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Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment

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Police killings of unarmed Black people: Centering race and racism in human behavior and the social environment content

Willie F. Tolliver, Bernadette R. Hadden, Fabienne Snowden & Robyn Brown- Manning

To cite this article: Willie F. Tolliver, Bernadette R. Hadden, Fabienne Snowden & Robyn Brown-Manning (2016) Police killings of unarmed Black people: Centering race and racism in human behavior and the social environment content, Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 26:3-4, 279-286, DOI: 10.1080/10911359.2015.1125207

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2015.1125207

Published online: 11 Jan 2016.

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Police killings of unarmed Black people: Centering race and racism in human behavior and the social environment content Willie F. Tollivera, Bernadette R. Haddena, Fabienne Snowdenb, and Robyn Brown-Manninga

aSilberman School of Social Work at Hunter College, City University of New York, New York, New York, USA; bCity University of New York Graduate Center, New York, New York, USA

ABSTRACT The academic frames of diversity and, to a lesser extent, intersectionality mute the roles played by race and racism in the recent police killings of unarmed Black people in the United States. Most scholars agree that racism today is systemic, and the authors of this article assert that diversity content fails to prepare social workers to situate client issues in a social work practice that incorporates an understanding of the impact of racialization on Black people seeking social work services. Race and racism in the United States are creations of White supremacy and were initially crafted to justify the enslavement of Africans. The ideologies are a part of the founding principles of the U.S. democracy, and they are the genesis of White advantage in the United States achieved through law and social policy and still enacted daily in human interaction. In this article, the authors place police killings of unarmed Black people in a context that takes into consideration historical and contemporary evidence of the denigration of Black people in the United States. Then we specifically challenge the utility of diversity as a frame to prepare social work practitioners for practice with Blacks whose ancestral lineage traces back to people of African descent and whose lived experiences in the United States occurred during slavery and/or legally sanctioned apart- heid (Jim Crow).

KEYWORDS African Americans; Blacks; cultural racism; diversity; police killings; race; racial formation; racial projects; racism; White supremacy

In 1983, Marable wrote, “Each member of the Black majority is a prisoner, and shares the marks of oppression upon his/her shoulders” (p. 28). Whether the Black person walks with a consciousness of this burden or not is a topic for future studies; however, what is clear is this, that notwithstanding “what we designate as progress wrought through struggle over many generations, [Blacks] remain what [they] were in the beginning: a dark and foreign presence, always designated other” (Bell, 1992, p. 10). The path to making sense of the killings of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Tamir Rice, and all of the other unarmed Black people dead at the hands of police officers follows a pattern of denigration that is woven into the fabric of the United States of America.

In this article, the authors place police killings of unarmed Black people in a context that takes into consideration historical and contemporary evidence of the denigration of Black life in the United States. Next, we specifically challenge the utility of diversity as a frame to prepare social work practitioners for practice with Black people in the United States whose ancestral lineage traces back to persons of African descent whose lived experiences in the United States occurred during slavery and/or legally sanctioned apartheid (Jim Crow).

The authors use “Black” to encompass all people who identify as Black and/or African American. We made this choice because we are writing about police killings of unarmed Black people. In this usage, Black connotes race. We take this position because in the criminal justice literature, authors

CONTACT Willie F. Tolliver [email protected] Silberman School of Social Work, City University of New York, 2180 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10035, USA. © 2016 Taylor & Francis

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writing about police killings of Black people, and/or police interaction with Blacks in general, study the extent to which police engage in racial and/or ethnic profiling (Barnum & Perfetti, 2010; Novak & Chamlin, 2008; Tillyer & Engel, 2013; Warren & Tomaskovic-Devey, 2009). It is our view that police enact race in their dealings with Blacks. Ethnic profiling occurs in border states like Arizona where an immigration law was passed giving law enforcement officers authority to question people who they suspect are in the country without documents. In this instance, the people subjected to a higher scrutiny by law enforcement officers are non-White. In fact, Gilborn (2005) notes that there is no situation in the United States where a social policy has caused disparate outcomes for Whites and that policy was not changed. This is not the case for non-Whites and Blacks.

The authors also rely heavily on texts that fall outside of the 10-year rule for citations. In this instance the older text is required to build the historical narrative of the dehumanization of Black people in the United States.

Dehumanization of Blacks in the United States

With the development of slavery, according to Zinn (2001, p. 26), came “that special racial feeling—whether hatred, or contempt, or pity or patronization—that accompanied the inferior position of Blacks in America for the next 350 years.” White supremacy is the ideology that gave birth to a racial hierarchy that resulted in the forced enslavement of Africans in the New World. Soon after the lie of a racial hierarchy created by White supremacy took hold in the United States, the creation process was obfuscated by the use of the term racism. So thorough is the alchemy of race that today, despite numerous protestations from the scientific community, the old lie of race as biology will not die (Smedley & Smedley, 2005).

White supremacy is a political system that is based on the exploitation of a group of human beings for the benefit of another group of human beings (Mills, 1998). This system of exploitation is justified by an ideology that a master White race and a subject Black race exist (Fanon, 1968; Mills, 1998). White supremacist ideology further posits that the hierarchical locations of both races are divinely ordained, and that it is the manifest destiny of the master race to subjugate the subject race (Fanon, 1968). Unlike other political systems based on exploitation, White supremacy racializes cultures, nations, communities, families, and individuals as being White, non-White, or Black (Mills, 1998).

Whiteness is normalized as having the privilege of full status as a person and worthy of respect. Non-Whites, especially Blacks, are consigned to subordinate moral status (Mills, 1998) and depicted by the master narrative as being culturally inferior (Fanon, 1968). Unlike Blacks, groups that are assigned to non-White status may at times be granted access to the privileges of full or fuller status as a person, being identified as salvageable, teachable, or redeemable, as it benefits the master race (Snowden, 2015). The parameters of a White supremacist political system are the normalizing of the routine restriction of full personhood to Whites and the stratification of non-Whites, especially Blacks, to the lower social and economic rungs of society, despite citizenship status (Mills, 1998). How a White supremacist political system maintains these norms is ever changing. However, racial projects enacted by social, political, and economic institutions adapt how White supremacist ideologies and ontologies are refined according to the changing needs of the master race (Mills, 1998; Omi & Winant, 1994). White supremacy is largely unacknowledged as the political and ideological system that produces social and economic inequities (Mills, 1998) and sanctions the killing of unarmed Black men by law enforcement agents.

The devaluation of Black lives in the United States accomplished through political systems of slavery and apartheid (Jim Crow) in the past continues today. That Black lives do not matter today is evidenced by the jarring data chronicling hyper-incarceration (Alexander, 2010; Bonilla-Silva, 2014), unemployment (Bonilla-Silva, 2014), restricted access to quality housing (Bonilla-Silva, 2014; Frey, 2015), the failure of public education in low-income communities (Bonilla-Silva, 2014; Editorial Board, 2015; Schott Foundation Report, 2015), and health disparities (White, 2011). In addition, the

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passage of laws like “stand your ground” joined with policing strategies such as “broken windows,” “stop and frisk,” and “predictive policing” (Eligon & Williams, 2015) results in Black and Brown people being exposed to surveillance by police, vigilantes, and the general public.

Of all the state-sanctioned violence against Black people to uphold the supremacy of Whites in the United States, one stands out as an act meant to strike terror into the hearts of free Black people; that tool was lynching. This system of control was necessary after slavery to keep newly freed Blacks in their place within the racial hierarchy (Marable, 1983). Blacks faced a virtual reign of terror (Berry & Blassingame, 1982). Lynching involved castration and mutilation, and in some instances, shots were fired into the dead bodies of Black people. Between the years 1882 and 1964, “the archives at Tuskegee University documented that at least 3,445 African Americans were brutally lynched in the United States. The lynchings in this statistic included men, women, and children” (King, 2014, para. 1). Lynching of unarmed Black people has much in common with police killings of unarmed Black people.

Police killings of unarmed Black people and social work responses

In 1892, the lynching of a friend of Ida B. Wells was the precursor for her chronicling the suffering of hundreds of Black people impacted by the violent tyranny of lynching in the United States (Scheter, 2001). Wells became the spokesperson against lynching of her day as she found words to narrate the horror of lynching in a country that depended on newspapers and word of mouth for information dissemination (Scheter, 2001).

The truth of her words was affirmed when family members of victims isolated and alienated by their pain, agony, and disenfranchised grief reconnected with their own humanity as the stories of their loved ones were told to sympathetic audiences. Because Ida B. Wells dared to speak of the horrors, citizens outraged by the stories embraced the victims’ families whose lives had been ripped apart by racially charged hatred. Even citizens paralyzed by fear of reprisals joined the cause to outlaw lynching of Black people in the United States (Scheter, 2001). History is replete with story after story of ordinary people transformed by extraordinary events into activists and framers of solutions to achieve social justice. This was partially the case in the fall of 2014 as activism fueled by the Black Lives Matter movement showed up on campuses of social work education programs across the United States.

In response to the fatal shooting of an unarmed Black teenager on August 9, 2014, by a White police officer in Ferguson, MO, and the failure of a grand jury to indict the police officer, social work education programs across the United States issued statements on police violence against Black civilians. The statements called on schools to host dialogues on race, to give curricula attention to the history of race and racism in the United States, and to participate in policy conversations about police officers’ use of deadly force against unarmed Black people (UC Berkeley School of Social Welfare, 2014; NYU Silver School of Social Work, 2014; Portland State University, 2014; Simmons School of Social Work, 2014; Smith College School for Social Work, 2014; The Social Work Leadership Forum, 2014).

Whether the social work program had issued a statement or not, the wake of the shootings gave rise to a social justice movement, and members of the social work community who joined the protest brought their concerns to classrooms and other social work education settings. Students, staff, administrators, and faculty held different and strong emotionally charged points of view on the shootings of unarmed Black people by police officers (Harmon, 2015; Wong, 2015). The presence of these points of view in classrooms generated conversations that challenged the resolve and skills of the most able educators and practitioners. The tone of the conversations coupled with strong emotions defied quick fixes, and the moments of discomfort for all involved were protracted and painful both to participate in and to witness.

The urgent need to protest the police shootings of unarmed Black men was emboldened in New York City after a Staten Island grand jury failed to indict police officers responsible for the death of

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Eric Garner, an unarmed Black man. The loss of Mr. Garner’s life was difficult to reconcile given what was seen in the video and what the media portrayed as the facts in the case. Here was an unarmed Black man dead at the hands of police officers sworn to protect and defend the public. The killing of Mr. Garner occurred in a city where West African immigrant Amadou Diallo was another unarmed Black man killed by police officers, who fired their guns 41 times. One of the officers reloaded his weapon during the assault. New York City was also home to Sean Bell, killed November 25, 2006, on the eve of his wedding by police officers who fired 50 times at the unarmed man (McFadden, 2006).

While the outpouring of statements from social work education programs encouraged the authors, at the same time we questioned the motivation. In our experience as social work educators, social work programs are woefully lacking in content on race and racism (NASW, 2007, 2013). Our own work in HIV research, racial disproportionality in child welfare, the struggles of low-income and middle-class Black mothers raising sons in the United States, and the African American church has informed us that structural barriers directly related to racism severely constrain Black people’s access to food, health care, housing, safety, education, and employment (Bell, 2013; Brown-Manning, 2013; Snowden, 2015). We also know from multiple sources (Crenshaw, Ocen, & Nanda, 2015; Morris, 2014; Schott Foundation for Public Education, 2015) that the well-being of Black people in the United States is compromised in profound ways. In fact, the Civil Rights Project at UCLA released a report in March 2014 indicating that New York City’s public schools are the most segregated in the United States (Kuscera, 2014).

The fact that Black people in the United States are disproportionately represented on the low end of every indicator of human well-being is not new. Where is the promise that an outpouring of statements of solidarity from social work programs portends anything more than business as usual?

On our campus, what was different this time was student reaction to the grand juries’ failure to indict. The students expressed great anger in the face of legal systems that held Black unarmed men responsible for their own deaths. With the slogan Black Lives Matter, students joined protesters to focus a critical light on police profiling and what is not taught in schools of social work.

In addition, in the statements of solidarity issued by social work programs, the call for dialogue on race and racism was clear. This affirmed our belief that social work education’s use of the term diversity is representative of yet another attempt to find a term that provides cover for thorny content on the oppression of human well-being—namely, racism. Diversity joins a list of words used over the years in social work education to hold, neglect, and/or avoid content on the isms, particularly racism. Intolerance, multiculturalism, and cultural competence are examples of terms used over the years. This subterfuge has moved the conversations to this point where both students and social work programs are calling for content on race and racism. Social work has the challenge of walking its 100 years of talk about a commitment to social justice. We believe that “walking the talk” requires a focus on White supremacy and its offspring, race and racism.

Race, racism, and the false promise of diversity

The origin of a focus on diversity in social work education can be traced back to the Civil Rights Movement (Banks & McGee-Banks, 2010). As the Civil Rights movement shifted the nation’s agenda to equal rights for Blacks and integration, Black social workers and allies from other marginalized groups seized the moment to challenge social work leaders and educators to radicalize professional social work education by developing and adopting inclusive paradigms for social work practice and community empowerment (Reid-Merritt, 2010).

However, radicalization of social work education has been a long time coming. Social activism, as Phillips-Sullivan (1999) observes, moved from the streets, and for civil rights, the battles moved to the courtrooms. Social work educators began a path to develop frameworks to support teaching about the complexity of human diversity and barriers to human growth and development. That journey led the profession to diversity in the late 1980s, and by the late 1990s cultural competence

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was the preferred concept (Leigh, 1998). Today, diversity, cultural competence, cultural humility, and race equity are all listed in NASW publications (NASW, 2015). Each frame, with the exception of race equity, fails to provide the conceptual tools for understanding race and racism as ideologies and the cumulative impact of the ideologies on Blacks/African Americans and other people of color at the individual, family, community, and societal levels. All frames fail to consider how race and racism are maintained by White supremacy

According to Phillips-Sullivan (1999) the concept of diversity began appearing with increasing frequency during the late 1970s when popular opinion and federal courts were signaling hostility toward the equality claims put forth by the Civil Rights Movement on behalf of Blacks and African Americans. Dr. King and the stalwarts of the Civil Rights Movement had embraced a philosophy that was based on the false premise that there was a large residue of Christian love in White America to which Blacks could appeal (Berry & Blassingame, 1982). This was not the case, and with the election of Richard Nixon in 1968, the possibility for Black equality emanating from Washington was no more (Marable, 1983).

The term diversity has no ties to principles of equality and justice (Phillips-Sullivan, 1999). In fact, Berry and Blassingame (1982) noted that unequal employment, housing, and educational opportunities remained beyond legal and political solutions once the Civil Rights Movement achieved access to public accommodations and voting rights. Mainstream civil rights advocacy groups embraced the framing of diversity, and a phalanx of professionals spread out across the country to deliver diversity training (Blueprint 2000; MELDI, n.d.; Phillips-Sullivan, 1999; Thomas, 1996; www.humanfacets.com).

Diversity has a rich literature, and this literature has much to teach us about how difficult it is to teach White people about race and racism (DiAngelo, 2011; Goodman, 2012: Miller & Garran, 2007). Subsuming race and racism content under the heading diversity does not make the content any less onerous to deliver. Why not call a thing what a thing is, and at the very least we will not have to change the term used for oppression content every so many years because there is a new term that is more palatable.

The roles played by race and racism in the police killings of unarmed Black people cannot be understood in a diversity framework. Legislatures pass laws authorizing heightened scrutiny of people for whom police have reason to suspect criminal behavior. The historical legacy of White supremacy and the denigration of Blacks as well as cultural racism (Oliver, 2001) have resulted in a metanarrative of Black people as “less than.”

In 2012, news stories broke about a program to screen travellers at the nations’ airports to spot tell-tale mannerisms of potential terrorists. Boston’s Logan Airport was chosen to pilot the program. More than 30 federal officers said the operation had become a magnet for racial profiling, targeting not only Middle Easterners but also Blacks, Hispanics, and other racial groups (Schmidt & Lichtblau, 2012). Why were Blacks and Hispanics targeted? The officers said, “managers’ demands for high numbers of stops, searches and criminal referrals had led co-workers to target minorities in the belief that those stops were more likely to yield drugs, outstanding arrest warrants or immigration problems” (Schmidt & Lichtblau, 2012, para. 4).

We believe that the Logan Airport experience is an example of how a legacy of misinformation and denigration results in racial profiling that is sanctioned at an institutional/structural level. Omi and Winant (1994, p. 54) ask the question, “What is race?” To answer this question, the United States has tried many ways, from Supreme Court justices deciding whether or not a Japanese American was White, to justices asking people to roll up their sleeves to see the color of their skin (Rodeiger, 2005).

People determine the meaning of race each and every day in interactions with each other (Omi & Winant, 1994). Some of the interactions involve Black people in search of housing or employment (Wise, 2015). In other instances, race is determined (enacted) when a person visits a health care provider or a car dealership. Over and over, in ways too numerous to be conscious of, humans enact race.

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Research shows that our enactment of race and other isms can be measured (Benaji & Greenwald, 2013). Under the best of circumstances, the research finds that people make choices that are consistent with their conscious beliefs about a just society. However, under stress, in life or death situations, or when people are exhausted, something else can happen. That something else could result in a tirade of expletives at a driver who cuts in front of a motorist, and it can also result in racial profiling as attested to by the federal officers at Logan Airport. Cognitive psychologists (Benaji & Greenwald, 2013) have covered a great deal of ground in the past 30 years studying how human beings are susceptible to unconscious bias. Given the history of this country’s racial hierarchy that is still visible in statistics chronicling the well-being of Black and Brown people, it is fair to say that the United States still has racial inequities. One of those inequities is found in the police killings of unarmed Black people.

Racism has not remained the same over the past 400 years in terms of how it manifests at the personal level and is sanctioned at the structural and institutional levels (Omi & Winant, 1994). The virulent strain racism that came to the forefront after the first Reconstruction was the brainchild of populists who gained political power in the South (Berry & Blassingame, 1982). According to Vann Woodard (1974), federal protection was removed by northern elites because of their interests in pursuing their own subjugation of people of color in the Philippines. In this instance, Blacks were sacrificed to live in a system of racial apartheid from the end of the first Reconstruction until 1954.

The content on race and racism is essential for social work practice in the United States of America. It is especially essential at a time when in the time period from January to August 2015, 24 unarmed Black men have been killed by police officers in the United States (Somashekhar, Lowery, Alexander, Kindy, & Tate, 2015). At the very least, social workers need a way to find their own voices about what contributes to the alarming statistics of human suffering among Black people in the United States. There is no hierarchy of oppression, and the United States has a unique, horrific history of White supremacy that resulted in genocide for First Nations people and 350 years of slavery and apartheid for Black people. Social workers can and must understand race and racism, and social work education programs can and must teach this content.

Conclusion

The police killings of unarmed Black people in the United States has brought to the forefront the long simmering divide between two nations within this one nation—one Black and one White. This divide shows up in social work programs every day. Service users and agencies experience the divide also. Frontline workers and supervisors are mostly Black, African American, and/or people of color, while top executives are mostly White. These data are observed, and people make the data mean something.

The violence visited upon human beings by police, unproductive school settings, poor quality housing, unhealthy food, incarceration, intimate partner violence, domestic violence, mental illness, and immigration status exact a heavy toll on human functioning and well-being. There are rich traditions of resisting and organizing against oppression. This is why we included the brief story of Ida B. Wells in the article. Social workers need stories like Ida’s and the stories of all of the other unsung champions of social justice who have faced oppression and transformed spaces of despair into bright possibilities for healthy growth and development.

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