center. Today, many researchers studying suicide use data compiled by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. For example, look at ● Map 2.1, “National Suicide Statistics at a Glance,” compiled by the CDC based on the latest data avail- able. Other sources of data for secondary analy- sis are books, magazines, newspapers, radio and

table 2.2 Statistics: What We Know (and Don’t Know)

As the examples in this table show, statistics provide certain insights into the prevalence of social issues such as homelessness and suicide but do not always provide the answer regarding the nature and extent of the problem. What other difficulties do researchers encounter when gathering data on people?

Topic Homelessness in the United States Suicide in the United States

Research Finding At least 630,000 people are considered to be homeless in the United States.

More than 36,900 suicides occurred in this country in 2009.

Possible Problems How do we count “homelessness”? What problems do “homeless” individuals and families face?

Are suicide rates different for some categories of U.S. residents?

Explanation The homeless are difficult to count, fre- quently attempting to avoid encounters with public officials and census takers.

It is difficult to know about racial and ethnic disparities in suicide rates: Census data tend to shift categories (such as Hispanic and white [non- Hispanic]) over time, making comparisons difficult, if not impossible.

secondary analysis a research method in which researchers use existing material and analyze data that were originally collected by others.

interview a data-collection encounter in which an interviewer asks the respondent questions and records the answers.

● Computer-assisted telephone interviewing is an easy and cost-efficient method of conducting research. However, the widespread use of answering machines, voice mail, and caller ID may make this form of research more difficult in the twenty-first century.

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11.82–13.08 14.31–15.895.42–11.81 13.09 –14.30 15.90 –18.19 18.20 – 83.76 Suppressed/undefined

● MAP 2.1 NATIONAL SUICIDE STATISTICS AT A GLANCE Source: www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/suicide/statistics/suicide_map.html

television programs, websites, and personal docu- ments. Secondary analysis is referred to as unobtru- sive research because it has no impact on the people being studied. In Durkheim’s study of suicide, for example, his analysis of existing statistics on suicide did nothing to increase or decrease the number of people who actually committed suicide.

Analyzing Existing Statistics Secondary analysis may involve obtaining raw data collected by other researchers and undertaking a statistical analysis of the data, or it may involve the use of other researchers’ existing statistical analyses. In analysis of existing statistics, the unit of analysis is often not the individual. Most existing statistics are aggregated: They describe a group. For example, Durkheim used vital statistics (death records) that were originally collected for other purposes to examine the relationship among variables such as age, marital status, and the circumstances surrounding the suicides of a large number of individuals.

In one study, K. D. Breault (1986) analyzed sec- ondary data collected by government agencies to test Durkheim’s hypothesis that religion and social integration provide protection from suicide. Using suicide as the dependent variable and church mem- bership, divorce, unemployment, and female labor- force participation as several of his independent variables, Breault performed a series of sophisti- cated statistical analyses and concluded that the data supported Durkheim’s views on social integration and his theory of egoistic suicide.

Analyzing Content Content analysis is the systematic examination of cultural artifacts or various forms of communication to extract the- matic data and draw conclusions about social life. Cultural artifacts are products of individual activ- ity, social organizations, technology, and cultural patterns. Among the materials studied are written records (such as diaries, love letters, poems, books, and graffiti), narratives and visual texts (such as movies, television programs, websites, advertise- ments, and greeting cards), and material culture (such as music, art, and even garbage). Researchers may look for regular patterns, such as frequency of suicide as a topic on television talk shows. They may also examine subject matter to determine how it has been represented, such as how the mass media frame presentations on suicide (see “Framing Suicide in the Media” for an example).

Content analysis provides objective coding pro- cedures for analyzing written material. It also allows for the counting and arranging of data into clearly identifiable categories (manifest coding) and pro- vides for the creation of analytically developed cate- gories (latent or open coding). Using latent or open coding, it is possible to identify general themes, create generalizations, and develop “grounded the- oretical” explanations (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). As this explanation suggests, researchers use both qualitative and quantitative procedures in content analysis.

How might a social scientist use content analysis in research on why people commit suicide? Suicide

The media offer us different vantage points from which to view a given social event based on how they frame the information they provide to their audience. The term media framing refers to the process by which information and enter- tainment are packaged by the mass media (newspapers, magazines, radio and television networks and stations, the Internet, and various social media networks). For example, recurring media stories about suicides among young people have focused on individuals such as Tyler Clementi (men- tioned at the beginning of this chapter); Phoebe Prince, a 15-year-old girl who moved to Massachusetts from Ireland and killed herself after being bullied by high school class- mates; and Amanda Cummings, another 15-year-old who committed suicide after what her family referred to as relent- less bullying in New York. In the aftermath of these suppos- edly bullying-related suicides, media personnel often have framed extensive—and sometimes sensationalized—stories based on what they consider to be the “cause-and-effect” relationship between being bullied and committing suicide, especially among young people.

However, a question has been raised by mental health pro- fessionals and suicide-prevention workers: Is this the best way to inform media audiences about suicide, or is the framing of these stories far too simplistic? According to one specialist at the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, “Bullying is so at the top of our consciousness that we’re bending over backwards to get it into the story. Years and years of research has taught us that the overwhelming number of people who die by suicide had a diagnosable mental disorder at the time of their death” (qtd. in Bindley, 2012). From this perspective, other contributing factors, such as depression, family life, the ending of a relationship, and many other personal problems and social concerns, must also be considered when writing about suicidal behavior. Sometimes bullying becomes the “easy” answer, and we turn to it quickly because it is easy to understand, particularly when it is so often the focus of media reports on suicide by young people.

Thinking sociologically, what problems exist in how the media frame stories about a social issue such as bullying and suicide? As discussed in this chapter, the early sociologist Emile Durkheim believed that we should view even seem- ingly individual actions—such as suicide—from a sociologi- cal perspective that focuses on the part that social groups and

societies play in patterns of behavior rather than focusing on the individual attributes of people who commit such acts. If we use a sociological approach to analyzing how the media frame stories about suicide, here are three questions for you to consider:

Do television and newspaper reports of suicides simplify the reasons for the suicide? The media often report a final precipitating situation (such as a fight with a boyfriend or girlfriend, losing one’s job, or being bullied) that distressed the individual prior to suicide but do not inform audiences that this was not the only cause of this suicide. Are readers and viewers provided with repetitive, ongoing, and excessive reporting on a suicide? Repeated sensation- alistic framing of stories about suicide may contribute to suicide contagion. Some people are more at risk because of age, stress, and/or other personal problems. For exam- ple, suicide clusters (suicides occurring close together in time and location) are most common among people 15 to 24 years of age who may have learned details from the media. Do the media use dramatic photographs (such as of the person committing suicide or friends and fam- ily weeping and showing great emotion at the victim’s funeral) primarily to sell papers or increase viewer rat- ings? Photographs and other sensational material are potentially most damaging for people who have long- standing mental health problems or who have limited social networks to provide them with hope, encourage- ment, and guidance.

In our mass-mediated culture, many sociologists agree that the media do much more than simply mirror society: The media help shape our society and our cultural perceptions on many issues, including seemingly individual behavior such as suicide.

reflect & analyze Are we influenced by how the media frame news and entertainment stories even when we think we are unaffected by such coverage? If so, how might this relate to media reporting of suicides?

Reporting on Bullying and Suicide: A Cause-and-Effect

Relationship?

framingSuicide in the Media

● How does the way suicide is framed in the media, such as through photographs, affect your perception of it?

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notes and diaries are useful forms of cultural arti- facts. Suicide notes have been subjected to extensive analysis because they are “ultrapersonal documents” that are not solicited by others and are frequently written just before the person’s death (Leenaars, 1988: 34). Many notes provide new levels of mean- ing regarding the individuality of the person who committed or attempted suicide. For example, some notes indicate that people may want to get revenge and make other people feel guilty or responsible for their suicide (Leenaars, 1988). Thus, suicide notes may be a valuable starting point for finding patterns of suicidal behavior and determining the character- istics of people who are most likely to commit sui- cide (Leenaars, 1988).

Strengths and Weaknesses of Secon- dary Analysis One strength of secondary anal- ysis is that data are readily available and inexpensive. Another is that, because the researcher often does not collect the data personally, the chances of bias may be reduced. In addition, the use of existing sources makes it possible to analyze longitudinal data (things that take place over a period of time or at several different points in time) to provide a historical context within which to locate original research. However, secondary analysis has inher- ent problems. For one thing, the researcher does not always know if the data are incomplete, unauthentic, or inaccurate.

Field Research Field research is the study of social life in its natu- ral setting: observing and interviewing people where they live, work, and play. Some kinds of behavior can be studied best by “being there”; a fuller understanding can be developed through observations, face-to-face discussions, and partici- pation in events. Researchers use these methods to generate qualitative data: observations that are best described verbally rather than numerically.

Participant Observation Sociologists who are interested in observing social interaction as it occurs may use participant observation—the pro- cess of collecting systematic observations while being part of the activities of the group that the researcher is studying. Participant observation generates more “inside” information than simply asking questions or observing from the outside. For example, to learn more about how coroners make a ruling of “suicide” in connection with a death and to analyze what (if any) effect such a ruling has on the accuracy of official suicide statistics, the sociologist Steve Taylor (1982) engaged in participant observa- tion at a coroner’s office over a six-month period. As

he followed a number of cases from the initial report of death through the various stages of investigation, Taylor learned that it was important to “be around” so that he could listen to discussions and ask the coroners questions because intuition and guesswork play a large part in some decisions to rule a death as a suicide.

Case Studies Most participant observation research takes the form of a case study, which is often an in-depth, multifaceted investigation of a single event, person, or social grouping (Feagin, Orum, and Sjoberg, 1991). However, a case study may also involve multiple cases and is then referred to as a collective case study (Stake, 1995). Whether the case is single or collective, most case studies require detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of rich information such as documents and records and the use of methods such as participant observation, unstructured or in-depth interviews, and life histories. As they collect extensive amounts of data, the researchers seek to develop a detailed description of the case, to analyze the themes or issues that emerge, and to interpret or create their own assertions about the case.

● Field research takes place in a wide variety of settings. For example, how might sociologists study the ways in which parents and their college-age children cope with change when the students first leave home and move into college housing?

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When do social scientists decide to do case stud- ies? Initially, some researchers have only a gen- eral idea of what they wish to investigate. In other cases, they literally “back into” the research. They may find themselves close to interesting people or situations. For example, the anthropologist Elliot Liebow “backed into” his study of single, homeless women living in emergency shelters by becom- ing a volunteer at a shelter. As he got to know the women, Liebow became fascinated with their lives and survival strategies. Prior to Liebow’s research, most studies of the homeless focused primarily on men. By contrast, Liebow wanted to know more about homeless women, wondering such things as “What are they carrying in those [shopping] bags?” (Coughlin, 1993: A8). Liebow spent the next four years engaged in participant observation research that culminated in his book Tell Them Who I Am (1993). Liebow’s findings are discussed in Chapter 5 (“Society, Social Structure, and Interaction in Everyday Life”).

Ethnography An ethnography is a detailed study of the life and activities of a group of peo- ple by researchers who may live with that group over a period of years (Feagin, Orum, and Sjoberg, 1991). Unlike participant observation, ethnographic studies usually take place over a longer period of time. For example, in a classic community study, Middletown and Middletown in Transition, the soci- ologists Robert Lynd and Helen Lynd (1929, 1937) lived in Muncie, Indiana, for a number of years and conducted ethnographic research on the daily lives of residents and the composition of the local power structure. The Lynds’ study concluded that people in Muncie had strong beliefs about the importance of religion, hard work, self-reliance, and civic pride; that one dominant family “ruled” the city; and that a working class emerged in the community when companies opened factories in Muncie.

In research reported in the book Code of the Street, the sociologist Elijah Anderson (1990) con- ducted a study in two areas of a major city—one African American and low-income, the other racially mixed but becoming increasingly middle- to upper-income and white. As Anderson spent numerous hours on the streets, talking and listening to the people, he was able to document the changes in residents’ everyday lives brought about by increasing drug abuse, loss of jobs, decreases in city services despite increases in taxes, and the eventual exodus of middle-income people from the central city. More recently, in The Cosmopolitan Canopy, Anderson described his ethnographic research on how diverse people come together and work to get along in a community.

Unstructured Interviews An unstructured interview is an extended, open-ended interaction between an interviewer and an interviewee. This type of interview is referred to as unstructured because few predetermined or standardized pro- cedures are established for conducting it. Because many decisions have to be made during the inter- view, this approach requires that the researcher have a high level of skill in interviewing and exten- sive knowledge regarding the interview topic. Unstructured interviews are essentially conversa- tions in which interviewers establish the general direction by asking open-ended questions, to which interviewees may respond flexibly, and then inter- viewers may “shift gears” to pursue specific topics raised by interviewees.

Before conducting in-depth interviews, research- ers must make a number of decisions, including how the people to be interviewed will be selected.

field research the study of social life in its natural setting: observing and interviewing people where they live, work, and play.

participant observation a research method in which researchers collect systematic observations while being part of the activities of the group being studied.

unstructured interview an extended, open- ended interaction between an interviewer and an interviewee.

ethnography a detailed study of the life and activities of a group of people by researchers who may live with that group over a period of years.

content analysis the systematic examination of cultural artifacts or various forms of communication to extract thematic data and draw conclusions about social life.

● Anthropologist Elliot Liebow conducted a case study of homeless women living in emergency homeless shelters. Prior to Liebow’s research, most studies of homeless persons focused primarily on men.

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Respondents are often chosen by “snowball sam- pling”—a method in which the researcher interviews a few individuals who possess a certain characteristic and then these interviewees are asked to supply the names of others with the same characteristic (such as persons who are members of the same social orga- nization). This process continues until the sample has “snowballed” into an acceptable size and no new information of any significance is being gained by the researchers.

Using unstructured, open-ended interviews does not mean that the researcher simply walks into a room, has a conversation with someone, and the research is complete. Planning and preparation are essential. Similarly, the follow-up, analysis of data, and write-up of the study must be carefully designed and carried out.

Interviews and Theory Construction In-depth interviews, along with participant observa- tion and case studies, are frequently used to develop theories through observation. The term grounded theory was developed by sociologists Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967) to describe this induc- tive method of theory construction. Researchers who use grounded theory collect and analyze data simultaneously. For example, after in-depth inter- views with 106 suicide attempters, researchers in one study concluded that half of the individuals who attempted suicide wanted both to live and to die at the time of their attempt. From these unstructured interviews it became obvious that ambivalence led about half of “serious” suicidal attempters to “liter- ally gamble with death” (Kovacs and Beck, 1977, qtd. in Taylor, 1982: 144). After asking their initial unstructured questions of the interviewees, Kovacs and Taylor decided to widen the research question from “Why do people kill themselves?” to a broader question: “Why do people engage in acts of self damage which may result in death?” In other words, uncertainty of outcome is a common feature of most suicidal acts.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Field Research Participant observation research, case studies, ethnography, and unstructured interviews provide opportunities for researchers to view from the inside what may not be obvious to an outside observer. They are useful when attitudes and behav- iors can be understood best within their natural set- ting or when the researcher wants to study social processes and change over a period of time. They provide a wealth of information about the reactions of people and give us an opportunity to generate theories from the data collected.

A weakness of field research is the inability to generalize what is learned from a specific group or community to a larger population. Data collected in natural settings are descriptive and do not lend them- selves to precise measurement. To counteract these criticisms, some qualitative researchers use computer- assisted-qualitative-data-analysis programs that make it easier for researchers to enter, organize, annotate, code, retrieve, count, and analyze data.

Experiments An experiment is a carefully designed situation in which the researcher studies the impact of cer- tain variables on subjects’ attitudes or behavior. Experiments are designed to create “real-life” situ- ations, ideally under controlled circumstances, in which the influence of different variables can be modified and measured.

Types of Experiments Conventional exper- iments require that subjects be divided into two groups: an experimental group and a control group. The experimental group contains the subjects who are exposed to an independent variable (the experimental condition) to study its effect on them. The control group contains the subjects who are not exposed to the independent variable. The members of the two groups are matched for similar characteristics so that comparisons may be made between the groups. The experimental and control groups are then compared to see if they differ in relation to the dependent variable, and the hypoth- esis stating the relationship of the two variables is confirmed or rejected.

In a laboratory experiment, subjects are studied in a closed setting so that researchers can main- tain as much control as possible over the research. For example, the sociologist Arturo Biblarz and colleagues (1991) examined the effects of media violence and depictions of suicide on attitudes toward suicide by showing one group of subjects (an experimental group) a film about suicide, while a second (another experimental group) saw a film about violence, and a third (the control group) saw a film containing neither suicide nor violence. The research found some evidence that people exposed to suicidal acts or violence in the media may be more likely to demonstrate an emotional state favorable to suicidal behavior, particularly if they are already “at risk” for suicide.

Researchers may use experiments when they want to demonstrate that a cause-and-effect rela- tionship exists between variables. In order to show that a change in one variable causes a change in another, these three conditions must be satisfied:

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1. You must show that a correlation exists between the two variables. Correlation exists when two variables are associated more frequently than could be expected by chance. For example, sup- pose that you wanted to test the hypothesis that the availability of a crisis intervention center with a twenty-four-hour counseling “hotline” on your campus causes a change in students’ attitudes toward suicide. To demonstrate correlation you would need to show that the students had differ- ent attitudes toward committing suicide depend- ing on whether they had any experience with the crisis intervention center.

2. You must ensure that the independent variable preceded the dependent variable. If differences in students’ attitudes toward suicide were evident before the students were exposed to the interven- tion center, exposure to the center could not be the cause of these differences.

3. You must make sure that any change in the depen- dent variable was not because of an extraneous variable—one outside the stated hypothesis. If some of the students receive counseling from off-campus psychiatrists, any change in attitude that they experience could be because of this third variable, not the hotline. This is referred to as a spurious correlation—the association of two variables that is actually caused by a third vari- able and does not demonstrate a cause-and-effect relationship (see ● Figure 2.4).

Unfavorable attitude toward suicide

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a. Observed correlation

b. Possible causal explanation

Psychiatric counseling

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Unfavorable attitude toward suicide

● FIGURE 2.4 CORRELATION VERSUS CAUSATION A study might find that exposure to a suicide hotline is associated (correlated) with a change in attitude toward suicide. But if some of the people who were exposed to the hotline also received psychiatric counseling, the counseling may be the “hidden” cause of the observed change in attitude. In general, correlations alone do not prove causation. © Cengage Learning

● Do extremely violent video games cause an increase in violent tendencies in their users? Experiments are one way to test this hypothesis.

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experimental group in an experiment, the group that contains the subjects who are exposed to an independent variable (the experimental condition) to study its effect on them.

experiment a carefully designed situation in which the researcher studies the impact of certain variables on subjects’ attitudes or behavior.

control group in an experiment, the group that contains the subjects who are not exposed to the independent variable.

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Strengths and Weaknesses of Exper- iments The major advantage of an experiment is the researcher’s control over the environment and the ability to isolate the experimental variable. Because many experiments require relatively little time and money and can be conducted with limited numbers of subjects, it is possible for researchers to replicate an experiment several times by using different groups of subjects. Perhaps the greatest limitation of experiments is that they are artificial. Social processes that are set up by researchers or that take place in a laboratory setting are often not the same as real-life occurrences.

What happens when people know that they are being studied? This problem is known as reactivity—the tendency of subjects to change their behavior in response to the researcher or to the fact that they know they are being studied. Social psychologist Elton Mayo first noticed this problem in a study conducted between 1927 and 1932 to determine how worker productivity and morale could be improved at Western Electric’s Hawthorne plant. To identify variables that increase worker productivity, Mayo separated one group of women (the experimental group) from other workers and systematically varied factors in that group’s work environment, while the work- ing conditions for the other workers (the control group) were not changed. The researchers tested a number of factors, including an increase in the amount of lighting, to see if more light would raise the workers’ productivity. Much to the research- ers’ surprise, the workers’ productivity increased not only when the light was brighter but also when it was dimmed. In fact, all of the changes increased productivity, leading Mayo to conclude that the Hawthorne subjects were trying to please the researchers because interest was being shown in the workers (Roethlisberger and Dickson, 1939). Thus, the Hawthorne effect refers to changes in a subject’s behavior caused by the researcher’s presence or by the subject’s awareness of being studied.

Multiple Methods: Triangulation What is the best method for studying a topic? The Concept Quick Review compares the various social research methods. There is no one best research method because social reality is complex and all research methods have limitations. Many sociolo- gists believe that triangulation—the use of mul- tiple methods in one study—is the solution to this problem. Triangulation refers not only to research methods but also to multiple data sources, inves- tigators, and theoretical perspectives in a study.

For example, in a study of more than 700 home- less people in Austin, Texas, in the mid-1980s, the sociologists David Snow and Leon Anderson (1991: 158) used as their primary data sources “the homeless themselves and the array of set- tings, agency personnel, business proprietors, city officials, and neighborhood activities relevant to the routines of the homeless.” Snow and Anderson gained a detailed portrait of the homeless and their experiences and institutional contacts by tracking homeless individuals through a network of seven institutions with which they had vary- ing degrees of contact. The study used a variety of methods, including “participant observation and informal, conversational interviewing with the homeless; participant and nonparticipation observation, coupled with formal and informal interviewing in street agencies and settings; and a systematic survey of agency records” (Snow and Anderson, 1991: 158–169). This study is discussed in depth in Chapter 5 (“Society, Social Structure, and Interaction in Everyday Life”).

Multiple methods and approaches provide a wider scope of information and enhance our under- standing of critical issues. Many researchers also use multiple methods to validate or refine one type of data by use of another type.

● Multiple research methods are often used to gain information about important social concerns. Which methods might be most effective in learning more about the problems of the homeless, such as these street people warming themselves on a heated grate in Moscow, Russia?

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Strengths and Weaknesses of Social Research Methods Research Method Strengths Weaknesses

Experiments (Laboratory, Field, Natural)

Control over research

Ability to isolate experimental factors

Artificial by nature

Frequent reliance on volunteers or captive audiences

Relatively little time and money required

Replication possible, except for natural experiments

Ethical questions of deception

Survey Research (Questionnaire, Interview, Telephone Survey)

Useful in describing features of a large population without interviewing everyone

Potentially forced answers

Relatively large samples possible Respondent untruthfulness on emotional issues

Multivariate analysis possible Data that are not always “hard facts” presented as such in statistical analyses

Secondary Analysis of Existing Data (Existing Statistics, Content Analysis)

Data often readily available, inexpensive to collect

Difficulty in determining accuracy of some of the data

Longitudinal and comparative studies Failure of data gathered by others to meet goals of current research

Replication possible Questions of privacy when using diaries, other personal documents

Field Research (Participant Observation, Case Study, Ethnography, Unstructured)

Opportunity to gain insider’s view Problems in generalizing results to a larger population

Useful for studying attitudes and behavior in natural settings

Imprecise data measurements

Longitudinal/comparative studies possible

Inability to demonstrate cause/effect relationships or test theories

Documentation of important social problems of excluded groups possible

Difficult to make comparisons because of lack of structure

Access to people’s ideas in their words

Forum for previously excluded groups

Documentation of need for social reform

Not a representative sample

[ concept quick review ]

Ethical Issues in Sociological Research The study of people (“human subjects”) raises vital questions about ethical concerns in sociological

research. Researchers are required to obtain written “informed consent” state-

ments from the persons they study—but what con- stitutes “informed consent”? And how do researchers protect the identity and confidentiality of their sources?

The ASA Code of Ethics The American Sociological Association (ASA) Code of Ethics (1997) sets forth certain basic standards that

LO8 Hawthorne effect a phenomenon in which changes in a subject’s behavior are caused by the researcher’s presence or by the subject’s awareness of being studied.

correlation a relationship that exists when two variables are associated more frequently than could be expected by chance.

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sociologists must follow in conducting research. This code is available at the ASA website and includes the following: 1. Researchers must endeavor to maintain objectiv-

ity and integrity in their research by disclosing their research findings in full and including all possible interpretations of the data (even those interpretations that do not support their own viewpoints).

2. Researchers must safeguard the participants’ right to privacy and dignity while protecting them from harm.

3. Researchers must protect confidential informa- tion provided by participants, even when this information is not considered to be “privileged” (legally protected, as is the case between doctor and patient and between attorney and client) and legal pressure is applied to reveal this information.

4. Researchers must acknowledge research collab- oration and assistance they receive from others and disclose all sources of financial support. Sociologists are obligated to adhere to this code

and to protect research participants; however, many ethical issues arise that cannot be easily resolved. Ethics in sociological research is a difficult and often ambiguous topic. But ethical issues cannot be ignored by researchers, whether they are sociology professors, graduate students conducting investiga- tions for their dissertations, or undergraduates con- ducting a class research project. Sociologists have a burden of “self-reflection”—of seeking to under- stand the role they play in contemporary social pro- cesses while at the same time assessing how these social processes affect their findings.

How honest do researchers have to be with poten- tial participants? Let’s look at two specific cases in point. Where does the “right to know” end and the “right to privacy” begin in these situations? We will look at two historical cases in which the research- ers’ ethics were challenged to see how cases such as these have contributed to contemporary values and ethics in sociological research.

The Zellner Research Sociologist William Zellner (1978) wanted to look at fatal single-occupant automobile accidents to deter- mine whether some drivers were actually commit- ting suicide. To examine this issue further, he sought to interview the family, friends, and acquaintances of persons killed in single-car crashes to determine whether the deaths were possibly intentional. To recruit respondents, Zellner told them that he hoped the research would reduce the number of automobile accidents in the future. He did not mention that he suspected “autocide” might have occurred in the case

of their friend or loved one. From his data, Zellner concluded that at least 12 percent of the fatal single- occupant crashes were suicides—and that those crashes sometimes also killed or critically injured other people as well. However, Zellner’s research raised important research questions: Was his research uneth- ical? Did he misrepresent the reasons for his study?

The Humphreys Research Another historical case that is widely cited in dis- cussions about the importance of research ethics was the work of sociology graduate student Laud Humphreys (1970), who looked at homosexual con- duct for his doctoral dissertation. Humphreys chose to focus on homosexual acts between strangers in the public restrooms (referred to as “tearooms”) of city parks. Before beginning his observations, Humphreys did not ask his subjects’ permission or inform them that they were being studied. Instead, he showed up at public restrooms offering to be the lookout for police while others engaged in homo- sexual acts as he systematically recorded the various encounters that took place. To learn more about their everyday lives away from this setting, Humphreys tracked down their names and addresses from their auto license numbers and invited them to partici- pate in a medical survey. Because he did not want the men to recognize him, he wore various disguises and drove a different car to their homes. From these interviews he collected personal information and learned that most of the men were married and lived very conventional lives apart from these clos- eted encounters with gay men in public restrooms.

Would Humphreys have gained access to these subjects if he had identified himself as a researcher? Probably not—nevertheless, the fact that he did not do so produced widespread criticism from sociolo- gists and journalists. Despite the fact that his study, Tearoom Trade (1970), won an award for its schol- arship, the controversy surrounding his project was never fully resolved.

In this chapter we have looked at the research process and the methods used to pursue sociological knowledge. The important thing to remember is that research is the “lifeblood” of sociology: Theory pro- vides the framework for analysis, and research takes us beyond common sense and provides opportuni- ties for us to use our sociological imagination to gen- erate new knowledge. As we have seen in this chapter, for example, suicide cannot be explained by common sense or a few isolated variables. We have to take into account many aspects of personal choice and social structure that are related to one another in extremely complex ways. Research can help us unravel the com- plexities of social life if sociologists observe, talk to, and interact with people in real-life situations.

Responding to a Cry for Help

Can Make a DifferenceYou

Chad felt that he knew Frank quite well. After all, they had been roommates for two years at State U. As a result, Chad was taken aback when Frank became very withdrawn, sleep- ing most of the day and mumbling about how unhappy he was. One evening, Chad began to wonder whether he needed to do something because Frank had begun to talk about “end- ing it all” and saying things like “the world will be better off without me.” If you were in Chad’s place, would you know the warning signs that you should look for? Do you know what you might do to help someone like Frank?

The American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, a national nonprofit organization dedicated to funding research, education, and treatment programs for depression and suicide prevention, suggests that each of us should be aware of these warning signs of suicide:

Talking about death or suicide. Be alert to such statements as “Everyone would be better off without me.” Sometimes,

individuals who are thinking about suicide speak as if they are saying good-bye. Making plans. The person may do such things as giving away valuable items, paying off debts, and otherwise “put- ting things in order.” Showing signs of depression. Although most depressed peo- ple are not suicidal, most suicidal people are depressed. Serious depression tends to be expressed as a loss of plea- sure or withdrawal from activities that a person has previ- ously enjoyed. It is especially important to note whether five of the following symptoms are present almost every day for several weeks: change in appetite or weight, change in sleeping patterns, speaking or moving with unusual speed or slowness, loss of interest in usual activities, decrease in sexual drive, fatigue, feelings of guilt or worthlessness, and indecisiveness or inability to concentrate.

The possibility of suicide must be taken seriously: Most people who commit suicide give some warning to family members or friends. Instead of attempting to argue the person out of suicide or saying “You have so much to live for,” let the person know that you care and understand, and that his or her problems can be solved. Urge the person to see a school counselor, a physician, or a mental health pro- fessional immediately. If you think the person is in imminent danger of committing suicide, you should take the person to an emergency room or a walk-in clinic at a psychiatric hospital. It is best to remain with the person until help is available.

For more information about suicide prevention, contact the following organizations:

American Foundation for Suicide Prevention is a leading not-for-profit organization dedicated to understanding and preventing suicide through research and education. Suicide Awareness Voices of Education is a resource index with links to other valuable resources. Befrienders Worldwide is a website providing information for anyone feeling depressed or suicidal or who is worried about a friend or relative who feels that way. It includes a directory of suicide and crisis help lines. 59

● Can a suicide crisis center prevent a person from committing suicide? People who understand factors that contribute to suicide may be able to better counsel those who call for help.

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Our challenge today is to find new ways to integrate knowledge and action and to include all people in the research process in order to help fill the gaps in our existing knowledge about social life and how it is shaped by gender, race, class,

age, and the broader social and cultural contexts in which everyday life occurs. Each of us can and should find new ways to integrate knowledge and action into our daily lives (see “You Can Make a Difference”).

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Use these questions and answers to check how well you’ve achieved the learning objectives set out at the beginning of this chapter.

Why is sociological research necessary, and how does it

challenge our commonsense beliefs about pressing social issues such as suicide?

Sociological research provides a factual and objec- tive counterpoint to commonsense knowledge and ill-informed sources of information. It is based on an empirical approach that answers questions through a direct, systematic collection and analysis of data.

How do the deductive and inductive approaches in the

theory and research cycle compare?

Theory and research form a continuous cycle that encompasses both deductive and inductive approaches. With the deductive approach, the researcher begins with a theory and then collects and analyzes research to test it. With the inductive approach, the researcher collects and analyzes data and then generates a theory based on that analysis.

How does quantitative research differ from qualitative research?

Quantitative research focuses on data that can be measured numerically (comparing rates of suicide, for example). Qualitative research focuses on inter- pretive description (words) rather than statistics to analyze underlying meanings and patterns of social relationships.

What are the key steps in the quantitative research process?

A conventional research process based on deduction and the quantitative approach has these key steps: (1) selecting and defining the research problem; (2) reviewing previous research; (3) formulating the hypothesis, which involves constructing variables; (4) developing the research design; (5) collecting and analyzing the data; and (6) drawing conclusions and reporting the findings.

What steps are often taken by researchers using the qualitative

approach?

A researcher taking the qualitative approach might (1) formulate the problem to be studied instead of creating a hypothesis, (2) collect and analyze the data, and (3) report the results.

What is survey research, and what are the three types of surveys?

The main types of research methods are surveys, secondary analysis of existing data, field research, and experiments. Surveys are polls used to gather facts about people’s attitudes, opinions, or behaviors; a representative sample of respondents provides data through questionnaires or interviews. Survey data are collected by using self-administered ques- tionnaires, face-to-face interviews, and telephone or computer surveys.

How do the following compare: research methods used in

secondary analysis of existing data, field research, experiments, and triangulation?

In secondary analysis, researchers analyze exist- ing data, such as a government census, or cultural artifacts, such as a diary. In field research, sociolo- gists study social life in its natural setting through participant observation, case studies, unstructured interviews, and ethnography. Through experiments, researchers study the impact of certain variables on their subjects. Triangulation is the use of multiple methods in one study—not only research methods but also multiple data sources, investigators, and theoretical perspectives in a study.

What ethical issues are involved in sociological research, and

what professional codes protect research participants?

Because sociology involves the study of people (“human subjects”), researchers are required to obtain the informed consent of the people they study; however, in some instances what constitutes “informed consent” may be difficult to determine. The American Sociological Association (ASA) Code of Ethics (1997) sets forth certain basic stan- dards that sociologists must follow in conducting research.

Review Q&Achapter

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key Terms content analysis 50

control group 54

correlation 55

dependent variable 42

ethnography 53

experiment 54

experimental group 54

field research 52

Hawthorne effect 56

hypothesis 42

independent variable 42

interview 48

participant observation 52

probability sampling 44

questionnaire 47

random sampling 44

research methods 47

respondents 47

secondary analysis 49

survey 47

unstructured interview 53

questions for Critical Thinking 1. The agency that funds the local suicide clinic has

asked you to study the clinic’s effectiveness in pre- venting suicide. What would you need to measure? What can you measure? What research method(s) would provide the best data for analysis?

2. Some classical studies have suggested that groups with high levels of suicide acceptability (hold- ing the belief that suicide is an acceptable way to end one’s life under certain circumstances) tend to have a higher than average suicide risk (Stack and Wasserman, 1995; Stack, 1998). What implications might such findings have on pub- lic policy issues today such as the legalization of

physician-assisted suicide and euthanasia? What implications might the findings have on an in- dividual who is thinking about committing sui- cide? Analyze your responses using a sociological perspective.

3. In high-income nations, computers have changed many aspects of people’s lives. Thinking about the various research methods discussed in this chapter, which approaches do you believe would be most affected by greater reliance on comput- ers for collecting, organizing, and analyzing data? What are the advantages and limitations of con- ducting sociological research via the Internet?

MindTapTM Sociology Online learning resources are available for this chapter in MindTapTM Sociology. MindTapTM Sociology is a highly personalized online learning platform of authoritative content, assignments, integrated Web apps, and embedded rich media offering you a tailored presentation of course curriculum. Go to CengageBrain.com to log in, register, or purchase access.

Learning Objectives Define culture and explain why it is important in helping people in their daily life.

Analyze material and nonmaterial cultures and give examples of each.

Explain what is meant by the term cultural universal and provide three recent examples.

Discuss how symbols and language reflect cultural values.

Explain the differences among folkways, mores, and laws, and provide at least one example of each.

Distinguish ways in which technological changes affect culture in a single nation and throughout the world.

Define culture shock, ethnocentrism, and cultural relativism, and provide one example of each.

Compare and contrast functionalist, conflict, symbolic interactionist, and postmodernist perspectives on society and culture.

CULTURE 3

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A Craving for American Food At home, I kept opening the refrigerator and cupboards, wishing for American foods to magically appear. I wanted what the other kids had: Bundt cakes and casseroles, Cheetos and Doritos. . . . The more American foods I ate, the more my desires multiplied, outpacing my inter- est in Vietnamese food. I had memorized the menu at Dairy Cone, the sugary options in the

cereal aisle at Meijer’s [grocery], and every inch of the candy display at Gas City. . . . I knew Reese’s peanut butter cups, Twix, Heath Crunch, Nestlé Crunch, Baby Ruth, Bar None, Oh Henry! . . . Milk Duds, [and] Junior Mints. I dreamed of taking it all, plus the freezer full of Popsicles and nutty, chocolate-coated ice cream drumsticks. I dreamed of Little Debbie, Dolly Madison, Swiss Miss, all the bakeries presided over by prim and proper girls. —Bich Minh Nguyen (2007: 50–51), an English professor at Purdue University, describing how food served as a powerful cultural symbol in her childhood as a Vietnamese American

Growing up in Oakland . . . I came to dislike Chinese food. That may have been, in part, because I was Chinese and desperately wanted to be American. I was American, of course, but being born and raised in Chinatown—in a restaurant my parents operated, in fact—I didn’t feel much like the people I saw outside Chinatown, or in books and movies.

It didn’t help that for lunch at school, my mother would pack—Ai ya!—Chinese food. Bar- becued pork sandwiches, not ham and cheese; Chinese pears, not apples. At home—that is, at the New Eastern Café—it was Chinese food night after night. No wonder I would sneak off, on the way to Chinese school, to Hamburger Gus for a helping of thick-cut French fries. —author Ben Fong-Torres (2007: 11) describing his experiences as a Chinese American who desired to “Americanize” his eating habits

● How is the food that we consume linked to our identity and the larger culture of which we are a part? Do people who identify with more than one culture face more- complex issues when it comes to food preferences?

Why are these authors concerned about the food they ate as children? For all of us, the food we consume is linked to our identity and to the larger culture of which we are a part. For people who identify with more than one culture, food and eating patterns may become a very

complex issue. To some people, food consumption is nothing more than how

we meet a basic biological need; however, many sociologists are interested in food and eating because of their cultural significance in our lives.

What is culture? Culture is the know ledge, lan- guage, values, customs, and material objects that

are passed from person to person and from one generation to the next in a human group or soci- ety. As previously defined, a society is a large social grouping that occupies the same geographic terri- tory and is subject to the same political authority and dominant cultural expectations. Whereas a society is composed of people, a culture is composed of ideas, behavior, and material possessions. Society and culture are interdependent; neither could exist without the other.

In this chapter we examine society and culture, with special attention to how our material culture, including the food we eat, is related to our beliefs,

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How Much Do You Know About Global Food and Culture?

Sociology and Everyday Life

True False

T F 1. Cheese is a universal food enjoyed by people of all nations and cultures. T F 2. Giving round-shaped foods to the parents of new babies is considered to be lucky in some cultures. T F 3. Wedding cakes are made of similar ingredients in all countries, regardless of culture or religion. T F 4. Food is an important part of religious observance for many different faiths. T F 5. In authentic Chinese cuisine, cooking methods are divided into “yin” and “yang” qualities. T F 6. Because of the fast pace of life in the United States, virtually everyone relies on mixes and instant foods at

home and fast foods when eating out. T F 7. Potatoes are the most popular mainstay in the diet of first- and second-generation immigrants who have

arrived in the United States over the past 40 years. T F 8. According to sociologists, individuals may be offended when a person from another culture does not

understand local food preferences or the cultural traditions associated with eating even if the person is obviously an “outsider” or a “tourist.”

Answers on page 67.

values, and actions. We also analyze culture from functionalist, conflict, symbolic interactionist, and postmodern perspectives. Before reading on, test your knowledge of food and culture by answer- ing the questions in the Sociology and Everyday Life box.

Culture and Society in a Changing World How important is culture in determining how peo- ple think and act on a daily basis? Simply stated, culture is essential for our individual survival and our communication with other people. We rely on culture because we are not born with the infor- mation we need to survive. We do not know how to take care of ourselves, how to behave, how to dress, what to eat, which gods to worship, or how to make or spend money. We must learn about culture through interaction, observation, and imi- tation in order to participate as members of the group. Sharing a common culture with others sim- plifies day-to-day interactions. However, we must also understand other cultures and the worldviews therein.

Just as culture is essential for individuals, it is also fundamental for the survival of societies. Culture has been described as “the common denominator that makes the actions of individuals intelligible to the group” (Haviland, 1993: 30). Some system of rule making and enforcing necessarily exists in all

societies. What would happen, for example, if all rules and laws in the United States suddenly disap- peared? At a basic level, we need rules in order to navigate our bicycles and cars through traffic. At a more abstract level, we need laws to establish and protect our rights.

In order to survive, societies need rules about civility and tolerance. We are not born knowing how to express certain kinds of feelings toward others. When a person shows kindness or hatred toward another individual, some people may say “Well, that’s just human nature” when explain- ing this behavior. Such a statement is built on the assumption that what we do as human beings is determined by nature (our biological and genetic makeup) rather than nurture (our social envi- ronment)—in other words, that our behavior is instinctive. An instinct is an unlearned, biologically determined behavior pattern common to all mem- bers of a species that predictably occurs when- ever certain environmental conditions exist. For example, spiders do not learn to build webs. They build webs because of instincts that are triggered by basic biological needs such as protection and reproduction.

culture the knowledge, language, values, customs, and material objects that are passed from person to person and from one generation to the next in a human group or society.

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Culture is similar to instincts in animals because it helps us deal with everyday life. Although people may have some instincts, what we most often think of as instinctive behavior can actually be attributed to reflexes and drives. A reflex is an unlearned, biologi- cally determined involuntary response to some phys- ical stimuli (such as a sneeze after breathing some pepper in through the nose or the blinking of an eye when a speck of dust gets in it). Drives are unlearned, biologically determined impulses common to all members of a species that satisfy needs such as those for sleep, food, water, or sexual gratification. Reflexes and drives do not determine how people will behave in human societies; even the expression of these bio- logical characteristics is channeled by culture. For example, we may be taught that the “appropriate” way to sneeze (an involuntary response) is to use a tissue or turn our head away from others (a learned response). Similarly, we may learn to sleep on mats or in beds. Most contemporary sociologists agree that culture and social learning, not nature, account for virtually all of our behavior patterns.

Because humans cannot rely on instincts in order to survive, culture is a “tool kit” for survival. According to the sociologist Ann Swidler (1986: 273), culture is a “tool kit of symbols, stories, rituals, and world views, which people may use in varying configurations to solve different kinds of problems.” The tools we choose will vary according to our own personality and the situations we face. We are not puppets on a string; we make choices from among the items in our own “tool kit.”

Material Culture and Nonmaterial Culture Our cultural tool kit is divided into two major parts:

material culture and nonmaterial cul- ture (Ogburn, 1966/1922). Material cul-

ture consists of the physical or tangible creations that members of a society make, use, and share.

Initially, items of material culture begin as raw materi- als or resources such as ore, trees, and oil. Through technology, these raw materials are transformed into usable items, ranging from books and computers to guns and tanks. Sociologists define technology as the knowledge, techniques, and tools that make it possible for people to transform resources into usable forms, and the knowledge and skills required to use them after they are developed. From this standpoint, tech- nology is both concrete and abstract. For example, technology includes computers, smartphones, iPads and other tablets, and the knowledge and skills nec- essary to use them. At the most basic level, material culture is important because it is our buffer against the environment. For example, we create shelter to pro- tect ourselves from the weather and to give ourselves privacy. Beyond the survival level, we make, use, and share objects that are interesting and important to us. Why are you wearing the particular clothes you have on today? Perhaps you’re communicating something about yourself, such as where you attend school, what kind of music you like, or where you went on vacation.

Nonmaterial culture consists of the abstract or intangible human creations of society that influ- ence people’s behavior. Language, beliefs, values, rules of behavior, family patterns, and political sys- tems are examples of nonmaterial culture. Even the gestures that we use in daily conversation are part of the nonmaterial culture in a society. As many inter- national travelers and businesspeople have learned, it is important to know what gestures mean in various nations (see ● Figure 3.1). Although the “hook ’em Horns” sign—the pinky and index finger raised up and the middle two fingers folded down—is used by fans to express their support for University of Texas at Austin sports teams, for millions of Italians the same gesture means “Your spouse is being unfaithful.” In Argentina, rotating one’s index finger around the front of the ear means “You have a telephone call,” but in the United States it usually suggests that a person is

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● FIGURE 3.1 HAND GESTURES WITH DIFFERENT MEANINGS As international travelers and businesspeople have learned, hand gestures may have very different meanings in different cultures.

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a. HORNS: “Hook ’em Horns” or “Your spouse is unfaithful.”

b. CIRCLE: “OK” (absolutely fine) or “I’ll kill you.” c. THUMBS UP: “Great” or an obscenity.

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“crazy” (Axtell, 1991). Similarly, making a circle with your thumb and index finger indicates “OK” in the United States, but in Tunisia it means “I’ll kill you!” (Samovar and Porter, 1991).

As the example of hand gestures shows, a cen- tral component of nonmaterial culture is beliefs— the mental acceptance or conviction that certain things are true or real. Beliefs may be based on tra- dition, faith, experience, scientific research, or some combination of these. Faith in a Supreme Being and trust in another person are examples of beliefs. We may also have a belief in items of material culture. When we travel by airplane, for instance, we believe that it is possible to fly at 33,000 feet and to arrive at our destination even though we know that we could not do this without the airplane itself.

Cultural Universals Because all humans face the same basic needs (such as for food, clothing,

and shelter), we engage in similar activities that

contribute to our survival. Anthropologist George Murdock (1945: 124) compiled a list of more than seventy cultural universals—customs and prac- tices that occur across all societies. His categories included appearance (such as bodily adornment and hairstyles), activities (such as sports, danc- ing, games, joking, and visiting), social institutions (such as family, law, and religion), and customary practices (such as cooking, folklore, gift giving, and

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1. False. Although cheese is a popular food in many cultures, most of the people living in China find cheese distasteful and prefer delicacies such as duck’s feet.

2. True. In some cultures, round foods such as pears, grapes, and moon cakes are given to celebrate the birth of babies because the shape of the food is believed to symbolize family unity.

3. False. Although wedding cakes are a tradition in virtually all nations and cultures, the ingredients of the cake—as well as other foods served at the celebration—vary widely. For example, the traditional wedding cake in Italy is made from biscuits.

4. True. Many faiths, including Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism, have dietary rules and rituals that involve food; however, these practices and beliefs vary widely among individuals and communities.

5. True. Just as foods are divided into yin foods (e.g., bean sprouts and carrots) and yang foods (beef, chicken, and mushrooms), cooking methods are also referred to as having yin qualities (e.g., boiling and steaming) or yang qualities (roasting and stir-frying). For many Chinese Americans, yin and yang are complementary pairs that should be incorporated into all aspects of social life, including the ingredients and preparation of foods.

6. False. Although more people now rely on fast foods, some cultural and religious communities—such as the Amish of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Indiana—encourage families to prepare their food from scratch and to preserve their own fruits, vegetables, and meats. Rural families are more likely to grow their own food or prepare it from scratch than are urban families.

7. False. Rice is a popular mainstay in the diets of people from diverse cultural backgrounds—from the Hmong and Vietnamese to Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans—who have arrived in the United States over the past four decades. Among some in the younger generations, however, food choices have become increasingly Americanized, and items such as french fries and pizza have become popular.

8. True. Cultural diversity is a major issue in eating, and people in some cultures, religions, and nations expect that even an “outsider” will have a basic familiarity with, and respect for, their traditions and practices. However, social analysts also suggest that we should not generalize or imply that certain characteristics apply to all people in a cultural group or nation.

Sources: Based on Better Health Channel, 2007; Ohio State University, 2007; and PBS, 2005a. © Cengage Learning.

ANSWERS to the Sociology Quiz on Global Food and Culture

Sociology and Everyday Life

material culture the physical or tangible creations that members of a society make, use, and share.

nonmaterial culture the abstract or intangible human creations of society that influence people’s behavior.

beliefs the mental acceptance or conviction that certain things are true or real.

cultural universals customs and practices that occur across all societies.

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hospitality). Whereas these general customs and practices may be present in all cultures, their specific forms vary from one group to another and from one time to another within the same group. For exam- ple, although telling jokes may be a universal prac- tice, what is considered to be a joke in one society may be an insult in another.

How do sociologists view cultural universals? In terms of their functions, cultural universals are use- ful because they ensure the smooth and continual operation of society (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952). A society must meet basic human needs by provid- ing food, shelter, and some degree of safety for its

members so that they will survive. Children and other new members (such as immigrants) must be taught the ways of the group. A society must also settle disputes and deal with people’s emotions. All the while, the self-interest of individuals must be balanced with the needs of society as a whole. Cultural universals help fulfill these important func- tions of society.

From another perspective, however, cultural universals are not the result of functional necessity; members of one society may have imposed these practices on members of another. Similar customs and practices do not necessarily constitute cul- tural universals. They may be an indication that a conquering nation used its power to enforce cer- tain types of behavior on those who were defeated (Sargent, 1987). Sociologists might ask questions such as “Who determines the dominant cultural patterns?” For example, although religion is a cul- tural universal, traditional religious practices of indigenous peoples (those who first live in an area) have often been repressed and even stamped out by subsequent settlers or conquerors who hold politi- cal and economic power over them. However, many people believe there is cause for optimism in the United States because the democratic ideas of this nation provide more guarantees of religious free- dom than do some other nations.

Components of Culture Even though the specifics of individual cultures vary widely, all cultures have four common non-

material cultural components: symbols, language, values, and norms. These

components contribute to both harmony and strife in a society.

Symbols A symbol is anything that meaningfully represents something else. Culture could not exist without symbols because there would be no shared meanings among people. Symbols can simultaneously produce loyalty and animosity, and love and hate. They help us communicate ideas such as love or patriotism because they express abstract concepts with visible objects. For example, flags can stand for patriotism, nationalism, school spirit, or religious beliefs held by members of a group or society. Symbols can stand for love (a heart on a valentine), peace (a dove), or hate (a Nazi swastika), just as words can be used to convey these meanings. Symbols can also transmit other types of ideas. A siren is a symbol that denotes

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● Food is a universal type of material culture, but what people eat and how they eat it vary widely, as shown in these cross-cultural examples from the United Arab Emirates (top), Holland (middle), and China (bottom). What might be some reasons for the similarities and differences that you see in these photos?

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an emergency situation and sends the message to clear the way immediately. Gestures are also a symbolic form of communication—a movement of the head, body, or hands can express our ideas or feelings to others. For example, in the United States, pointing toward your chest with your thumb or fin- ger is a symbol for “me.”

Symbols affect our thoughts about class. For example, how a person is dressed or the kind of car that he or she drives is often at least subcon- sciously used as a measure of that individual’s economic standing or position. With regard to clothing, although many people wear casual clothes on a daily basis, where the clothing was purchased is sometimes used as a symbol of social status. Were the items purchased at Walmart, Old Navy,

Abercrombie & Fitch, or Saks? What indicators are there on the items of clothing—such as the Nike swoosh, some other logo, or a brand name—that indicate something about the status of the product? Automobiles and their logos are also symbols that have cultural meaning beyond the shopping envi- ronment in which they originate.

Finally, symbols may be specific to a given cul- ture and have special meaning to individuals who share that culture but not necessarily to other peo- ple. Consider, for example, the use of certain foods to celebrate the Chinese New Year: Bamboo shoots and black-moss seaweed both represent wealth, peanuts and noodles symbolize a long life, and tan- gerines represent good luck. What foods in other cultures represent “good luck” or prosperity? In countries throughout the world, food and drink are powerful symbols of the history and cultural iden- tity of people residing in the area.

Language Language is a set of symbols that expresses ideas and enables people to think and communicate with one another. Verbal (spoken) language and nonverbal (written or gestured) language help us describe reality. One of our most important human attributes is the ability to use language to share our experiences, feelings, and knowledge with others. Language can create visual images in our head, such as “the kittens look like little cotton balls” (Samovar and Porter, 1991). Language also allows people to distinguish themselves from outsiders and maintain group boundaries and solidarity (Farb, 1973).

Language is not solely a human characteristic. Other animals use sounds, gestures, touch, and smell to communicate with one another, but they use signals with fixed meanings that are limited to the immediate situation (the present) and that can- not encompass past or future situations. For exam- ple, chimpanzees can use elements of American Sign Language and manipulate physical objects to make “sentences,” but they are not physically endowed with the vocal apparatus needed to form the con- sonants required for oral language. As a result, non- human animals cannot transmit the more complex aspects of culture to their offspring. Humans have a unique ability to manipulate symbols to express

symbol anything that meaningfully represents something else.

language a set of symbols that expresses ideas and enables people to think and communicate with one another.

● The customs and rituals associated with weddings are one example of nonmaterial culture. What can you infer about beliefs and attitudes concerning marriage in the societies represented by these photographs?

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abstract concepts and rules and thus to create and transmit culture from one generation to the next.

Language and Social Reality Does lan- guage create reality or simply communicate real- ity? Anthropological linguists Edward Sapir and Benjamin Whorf have suggested that language not only expresses our thoughts and perceptions but also influences our perception of reality. According to the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis, language shapes the view of reality of its speakers (Whorf, 1956; Sapir, 1961). If people are able to think only through language, then language must precede thought. If language actually shapes the reality we perceive and experience, then some aspects of the world are viewed as important and others are virtually neglected because people know the world only in terms of the vocabulary and grammar of their own language.

If language does create reality, does our lan- guage trap us? Many social scientists agree that the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis overstates the relationship between language and our thoughts and behavior patterns. Although they acknowledge that language has many subtle meanings and that words used by people reflect their central concerns, most soci- ologists contend that language may influence our behavior and interpretation of social reality but does not determine it.

Language and Gender What is the rela- tionship between language and gender? What cultural assumptions about women and men does language reflect? Scholars have suggested several ways in which language and gender are intertwined:

● The English language ignores women by using the masculine form to refer to human beings in general. For example, the word man is used

generically in words such as chairman and man- kind, which allegedly include both men and women.

● Use of the pronouns he and she affects our think- ing about gender. Pronouns show the gender of the person we expect to be in a particular occu- pation. For instance, nurses, secretaries, and schoolteachers are usually referred to as she, but doctors, engineers, electricians, and presidents are usually referred to as he.

● Words have positive connotations when relating to male power, prestige, and leadership; when related to women, they carry negative over- tones of weakness, inferiority, and immaturity (Epstein, 1988). ■ Table 3.1 shows how gender- based language reflects the traditional acceptance of men and women in certain positions, implying that the jobs are different when filled by women rather than men.

● A language-based predisposition to think about women in sexual terms reinforces the notion that women are sexual objects. Terms such as fox, broad, bitch, babe, and doll often describe women, which ascribe childlike or even pet-like characteristics to them. By contrast, men have performance pressures placed on them by being defined in terms of their sexual prowess, such as dude, stud, and hunk (Baker, 1993).

Male Term Female Term Neutral Term

Teacher Teacher Teacher

Chairman Chairwoman Chair, chairperson

Congressman Congresswoman Representative

Policeman Policewoman Police officer

Fireman Female fireman Firefighter

Airline steward Airline stewardess Flight attendant

Race car driver Female race car driver

Race car driver

Professor Teacher/female professor

Professor

Doctor Female doctor Doctor

Bachelor Bachelorette Single person

Male prostitute Prostitute Prostitute

Welfare recipient Welfare mother Welfare recipient

Worker/ employee

Working mother Worker/employee

Janitor/mainte- nance man

Maid/cleaning lady Custodial attendant

table 3.1 Language and Gender

Sources: Adapted from Korsmeyer, 1981: 122; and Miller and Swift, 1991 © Cengage Learning.

● Would you expect the user of this device to be impoverished or affluent? What do possessions indicate about their owner’s social class?

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Gender in language has been debated and stud- ied extensively for many years now, and some changes have occurred. The preference of many women to be called Ms. (rather than Miss or Mrs. in reference to their marital status) has received a degree of acceptance in public life and the media. Many organizations and publications have estab- lished guidelines for the use of nonsexist language and have changed titles such as chairman to chair or chairperson. To develop a more inclusive and equitable society, many scholars suggest that a more inclusive language is needed.

Language, Race, and Ethnicity Language may create and reinforce our perceptions about race and ethnicity by transmitting preconceived ideas about the superiority of one category of people over another. Let’s look at a few images conveyed by words in the English language in regard to race/ ethnicity:

● Words may have more than one meaning and create and/or reinforce negative images. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, terms such as blackhearted (malevolent) and expressions such as a black mark (a detrimental fact) and China- man’s chance of success (unlikely to succeed) were used to associate the words black and Chinaman with derogatory imagery. Although these terms are seldom used today, they are occasionally ref- erenced in popular culture and film.

● Overtly derogatory terms such as nigger, kike, gook, honky, chink, spic, and other racial–ethnic slurs have been “popularized” in movies, music, comedy routines, and so on. Such derogatory terms are often used in conjunction with physi- cal threats against persons.

● Words are frequently used to create or reinforce perceptions about a group. For example, Native

Americans have been referred to as “savage” and “primitive,” and African Americans have been described as “uncivilized,” “cannibalistic,” and “pagan.”

● The “voice” of verbs may minimize or incorrectly identify the activities or achievements of people of color. For example, the use of the passive voice in the statement “African Americans were given the right to vote” ignores how African Americans fought for that right. Active-voice verbs may also inaccurately attribute achievements to people or groups. Some historians argue that cultural bias is shown by the very notion that “Columbus discovered America”—given that America was already inhabited by people who later became known as Native Americans (see Stannard, 1992; Takaki, 1993).

In addition to these concerns about the English language, problems also arise when more than one language is involved. Across the nation, the ques- tion of whether the United States should have an “official” language continues to arise. Some people believe that there is no need to designate an offi- cial language; other people believe that English should be designated as the official language and that the use of any other language in official gov- ernment business should be discouraged or nega- tively sanctioned. By 2012, thirty-one states (see ● Map 3.1) had passed laws which require that all public documents, records, legislation, and regula- tions, as well as hearings, official ceremonies, and public meetings, be written or conducted solely in English.

Are deep-seated social and cultural issues embedded in social policy decisions such as these? Although the United States has always been a nation of immigrants, in recent decades this country has experienced rapid changes in population that have brought about greater diversity in languages and cultures. Recent data gathered by the U.S. Census Bureau (see “Census Profiles: Languages Spoken in U.S. Households”) indicate that although 79 percent of the people in this country speak only English at home, 21 percent speak a language other than English. The largest portion of non-English speak- ers speak Spanish at home.

Language is an important means of cultural transmission. Through language, children learn about their cultural heritage and develop a sense of personal identity in relationship to their group.

Sapir–Whorf hypothesis the proposition that language shapes the view of reality of its speakers.

● Certain jobs are stereotypically considered to be “men’s jobs”; others are “women’s jobs.” Is your perception of a male flight attendant the same as your perception of a female flight attendant?

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Latinos/as in New Mexico and south Texas use dichos—proverbs or sayings that are unique to the Spanish language—as a means of expressing them- selves and as a reflection of their cultural heritage. Examples of dichos include Anda tu camino sin ayuda de vecino (“Walk your own road without the help of a neighbor”) and Amor de lejos es para pendejos (“A long-distance romance is for fools”). Dichos are passed from generation to generation as a priceless verbal tradition whereby people can give advice or teach a lesson (Gandara, 1995).

Language is also a source of power and social control; language perpetuates inequalities between people and between groups because words are used (intentionally or not) to “keep people in their place.” As the linguist Deborah Tannen (1993: B5)

has suggested, “The devastating group hatreds that result in so much suffering in our own country and around the world are related in origin to the small intolerances in our everyday conversations—our readiness to attribute good intentions to ourselves and bad intentions to others.” Language, then, is a reflection of our feelings and values.

Values Values are collective ideas about what is right or wrong, good or bad, and desirable or undesirable in a particular culture (Williams, 1970). Values do not dictate which behaviors are appropriate and which ones are not, but they provide us with the criteria by which we evaluate people, objects, and events. Values typically come in pairs of positive and

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Alabama (1990) Alaska (1998) Arizona (2006) Arkansas (1987) California (1986) Colorado (1988) Florida (1988) Georgia (1986; 1996) Hawaii (1978) Idaho (2007) Illinois (1969) Indiana (1984) Iowa (2002) Kansas (2007) Kentucky (1984)

Louisiana (1812) Massachusetts (1975) Mississippi (1987) Missouri (1998; 2008) Montana (1995) Nebraska (1920) New Hampshire (1995) North Carolina (1987) North Dakota (1987) Oklahoma (2010) South Carolina (1987) South Dakota (1995) Tennessee (1984) Utah (2000) Virginia (1981; 1996) Wyoming (1996)

● MAP 3.1 STATES WITH OFFICIAL ENGLISH LAWS Why do some states have official English laws while others do not? How does the composition of the population in each state affect the passage of laws regarding language? Do you see any similarities in the states that have official English laws versus those that don’t? What conclusions can you draw from this map? Source: U.S. English, 2013.

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negative values, such as being brave or cowardly, hardworking or lazy. Because we use values to justify our behavior, we tend to defend them staunchly.

Core American Values Do we have shared values in the United States? Sociologists disagree about the extent to which all people in this coun- try share a core set of values. Functionalists tend to believe that shared values are essential for the main- tenance of a society, and scholars using a function- alist approach have conducted most of the research on core values. Analysts who focus on the impor- tance of core values maintain that the values identi- fied by sociologist Robin M. Williams Jr., in 1970 are important to people in the United States but that they have changed somewhat in recent years. How important do you think the following ten values are? 1. Individualism. People in the United States are

responsible for their own success or failure. Those who do not succeed have only themselves to blame because of their lack of ability, laziness, immorality, or other character defects.

2. Achievement and success. Personal achievement results from successful competition with others. Individuals are encouraged to do better than oth- ers in school and to work in order to gain wealth, power, and prestige. Material possessions are seen as a sign of personal achievement.

3. Activity and work. People who are industrious are praised for their achievement; those perceived as lazy are ridiculed. From the time of the early Puritans, work has been viewed as important. Even during their leisure time, many people “work” in their play. For example, think of all the people who run in marathons, repair or restore cars, and so on in their spare time.

4. Science and technology. People in the United States have a great deal of faith in science and technology. They expect scientific and techno- logical advances ultimately to control nature, the aging process, and even death.

5. Progress and material comfort. The material com- forts of life include not only basic necessities (such as adequate shelter, nutrition, and medical care) but also the goods and services that make life easier and more pleasant.

6. Efficiency and practicality. People want things to be bigger, better, and faster. As a result, great value is placed on efficiency (“How well does it work?”) and practicality (“Is this a realistic thing to do?”).

values collective ideas about what is right or wrong, good or bad, and desirable or undesirable in a particular culture.

Languages Spoken in U.S. Households

Among the categories of information gathered by the U.S. Census Bureau are data on the languages spoken in U.S. households. As shown below, English is the only language spoken at home in 79 percent of U.S. households. Some language other than English is the primary language spoken at home in 21 percent of U.S. households.

People who speak a language other than English at home are asked to indicate which other languages they speak. The principal languages other than English that are most frequently spoken at home are shown in the following chart. Do you think that changes in the languages spoken in this country will bring about other significant changes in U.S. culture? Why or why not?

census Profiles

English only 79%

Some other language

21%

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b.

Spanish 62.1%

Languages Spoken at Home Other Than English, by Percentage

Chinese 4.8%

French 2.1%Tagalog

2.6% German 1.8% Vietnamese 2.3% Korean 1.9%

Other 14.5%

Arabic 1.6%

Portuguese 1.1%

Italian 1.2%

African language 1.5%

Russian 1.5%

Note: These percentages do not add to 100 percent because of rounding.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b.

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7. Equality. Since colonial times, overt class dis- tinctions have been rejected in the United States. However, “equality” has been defined as “equality of opportunity”—an assumed equal chance to achieve success—not as “equality of outcome.”

8. Morality and humanitarianism. Aiding others, especially following natural disasters (such as fires, hurricanes, and other natural disasters), is seen as a value. The notion of helping oth- ers was originally a part of religious teachings and tied to the idea of morality. Today, people engage in humanitarian acts without necessar- ily perceiving that it is the “moral” thing to do.

9. Freedom and liberty. Individual freedom is highly valued in the United States. The idea of freedom includes the right to private ownership of property, the ability to engage in private en- terprise, freedom of the press, and other free- doms considered to be “basic” rights.

10. Ethnocentrism and group superiority. People value their own racial or ethnic group above all others. Such feelings of pride and superiority may lead to discrimination; in the past, slavery and segregation laws were an example. Many people also believe in the superiority of this country and that “the American way of life” is best.

Are these values still important today? According to a report by the Pew Research Center Global Attitudes Project (2011), people in the United States remain more individualistic than people residing in Western Europe. However, Americans appear to be less inclined to view their culture and way of life as superior to others than they have in the past. Overall, it appears that core values are an important com- ponent of culture in all societies but that over time, they tend to shift based on economic conditions, social trends, religious beliefs, and other factors that arise in those nations and around the globe.

Value Contradictions All countries, includ- ing the United States, have value contradictions. Value contradictions are values that conflict with one another or are mutually exclusive (mean- ing that achieving one value makes it difficult, if not impossible, to achieve another). Core values of morality and humanitarianism may conflict with values of individual achievement and success. For example, humanitarian values reflected in welfare and other government-aid programs for people in need come into conflict with values emphasizing hard work and personal achievement.

Ideal Culture Versus Real Culture What is the relationship between values and human behavior? Sociologists stress that a gap always exists between ideal culture and real culture in a society. Ideal culture refers to the values and standards of behavior that people in a society profess to hold. Real culture refers to the values and standards of behavior that people actually follow. For example, we may claim to be law-abiding (ideal cultural value) but may regularly drive over the speed limit (real cultural behavior) and still think of ourselves as “good citizens.” We may believe in the value of honesty and, at the same time, engage in deception.

Norms Values provide ideals or beliefs about behavior but do not state explicitly how we should behave. Norms, on the other hand, do have specific behavioral

expectations. Norms are established rules of behavior or standards of

conduct. Prescriptive norms state what behavior is appropriate or acceptable. For example, persons making a certain amount of money are expected to file a tax return and pay any taxes they owe. Norms based on custom direct us to open a door for a per- son carrying a heavy load or give up our seat for an elderly person on a bus. By contrast, proscrip- tive norms state what behavior is inappropriate or unacceptable. Laws that prohibit us from driving over the speed limit and “good manners” that pre- clude you from texting during class are examples. Prescriptive and proscriptive norms operate at all levels of society, from our everyday actions to the formulation of laws.

Formal and Informal Norms Not all norms are of equal importance; those that are most crucial are formalized. Formal norms are written down and involve specific punishments for violators. Laws are the most common type of formal norms; they have been codified and may be enforced by sanctions. Sanctions are rewards for appropriate behavior or penalties for inappropriate behavior.

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● Even during their leisure time, many people “work” in their play.

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What Do Cultural Norms Say About Drinking Behavior?

in Global PerspectiveSociology

In the United States, most of us are familiar with norms and rituals associated with alcohol consumption and/or drinking behavior. Some norms are formal, such as laws that set forth the legal age at which young people may consume alcoholic beverages. Other drinking norms are informal, such as whether champagne, wine, or beer should be served at a wedding celebration. Let’s take a brief look at the Republic of Georgia (see Map 3.2), where highly formalized norms have been established regarding the consumption of wine at meals.

In the Republic of Georgia, people participate in celebra- tory and memorial occasions known as supras—feasts or ban- quets. More-formal supras take place at holidays or significant events, such as birthdays, weddings, baptisms, or funerals. Less formal supras mark the gathering of friends and family to enjoy food, music, and dancing while engaging in a ritualized wine drinking that marks one’s personal and national identity, as well as his or her place in the social hierarchy.

The norms of eating are more informal at the supra, but the drinking norms are strictly formal, starting with the first toast, which sets the character, structure, and meaning of what is being celebrated or mourned (Muehlfried, 2007). Georgian wine cannot be consumed without first having an eloquent speech given by the tamada, or toastmaster, who must adhere to strict rules of etiquette to ensure that honor is appropriately distributed to the guests. The tamada must be able to give extensive toasts, share humorous stories, and

consume large amounts of wine without showing any sign of fatigue or intoxication. The norms governing toasts empha- size the importance of whom the tamada addresses, when, how, in what order, and for how long. It is also important who drinks when and how much because such details demon- strate people’s status. When a toast is given to women or the deceased, for example, women and children remain seated, but boys of a certain age must stand up to show that they have become men. Older men who no longer participate in drinking and toasting typically lose their status as head of the family (Muehlfried 2007).

Why do Georgians maintain these cultural norms govern- ing supras across generations? In the past, such norms may have helped Georgians hold on to their cultural identity when they were overtaken by other nations, such as Russia. Today, some social scientists believe these norms and rituals con- tinue to help people in Georgia maintain their identity and cultural heritage in the face of rapid social change and global- ization (Muehlfried, 2007).

reflect & analyze Can you think of eating or drinking norms that are specific to your family’s national, religious, or racial/ ethnic traditions? What about those of your friends or acquaintances? Do these norms contribute to your identity and social interaction patterns?

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Examples of positive sanctions include praise, hon- ors, or medals for conformity to specific norms. Negative sanctions range from mild disapproval to the death penalty.

Norms that are considered to be less important are referred to as informal norms—unwritten standards of behavior understood by people who share a com- mon identity. When individuals violate informal norms, other people may apply informal sanctions. Informal sanctions are not clearly defined and can be applied by any member of a group (such as frowning at someone or making a negative comment or ges- ture). Around the world, people of all nations have formal and informal norms that are unique to their culture and way of life (see “Sociology in Global Perspective” on the previous page).

Folkways Norms are also classified according to their relative social importance. Folkways are informal norms or everyday customs that may be violated without serious consequences within a particular culture (Sumner, 1959/1906). They pro- vide rules for conduct but are not considered to be essential to society’s survival. In the United States, folkways include using underarm deodorant, brush- ing our teeth, and wearing appropriate clothing for a specific occasion. Often, folkways are not enforced; when they are enforced, the resulting sanctions tend to be informal and relatively mild.

Mores Other norms are considered to be highly essential to the stability of society even though they are not laws. Mores are strongly held norms

with moral and ethical connotations that may not be violated without serious consequences in a particular culture. Because mores (pronounced MOR-ays) are based on cultural values and are con- sidered to be crucial to the well-being of the group, violators are subject to more-severe negative sanc- tions (such as ridicule or loss of employment) than are those who fail to adhere to folkways. The stron- gest mores are referred to as taboos. Taboos are mores so strong that their violation is considered to be extremely offensive and even unmention- able. Violation of taboos is punishable by the group or even, according to certain belief systems, by a supernatural force. The incest taboo, which prohibits sexual or marital relations between certain categories of kin, is an example of a nearly universal taboo. In the United States, mores are considered to be infor- mal norms unless they are officially made into law.

Laws Laws are formal, standardized norms that have been enacted by legislatures and are enforced by formal sanctions. Laws may be either civil or criminal. Civil law deals with disputes among per- sons or groups. Persons who lose civil suits may encounter negative sanctions such as having to pay compensation to the other party or being ordered to stop certain conduct. Criminal law, on the other hand, deals with public safety and well-being. When criminal laws are violated, fines and prison sentences are the most likely negative sanctions, although in some states the death penalty is handed down for certain major offenses.

Technology, Cultural Change, and Diversity Cultures do not generally remain static. There are many forces working toward change and diversity.

Some societies and individuals adapt to this change, whereas others suffer

culture shock and succumb to ethnocentrism.

Cultural Change Societies continually experience cultural change at both material and nonmaterial levels. Changes in technology continue to shape the material culture of society. As noted earlier, technology refers to the knowledge, techniques, and tools that allow people to transform resources into usable forms, and the knowledge and skills required to use them after they are developed. Although most technolog- ical changes are primarily modifications of existing technology, new technologies refers to changes that make a significant difference in many people’s lives.

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Examples of new technologies include the introduc- tion of the printing press more than 500 years ago and the advent of computers and electronic com- munications in the twentieth century. The pace of technological change has increased rapidly in the past 150 years, as contrasted with the 4,000 years prior to that, during which humans advanced from digging sticks and hoes to the plow.

All parts of culture do not change at the same pace. When a change occurs in the material culture of a society, nonmaterial culture must adapt to that change. Frequently, this rate of change is uneven, resulting in a gap between the two. Sociologist William F. Ogburn (1966/1922) referred to this dis- parity as cultural lag, which is a gap between the technical development of a society and its moral and legal institutions. In other words, cultural lag occurs when material culture changes faster than nonmaterial culture, thus creating a lag between the two cultural components. For example, at the material cultural level, the personal computer and electronic coding have made it possible to create a unique health identifier for each person in the United States. Based on available technology (mate- rial culture), it is possible to create a national data bank that would include everyone’s individual med- ical records from birth to death. Using this identi- fier, health providers and insurance companies could rapidly transfer medical records around the globe, and researchers could access unlimited data on people’s diseases, test results, and treatments. However, the availability of this technology does not mean that it will be accepted by people who believe (nonmaterial culture) that such a national data bank would constitute an invasion of privacy and could easily be abused by others. The failure of nonma- terial culture to keep pace with material culture is linked to social conflict and societal problems. As in the above example, such changes are often set in motion by discovery, invention, and diffusion.

Discovery is the process of learning about something previously unknown or unrecognized.

Historically, discovery involved unearthing natural elements or existing realities, such as “discovering” fire or the true shape of the Earth. Today, discov- ery most often results from scientific research. For example, the discovery of a polio vaccine virtually eliminated one of the major childhood diseases. A future discovery of a cure for cancer or the common cold could result in longer and more productive lives for many people.

As more discoveries have occurred, people have been able to reconfigure existing material and non- material cultural items through invention. Invention is the process of reshaping existing cultural items into a new form. Guns, airplanes, TV sets, and digi- tal devices are examples of inventions that positively or negatively affect our lives today.

When diverse groups of people come into contact, they begin to adapt one another’s dis- coveries, inventions, and ideas for their own use. Diffusion is the transmission of cultural items or social practices from one group or society to another through such means as exploration, war, the media, tourism, and immigration. Today, cul- tural diffusion moves at a very rapid pace in the global economy.

● Facebook and other social networking companies are examples of cultural lag—a gap between technology and a society’s morals and laws. Who owns what you have posted on your social networking page?

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value contradictions values that conflict with one another or are mutually exclusive.

norms established rules of behavior or standards of conduct.

sanctions rewards for appropriate behavior or penalties for inappropriate behavior.

folkways informal norms or everyday customs that may be violated without serious consequences within a particular culture.

mores strongly held norms with moral and ethical connotations that may not be violated without serious consequences in a particular culture.

taboos mores so strong that their violation is considered to be extremely offensive and even unmentionable.

laws formal, standardized norms that have been enacted by legislatures and are enforced by formal sanctions.

technology the knowledge, techniques, and tools that allow people to transform resources into usable forms, and the knowledge and skills required to use them after they are developed.

cultural lag William Ogburn’s term for a gap between the technical development of a society (material culture) and its moral and legal institutions (nonmaterial culture).

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Cultural Diversity Cultural diversity refers to the wide range of cul- tural differences found between and within nations. Cultural diversity between countries may be the result of natural circumstances (such as climate and geography) or social circumstances (such as level of technology and composition of the population). Some nations—such as Sweden—are referred to as homogeneous societies, meaning that they include people who share a common culture and who are typically from similar social, religious, political, and economic backgrounds (though this is chang- ing in Sweden and other countries as they become more diverse). By contrast, other nations—including the United States—are referred to as heterogeneous societies, meaning that they include people who are dissimilar in regard to social characteristics such as religion, income, or race/ethnicity (see ● Figure 3.2).

Immigration contributes to cultural diversity in a society. Throughout its history, the United States has been a nation of immigrants (see ● Map 3.3). Over the past 200 years, more than 60 million “doc- umented” (legal) immigrants have arrived here; innumerable people have also entered the country as undocumented immigrants. Immigration can cause feelings of frustration and hostility, especially in people who feel threatened by the changes that large numbers of immigrants may produce. Often, people are intolerant of those who are different from themselves. When societal tensions rise, people may look for others on whom they can place blame—or single out persons because they are the “other,” the “outsider,” the one who does not “belong.”

Can people overcome these feelings in a cultur- ally diverse society such as the United States? Some analysts believe that it is possible to communicate with others despite differences in race, ethnicity, national origin, age, sexual orientation, religion, social class, occupation, leisure pursuits, regional- ism, and so on. People who differ from the domi- nant group may also find reassurance and social support in a subculture.

Subcultures A subculture is a category of peo- ple who share distinguishing attributes, beliefs, values, and/or norms that set them apart in some significant manner from the dominant culture. This concept has been applied to distinctions rang- ing from ethnic, religious, regional, and age-based categories to those categories presumed to be “devi- ant” or marginalized from the larger society. In the broadest use of the concept, members of thousands of categories of people residing in the United States might be classified as participants in one or more subcultures, including social media users, Native

Household Incomea

Race and Ethnic Distribution*

*May not total to 100% due to rounding.

Unknown (refused to

answer) 5.2%

Christian 76%

Religious Affiliation

Jewish 1.2%

Muslim 0.6%

Buddhist 0.5%

Other 1.5%

Nonreligious 15%

Under $15,000 13%

$15,000 to $24,999 12%

$25,000 to $34,999 11.1%

$35,000 to $49,999 14.1%

$50,000 to $74,999 18%

$75,000 to $99,999

11.5%

Over $100,000 20.1%

Hispanic 16.3% White (Non-Hispanic) 63.7%

African American (Non-Hispanic) 12.6%

Asianc 4.8%

Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islandersb 0.2%

American Indian/ Alaska Native 0.9%

● FIGURE 3.2 HETEROGENEITY OF U.S. SOCIETY Throughout history, the United States has been heterogeneous. Today, we represent a wide diversity of social categories, including our religious affiliations, income levels, and racial/ ethnic categories. aIn Census Bureau terminology, a household consists of people who occupy a housing unit. bIncludes Native Hawaiian, Guamanian or Chamarro, Samoan, and other Pacific Islanders. cIncludes Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Asian, Indian, Korean, Vietnamese, and other Asians.

Sources: U.S. Census Bureau, 2011g; Humes, Jones, and Ramirez, 2011.

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Americans, Lady Gaga fans, Muslims, and motor- cycle enthusiasts. However, many sociological stud- ies of subcultures have limited the scope of inquiry to more-visible, distinct subcultures such as the Old Order Amish and ethnic enclaves such as Little Saigon or Little Gaza to see how participants in sub- cultures interface with the dominant U.S. culture. Let’s take a brief look at the Old Order Amish, a classic sociological example.

The Old Order Amish Having arrived in the United States in the early 1700s, members of the Old Order Amish have fought to maintain their distinct identity. Today, most of the Amish live in Pennsyl- vania, Ohio, and Indiana, where they practice their religious beliefs and remain in a relatively closed social network. According to sociologists, this reli- gious community is a subculture because its mem- bers share values and norms that differ from those of people who primarily identify with the dominant culture. The Amish have a strong faith in God and reject worldly concerns. Their core values include the joy of work, the primacy of the home, faithful- ness, thriftiness, tradition, and humility. The Amish hold a conservative view of the family, believing

that women are subordinate to men, birth control is unacceptable, and wives should remain at home. Children (about seven per family) are cherished and seen as an economic asset: They help with the farm- ing and other work. Many of the Old Order Amish speak Pennsylvania Dutch (a dialect of German) as well as English. They dress in traditional clothing, live on farms, and rely on the horse and buggy for transportation.

The Amish are aware that they share distinctive values and look different from other people; these differences provide them with a collective identity and make them feel close to one another. The belief system and group cohesiveness of the Amish remain strong despite the intrusion of corporations and tourists, the vanishing farmlands, and increasing levels of government regulation in their daily lives (Schaefer and Zellner, 2010).

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Ancestry with largest population in county

Ancestry with largest population in state

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see categories below

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AMERICAN

AMERICAN INDIAN

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FINNISH

FRENCH

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OTHER: Chinese (San Francisco County, CA) Cuban (Miami-Dade County, FL) Dominican (New York County, NY) Filipino (Kauai and Maui counties, HI) French Canadian (Androskoggin County, ME) Hawaiian (Kalawao County, HI) Japanese (Hawaii State; Honolulu County, HI) Polish (Luzerne County, PA) Portugese (Bristol County, MA and Bristol County, RI)

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● MAP 3.3 CULTURAL DIVERSITY: A NATION OF IMMIGRANTS Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2012, tabulation by author.

subculture a category of people who share dis- tinguishing attributes, beliefs, values, and/or norms that set them apart in some significant manner from the dominant culture.

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Ethnic Subcultures Some people who have unique shared behaviors linked to a common racial, language, or nationality background iden- tify themselves as members of a specific subculture, whereas others do not. Examples of ethnic subcul- tures include African Americans, Latinos/ Latinas (Hispanic Americans), Asian Americans, and Native Americans. Some analysts include “white ethnics” such as Irish Americans, Italian Americans, and Polish Americans. Others also include Anglo Americans (Caucasians).

Although people in ethnic subcultures are dis- persed throughout the United States, a concentra- tion of members of some ethnic subcultures is visible in many larger communities and cities. For example, Chinatowns, located in cities such as San Francisco, Los Angeles, and New York, are one of the more vis- ible ethnic subcultures in the United States. By living close to one another and retaining their original cus- toms and language, first-generation immigrants can survive the abrupt changes they experience in mate- rial and nonmaterial cultural patterns. In New York City, for example, Korean Americans and Puerto Rican Americans constitute distinctive subcultures, each with its own food, music, and personal style. In San Antonio, Mexican Americans enjoy different food and music than do Puerto Rican Americans or other groups.

Subcultures provide opportunities for the expres- sion of distinctive lifestyles, as well as sometimes helping people adapt to abrupt cultural change. Subcultures can also serve as a buffer against the discrimination experienced by many ethnic or reli- gious groups in the United States. However, some people may be forced by economic or social disad- vantage to remain in such ethnic enclaves.

Countercultures A counterculture is a group that strongly rejects dominant societal values and norms and seeks alternative lifestyles (Yinger, 1960, 1982). Young people are most likely to join countercultural groups, perhaps because younger persons generally have less invested in the existing culture. Examples of countercultures include the beatniks of the 1950s, the flower children of the 1960s, the drug enthusiasts of the 1970s, and con- temporary members of nonmainstream religious sects or cults. Occupy Wall Street and its coun- terparts throughout the United States and other nations began as a counterculture because partici- pants took a stand against dominant cultural values of wealth, power, and political privilege.

Culture Shock Culture shock is the disorientation that people feel when they encounter cultures radically dif- ferent from their own and believe they cannot depend on their own taken-for-granted assump-

tions about life. When people travel to another society, they may not know how

to respond to that setting. For example, Napoleon LO7

● Even as global travel and the media make us more aware of people around the world, the distinctiveness of the Yanomamö in South America remains apparent. Are people today more or less likely than those in the past to experience culture shock upon encountering diverse groups of people such as these Yanomamö?

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● Although modernization and consumerism have changed the way of life of some subcultures, groups such as the Old Order Amish have preserved some of their historical practices, including traveling by horse-drawn carriage.

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Chagnon (1992) described his initial shock at seeing the Yanomamö (pronounced yah-noh-MAH-mah) tribe of South America on his first trip in 1964.

The Yanomamö (also referred to as the “Yano- mami”) are a tribe of about 20,000 South American Indians who live in the rain forest. Although Chagnon traveled in a small aluminum motorboat for three days to reach these people, he was not prepared for the sight that met his eyes when he arrived:

I looked up and gasped to see a dozen burly, naked, sweaty, hideous men staring at us down the shafts of their drawn arrows. Immense wads of green tobacco were stuck between their lower teeth and lips, making them look even more hid- eous, and strands of dark-green slime dripped from their nostrils—strands so long that they reached down to their pectoral muscles or driz- zled down their chins and stuck to their chests and bellies. We arrived as the men were blowing ebene, a hallucinogenic drug, up their noses. . . . I was horrified. What kind of welcome was this for someone who had come to live with these people and learn their way of life—to become friends with them? But when they recognized Barker [a guide], they put their weapons down and returned to their chanting, while keeping a nervous eye on the village entrances. (Chagnon, 1992: 12–14)

The Yanomamö have no written language, s ystem of numbers, or calendar. They lead a nomadic lifestyle, carrying everything they own on their backs. They wear no clothes and paint their bodies; the women insert slender sticks through holes in the lower lip and through the pierced nasal septum. In other words, the Yanomamö—like the members of thou- sands of other cultures around the world—live in a culture very different from that of the United States.

Ethnocentrism and Cultural Relativism When observing people from other cultures, many of us use our own culture as the yardstick by which we judge their behavior. Sociologists refer to this approach as ethnocentrism—the practice of judging all other cultures by one’s own culture (Sumner, 1959/1906). Ethnocentrism is based on the assumption that one’s own way of life is supe- rior to all others. For example, most schoolchildren are taught that their own school and country are the best. The school song, the pledge to the flag, and the national anthem are forms of positive ethno- centrism. However, negative ethnocentrism can also result from constant emphasis on the superiority of one’s own group or nation. Negative ethnocentrism is manifested in derogatory stereotypes that ridicule

recent immigrants whose customs, dress, eating habits, or religious beliefs are markedly different from those of dominant-group members. Long- term U.S. residents who are members of racial and ethnic minority groups, such as Native Americans, African Americans, and Latinas/os, have also been the target of ethnocentric practices by other groups.

An alternative to ethnocentrism is cultural rela- tivism—the belief that the behaviors and customs of any culture must be viewed and analyzed by the

counterculture a group that strongly rejects dominant societal values and norms and seeks alternative lifestyles.

culture shock the disorientation that people feel when they encounter cultures radically different from their own and believe they cannot depend on their own taken-for-granted assumptions about life.

ethnocentrism the practice of judging all other cultures by one’s own culture.

cultural relativism the belief that the behaviors and customs of any culture must be viewed and analyzed by the culture’s own standards.

● These children from Norway wave their country’s flag on the 17th of May (Norwegian Constitution Day), displaying a form of positive ethnocentrism.

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culture’s own standards. For example, the anthro- pologist Marvin Harris (1974, 1985) uses cultural relativism to explain why cattle, which are viewed as sacred, are not killed and eaten in India, where widespread hunger and malnutrition exist. From an ethnocentric viewpoint, we might conclude that cow worship is the cause of the hunger and poverty in India. However, according to Harris, the Hindu taboo against killing cattle is very important to the Indian economic system. Live cows are more valu- able than dead ones because they have more impor- tant uses than as a direct source of food. As part of the ecological system, cows consume grasses of little value to humans. Then they produce two valuable resources—oxen (the neutered offspring of cows) to power the plows and manure (for fuel and fertil- izer)—as well as milk for children. As Harris’s study reveals, culture must be viewed from the standpoint of those who live in a particular society.

Cultural relativism also has a downside. It may be used to excuse customs and behavior (such as cannibalism) that may violate basic human rights. Cultural relativism is a part of the sociological imagination; researchers must be aware of the cus- toms and norms of the society they are studying and then spell out their background assumptions so that others can spot possible biases in their studies. However, according to some social scientists, issues surrounding ethnocentrism and cultural relativism may become less distinct in the future as people around the globe increasingly share a common pop- ular culture. Others, of course, disagree with this perspective. Let’s see what you think.

A Global Popular Culture? Before taking this course, what was the first thing you thought about when you heard the term culture? In everyday life, culture is often used to describe the fine arts, literature, and classical music. When peo- ple say that a person is “cultured,” they may mean that the individual has a highly developed sense of style or aesthetic appreciation of the “finer” things.

High Culture and Popular Culture Some sociologists use the concepts of high culture and popular culture to distinguish between different cultural forms. High culture consists of classical music, opera, ballet, live theater, and other activi- ties usually patronized by elite audiences, com- posed primarily of members of the upper-middle and upper classes, who have the time, money, and knowledge assumed to be necessary for its appre- ciation. In the United States, high culture is often viewed as being international in scope, arriving

in this country through the process of diffusion, because many art forms originated in European nations or other countries of the world.

By contrast, much of U.S. popular culture is often thought of as “homegrown” in this country. Popular culture consists of activities, products, and services that are assumed to appeal primarily to members of the middle and working classes. These include rock concerts, spectator sports, movies, and television soap operas and situation comedies. Although we will distinguish between “high” and “popular” culture in our discussion, it is important to note that some social analysts believe that the rise of a consumer soci- ety in which luxury items have become more widely accessible to the masses has greatly reduced the great divide between activities and possessions associated with wealthy people or a social elite.

However, most sociological examinations of high culture and popular culture focus primarily on the link between culture and social class. French soci- ologist Pierre Bourdieu’s (1984) cultural capital theory views high culture as a device used by the dominant class to exclude the subordinate classes. According to Bourdieu, people must be trained to appreciate and understand high culture. Individuals learn about high culture in upper-middle-class and upper-class families and in elite education systems, especially higher education. Once they acquire this trained capacity, they possess a form of cultural capital. Persons from poor and working-class back- grounds typically do not acquire this cultural capi- tal. Because knowledge and appreciation of high culture are considered a prerequisite for access to the dominant class, its members can use their cul- tural capital to deny access to subordinate-group members and thus preserve and reproduce the existing class structure.

Forms of Popular Culture Three prevalent forms of popular culture are fads, fashions, and leisure activities. A fad is a temporary but widely copied activity followed enthusiastically by large numbers of people. Most fads are short- lived novelties. According to the sociologist John Lofland (1993), fads can be divided into four major categories. First, object fads are items that people purchase despite the fact that they have little use value, such as wristbands that make a statement or support a cause. Second, activity fads include pur- suits such as body piercing or flash mobs. Third are idea fads, such as New Age ideologies. Fourth are personality fads—for example, those surround- ing celebrities such as Lady Gaga, Justin Bieber, and Miley Cyrus.

A fashion is a currently valued style of behavior, thinking, or appearance that is longer lasting and

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more widespread than a fad. Examples of fashion are found in many areas, including child rearing, education, arts, clothing, music, and sports. Soccer is an example of a fashion in sports. Until recently, only schoolchildren played soccer in the United States. Now it has become a popular sport, perhaps in part because of immigration from Latin America and other areas of the world where soccer is widely played.

Like soccer, other forms of popular culture move across nations. In fact, popular culture is one of the United States’ largest exports to other nations. In turn, people in this country continue to be strongly influenced by popular culture from other nations. Will the spread of popular culture produce a homo- geneous global culture? Critics argue that the world is not developing a global culture; rather, other cultures are becoming Westernized. Political and religious leaders in some nations oppose this pro- cess, which they view as cultural imperialism—the extensive infusion of one nation’s culture into other nations. For example, some view the wide- spread infusion of the English language into coun- tries that speak other languages as a form of cultural imperialism. On the other hand, the concept of cul- tural imperialism may fail to take into account vari- ous cross-cultural influences. For example, cultural diffusion of literature, music, clothing, and food has occurred on a global scale. A global culture, if it comes into existence, will most likely include com- ponents from many societies and cultures.

Sociological Analysis of Culture Sociologists regard culture as a central ingredient in human behavior. Although all sociologists share a

similar purpose, they typically see cul- ture through somewhat different lenses

as different theoretical perspectives in their research guide them. What do these perspectives tell us about culture?

Functionalist Perspectives Functionalist perspectives are based on the assump- tion that society is a stable, orderly system with interrelated parts that serve specific functions. Anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski (1922) sug- gested that culture helps people meet their biological needs (including food and procreation), instrumen- tal needs (including law and education), and inte- grative needs (including religion and art). Societies in which people share a common language and core values are more likely to have consensus and harmony.

How might functionalist analysts view popular culture? According to many functionalist theo- rists, popular culture serves a significant function in society in that it may be the “glue” which holds society together. Regardless of race, class, sex, age, or other characteristics, many people are brought together (at least in spirit) to cheer teams compet- ing in major sporting events such as Super Bowl Sunday and the Olympics. Television, the Internet, and social media help integrate recent immigrants into the mainstream culture, whereas longer-term residents may become more homogenized as a result of seeing the same images and being exposed to the same beliefs and values. However, function- alists acknowledge that all societies have dysfunc- tions, which produce a variety of societal problems. When a society contains numerous subcultures, dis- cord may result from a lack of consensus about val- ues and social norms. In fact, popular culture may undermine cultural values rather than reinforce them. For example, popular culture may glorify crime, rather than hard work, as the quickest way to get ahead. According to some analysts, excessive violence in music, video games, movies, and televi- sion shows may be harmful to children and young people. From this perspective, popular culture can be a factor in antisocial behavior such as hate crimes and fatal shootings.

A strength of the functionalist perspective on culture is its focus on the needs of society and the fact that stability is essential for society’s continued survival. A shortcoming is its overemphasis on har- mony and cooperation. This approach also fails to fully account for factors embedded in the structure of society—such as class-based inequalities, racism, and sexism—that may contribute to conflict among people in the United States or to global strife.

Conflict Perspectives Conflict perspectives are based on the assumption that social life is a continuous struggle in which members of powerful groups seek to control scarce resources. According to this approach, values and norms help create and sustain the privileged position of the powerful in society while excluding others. As

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high culture classical music, opera, ballet, live theater, and other activities usually patronized by elite audiences.

popular culture activities, products, and services that are assumed to appeal primarily to members of the middle and working classes.

cultural imperialism the extensive infusion of one nation’s culture into other nations.

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early conflict theorist Karl Marx stressed, ideas are cultural creations of a society’s most powerful mem- bers. Thus, it is possible for political, economic, and social leaders to use ideology—an integrated system of ideas that is external to, and coercive of, people— to maintain their positions of dominance in a soci- ety. As Marx stated,

The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e., the class which is the ruling material force in society, is at the same time, its ruling intellectual force. The class, which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of men- tal production. . . . The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas. (Marx and Engels, 1970/1845–1846: 64)

Many contemporary conflict theorists agree with Marx’s assertion that ideas, a nonmaterial compo- nent of culture, are used by agents of the ruling class to affect the thoughts and actions of members of other classes. The role of the mass media in influ- encing people’s thinking about the foods that they should—or should not—eat is an example of ideo- logical control (see “Framing Culture in the Media”).

How might conflict theorists view popular cul- ture? Some conflict theorists believe that popular culture, which originated with everyday people, has been largely removed from their domain and has

become nothing more than a part of the capitalist economy in the United States (Gans, 1974; Cantor, 1980, 1987). From this approach, media conglomer- ates such as Time Warner and ABC/Disney create popular culture, such as films, television shows, and amusement parks, in the same way that they would produce any other product or service. Creating new popular culture also promotes consumption of commodities—objects outside ourselves that we purchase to satisfy our human needs or wants (Fjellman, 1992). According to contemporary social analysts, consumption—even of things that we do not necessarily need—has become prevalent at all social levels, and some middle- and lower-income individuals and families now use as their frame of reference the lifestyles of the more affluent in their communities. As a result, many families live on credit in order to purchase the goods and services that they would like to have or that keep them on the competitive edge with their friends, neighbors, and coworkers (Schor, 1999).

A strength of the conflict perspective is that it stresses how cultural values and norms may perpet- uate social inequalities. It also highlights the inevi- tability of change and the constant tension between those who want to maintain the status quo and those who desire change. A limitation is its focus on societal discord and the divisiveness of culture.

Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives Unlike functionalists and conflict theorists, who focus primarily on macrolevel concerns, symbolic interactionists engage in a microlevel analysis that views society as the sum of all people’s interactions. From this perspective, people create, maintain, and modify culture as they go about their everyday activities. Symbols make communication with oth- ers possible because symbols provide us with shared meanings.

According to some symbolic interactionists, people continually negotiate their social realities. Values and norms are not independent realities that automatically determine our behavior. Instead, we reinterpret them in each social situation we encoun- ter. However, the classical sociologist Georg Simmel warned that the larger cultural world—including both material culture and nonmaterial culture— eventually takes on a life of its own apart from the actors who daily re-create social life. As a result, individuals may be more controlled by culture than they realize.

Simmel (1990/1907) suggested that money is an example of how people may be controlled by their culture. According to Simmel, people initially cre- ate money as a means of exchange, but then money acquires a social meaning that extends beyond its

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on ● Rapid changes in language and culture in the United

States are reflected in this sign at a shopping center. How do functionalist and conflict theorists’ views regarding language differ?

purely economic function. Money becomes an end in itself, rather than a means to an end. Today, we are aware of the relative “worth” not only of objects but also of individuals. Many people revere wealthy entrepreneurs and highly paid celebrities, entertainers, and sports figures for the amount of money they make, not for their intrinsic qualities. According to Simmel (1990/1907), money makes it possible for us to relativize everything, including our relationships with other people. When social life

can be reduced to money, people become cynical, believing that anything—including people, objects, beauty, and truth—can be bought if we can pay the price. Although Simmel acknowledged the posi- tive functions of money, he believed that the social interpretations people give to money often produce individual feelings of cynicism and isolation.

A symbolic interactionist approach highlights how people maintain and change culture through their interactions with others. However, interactionism

Media Headlines: “Agrabusiness Use of Pesticides Linked to Health Hazards” “Big Agra Exploits Cheap Labor”

The term media framing refers to the process by which information and entertainment are packaged by the mass media (newspapers, magazines, radio and television net- works and stations, the Internet, and various social media networks). Therefore, a media frame constitutes a story line or an unfolding narrative about an issue. Such narratives wield power because they influence how we make sense of the world (Kendall, 2011)—emphasizing some beliefs and values over others and directing people’s attention to some ideas while ignoring others. For example, how headlines and media stories about food are framed—including the story’s exposure, delivered tone, and accompanying visuals—affects how we think about food and what we eat. If a food product undergoes a much-publicized recall, for example, many stop buying it for some time, even after the recall has ended.

How does media framing influence the way in which we conceive of the production of our food? Consider how the media have influenced the way you feel about companies that produce organic and nonorganic foods, for example. “Big Agra” is often used in the media to describe the major corporations that grow and market nonorganic food. These megacorporations own giant cultivated tracts that use pro- cedures intended to maximize the crop yield, harvest that crop (whether plants or animals) at the lowest price possible, and distribute the crop to markets in the United States and other countries. Stories in the media often emphasize how such maximizing of crop yield involves the use of chemicals and pesticides—and cheap labor. “Big Agra” obviously has a stake in the battle over how the media frame stories, espe- cially those that compare its foods negatively with organic foods; the organic-food industry also has a stake in the battle.

Accordingly, both sides attempt to influence how stories about their products are framed in the media because that can make a big difference in their respective profits.

You may ask “What does media framing of food produc- tion have to do with culture?” The answer is simple: Food is very much a part of all cultures. What we eat and how it is grown and prepared are a product of the culture of the soci- ety in which we live. Whether it is fast food or fresh spinach, companies that produce food want to have an effect on what you buy and where you buy it.

reflect & analyze Have the media influenced your perception of large companies that produce food? How so?

How We Become Opinionated Eaters

FramingCulture in the Media

● Has media framing affected your view of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and food?

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does not provide a systematic framework for analyz- ing how we shape culture and how it, in turn, shapes us. It also does not provide insight into how shared meanings are developed among people, and it does not take into account the many situations in which there is disagreement on meanings. Whereas the functional and conflict approaches tend to overem- phasize the macrolevel workings of society, the inter- actionist viewpoint often fails to take these larger social structures into account.

Postmodernist Perspectives Postmodernist theorists believe that much of what has been written about culture in the Western world is Eurocentric—that it is based on the uncritical assumption that European culture (including its dispersed versions in countries such as the United States, Australia, and South Africa) is the true, universal culture in which all the world’s people ought to believe (Lemert, 1997). By contrast, post- modernists believe that we should speak of cultures, rather than culture.

However, Jean Baudrillard, one of the best-known French social theorists and key figures in postmod- ern theory, believes that the world of culture today is based on simulation, not reality. According to Baudrillard, social life is much more a spectacle that simulates reality than it is reality itself. Many U.S. children, upon entering school for the first time, have already watched more hours of television than the total number of hours of classroom instruction they will encounter in their entire school careers (Lemert, 1997). Add to this the number of hours that some children will have spent playing com- puter games or using the Internet, where they often find that it is more interesting to deal with imagi- nary heroes and villains than to interact with “real people” in real life. Baudrillard refers to this social creation as hyperreality—a situation in which the simulation of reality is more real than experiencing the event itself and having any actual connection with what is taking place. For Baudrillard, every- day life has been captured by the signs and symbols generated to represent it, and we ultimately relate to simulations and models as if they were reality.

Baudrillard (1983) uses Disneyland as an exam- ple of a simulation—one that conceals the reality that exists outside rather than inside the boundaries of the artificial perimeter. According to Baudrillard, Disney-like theme parks constitute a form of seduc- tion that substitutes symbolic (seductive) power for real power, particularly the ability to bring about social change. From this perspective, amusement park “guests” may feel like “survivors” after endur- ing the rapid speed and gravity-defying movements

of the roller-coaster rides or see themselves as “winners” after surviving fights with hideous car- toon villains on the “dark rides.” In reality, they have been made to appear to have power, but they do not actually possess any real power.

In their examination of culture, postmodern- ist social theorists thus make us aware of the fact that no single perspective can grasp the complexity and diversity of the social world. There is no one, single, universal culture. They also make us aware that reality may not be what it seems. According to the postmodernist view, no one authority can claim to know social reality, and we should deconstruct— take apart and subject to intense critical scrutiny— existing beliefs and theories about culture in hopes of gaining new insights (Ritzer, 1997).

Although postmodern theories of culture have been criticized on a number of grounds, we will men- tion only three. One criticism is postmodernism’s lack of a clear conceptualization of ideas. Another is the tendency to critique other perspectives as being “grand narratives,” whereas postmodernists offer their own varieties of such narratives. Finally, some analysts believe that postmodern analyses of culture lead to profound pessimism about the future.

● People of all ages are spending many hours each week using computers, playing video games, and watching television. How is this behavior different from the ways in which people enjoyed popular culture in previous generations?

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This chapter’s Concept Quick Review summa- rizes the components of culture as well as how the four major perspectives view it.

Culture in the Future As we have discussed in this chapter, many changes are occurring in the United States. Increasing cul- tural diversity can either cause long-simmering racial and ethnic antagonisms to come closer to a boiling point or result in the creation of a truly

“rainbow culture” in which diversity is respected and encouraged.

In the future the issue of cultural diversity will increase in importance, especially in schools. Multicultural education that focuses on the contri- butions of a wide variety of people from different backgrounds will continue to be an issue of contro- versy from kindergarten through college. In the Los Angeles school district, for example, students speak more than 150 different languages and dialects. Schools will face the challenge of embracing wide- spread cultural diversity while conveying a sense of

Analysis of Culture Components of Culture Symbol Anything that meaningfully represents something else.

Language A set of symbols that expresses ideas and enables people to think and communicate with one another.

Values Collective ideas about what is right or wrong, good or bad, and desirable or undesirable in a particular culture.

Norms Established rules of behavior or standards of conduct.

Sociological Analysis of Culture Functionalist Perspectives Culture helps people meet their biological, instrumental, and expressive needs.

Conflict Perspectives Ideas are a cultural creation of society’s most powerful members and can be used by the ruling class to affect the thoughts and actions of members of other classes.

Symbolic Interactionist Perspectives

People create, maintain, and modify culture during their everyday activities; however, cultural creations can take on a life of their own and end up controlling people.

Postmodern Perspectives Much of culture today is based on simulation of reality (e.g., what we see on television) rather than reality itself.

[ concept quick review ]

● In recent years there has been a significant increase in the number of immigrants who have become U.S. citizens. However, an upsurge in anti-immigrant sentiment has put pressure on the Border Patrol and the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service, which are charged with enforcing immigration laws.

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community and national identity to students (see “Sociology Works!”).

Technology will continue to have a profound effect on culture. Television and radio, films and vid- eos, and electronic communications will continue to accelerate the flow of information and expand cul- tural diffusion throughout the world. Global com- munication devices will move images of people’s lives, behavior, and fashions instantaneously among almost all nations. Increasingly, computers and cyber- space will become people’s window on the world and, in the process, promote greater integration or frag- mentation among nations. Integration occurs when there is a widespread acceptance of ideas and items— such as democracy, hip hop music, blue jeans, and McDonald’s hamburgers—among cultures. By con- trast, fragmentation occurs when people in one cul- ture disdain the beliefs and actions of other cultures.

As a force for both cultural integration and fragmen- tation, technology will continue to revolutionize communications, but most of the world’s population will not participate in this revolution.

From a sociological perspective, the study of cul- ture helps us not only understand our own “tool kit” of symbols, stories, rituals, and worldviews but also expand our insights to include those of other people of the world, who also seek strategies for enhanc- ing their own lives. If we understand how culture is used by people, how cultural elements constrain or further certain patterns of action, what aspects of our cultural heritage have enduring effects on our actions, and what specific historical changes under- mine the validity of some cultural patterns and give rise to others, we can apply our sociological imagi- nation not only to our own society but to the entire world as well.

Schools as Laboratories for Getting Along: Having Lunch Together

Sociology Works!

Sociology makes us aware of the importance of culture in daily life. Research has shown that schools and friendship groups can expose children and young people to cultures that are different from their own. Studies have also shown that it may be easier for children to set aside their differences and get to know one another than it is for adults to do so, particularly if they are able to spend time together at lunch or talking in other informal settings. Consider what happened among some children at the International Community School in Decatur, Georgia. Some students were born in the United States, but many were refugees from as many as forty war- torn countries. This school became a “laboratory for getting along,” particularly as some children took the initiative to befriend and help others by doing such things as eating lunch with them (St. John, 2007). An excellent example is the friend- ship that developed between nine-year-old Dante Ramirez and Soung Oo Hlaing, an eleven-year-old Burmese refugee who spoke no English:

The two boys met on the first day of school this year. Despite the language barrier, Dante managed to invite the newcomer to sit with him at lunch.

“I didn’t think he’d make friends at the beginning because he didn’t speak that much English,” Dante said. “So I thought I should be his friend.”

In the next weeks, the boys had a sleepover. They trick-or- treated on Soung’s first Halloween. Soung, a gifted artist, gave Dante pointers on how to draw. And Dante helped Soung with his English. “I use simple words that are easy to know and sometimes hand movements,” Dante explained. “For ‘huge,’ I would make my hands bigger. And for ‘big,’ I would make my hands smaller than for huge.” (St. John, 2007: A14)

Over time, as the boys got to know each other better, their mothers also developed a friendship and began to celebrate ethnic holidays together even though they largely relied on gestures (a form of nonverbal communication) to commu- nicate with each other. Could “laboratories” such as this help more people from diverse cultures get along? From a socio- logical perspective, a personal or community effort, such as arranging lunches or other meals together, is clearly a right start.

reflect & analyze What examples can you provide that show how eating together or having other social gatherings may create new bonds across diverse cultural groups on your college cam- pus or in the community where you reside?

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Use these questions and answers to check how well you’ve achieved the learning objectives set out at the beginning of this chapter.

What is culture, and why is it important in helping people in

their daily life?

Culture is the knowledge, language, values, customs, and material objects that are passed from person to person and from one generation to the next in a human group or society. Culture is essential for our individual survival and our communication with other people.

What is material culture, and what are the four nonmaterial

components of culture that are common to all societies?

Material culture consists of physical and tangible creations that members of society make, use, and share. Changes in technology continue to shape the material culture of society. Nonmaterial compo- nents of culture are symbols, language, values, and norms.

What are cultural universals?

Cultural universals are customs and practices that exist in all societies and include activities and institutions such as storytelling, families, and laws. However, specific forms of these universals vary from one cultural group to another.

How do symbols and language reflect cultural values?

Symbols express shared meanings; through them, groups communicate cultural ideas and abstract concepts. Language is a set of symbols through which groups communicate. One of our most important human attributes is the ability to use language to share our experiences, feelings, and knowledge with others.

What is the difference between folkways, mores, and laws?

Folkways are norms that express the everyday customs of a group, whereas mores are norms

with strong moral and ethical connotations, and are essential to the stability of a culture. Laws are formal, standardized norms that are enforced by formal sanctions.

How have technological changes affected the culture of a nation

and the world?

All parts of culture do not change at the same pace. However, technological change widens a cultural lag between a technical development in a soci- ety and the society’s moral and legal institutions. The pace of technology modifies people’s daily lives, as evident in the spread of information via smart technologies, such as handheld devices and automated jobs.

What are culture shock, ethnocentrism, and cultural

relativism?

Culture shock refers to the anxiety that people experience when they encounter cultures radically different from their own. Ethnocentrism is the as- sumption that one’s own culture is superior to oth- ers. Cultural relativism views and analyzes another culture in terms of that culture’s own values and standards.

How do the major sociological perspectives view society and

culture?

A functionalist analysis of culture assumes that a common language and shared values help produce consensus and harmony. According to some conflict theorists, certain groups may use culture to main- tain their privilege and exclude others from soci- ety’s benefits. Symbolic interactionists suggest that people create, maintain, and modify culture as they go about their everyday activities. Postmodern thinkers believe that there are many cultures within the United States alone. In order to grasp a better understanding of how popular culture may simulate reality rather than be reality, postmodernists believe that we need a new way of conceptualizing culture and society.

Review Q&Achapter

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questions for Critical Thinking 1. Would it be possible today to live in a totally

separate culture in the United States? Could you avoid all influences from the mainstream popu- lar culture or from the values and norms of other cultures? How would you be able to avoid any change in your culture?

2. Consider a wide variety of fads and fashions: musical styles; computer and video games and other technologies; literature; and political, social,

and religious ideas. Do fads and fashions reflect and reinforce or challenge and change the values and norms of a society?

3. You are doing a survey analysis of recent immigrants to the United States to determine the effects of popular culture on their views and behavior. What are some of the questions that you would use in your survey?

key Terms beliefs 67

counterculture 80

cultural imperialism 83

cultural lag 77

cultural relativism 81

cultural universals 67

culture 64

culture shock 80

ethnocentrism 81

folkways 76

high culture 82

language 69

laws 76

material culture 66

mores 76

nonmaterial culture 66

norms 74

popular culture 82

sanctions 74

Sapir–Whorf hypothesis 70

subculture 78

symbol 68

taboos 76

technology 76

value contradictions 74

values 72