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Race Ethnicity and Education

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Challenging racism through schools: teacher attitudes to cultural diversity and multicultural education in Sydney, Australia

James Forrest, Garth Lean & Kevin Dunn

To cite this article: James Forrest, Garth Lean & Kevin Dunn (2016) Challenging racism through schools: teacher attitudes to cultural diversity and multicultural education in Sydney, Australia, Race Ethnicity and Education, 19:3, 618-638, DOI: 10.1080/13613324.2015.1095170

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2015.1095170

Published online: 05 Nov 2015.

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Challenging racism through schools: teacher attitudes to cultural diversity and multicultural education in Sydney, Australia

James Forresta*, Garth Leanb and Kevin Dunnb

aDepartment of Geography and Planning, Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW, Australia; bSchool of Social Sciences and Psychology, University of Western Sydney, Penrith, NSW, Australia

How school teachers act to challenge racism in schools is a vital con- cern in an immigrant society like Australia. A 10% response from a self-administered online survey of government (public) primary and sec- ondary school teachers across Sydney, Australia’s largest EthniCity, examines attitudes of classroom teachers towards cultural diversity, goals of multicultural education, and strategies to implement anti-racist strategies. Principal components analysis (PCA) of attitudes tease out the varied influence of opinion on multicultural education, diversity, and anti-racism. Classroom teachers are overwhelmingly supportive of cul- tural diversity, multicultural education and strategies to combat racism and discrimination, and these views hardly vary across the different geographic zones of the city, unlike attitudes within the general community. However, teacher knowledge about the implementation of multicultural policy does vary, and is positively associated with the extent of population diversity and socio-economic status (SES) of the communities surrounding the schools.

Keywords: teacher attitudes; multicultural education; cultural diversity; anti-racism; public schools; Sydney; Australia

Introduction

There are at least three main strands of research relating to racism and teach- ing. One focuses on the role of classroom teachers’ efforts to cope with and intervene positively within schools as sites of intercultural tensions (Ullucci 2011; Yoon 2012). A second examines the role of education administrators and principals as leaders in anti-racism initiatives (Aveling 2007; Ryan 2003). A third has concentrated on anti-racism education and teacher trainees (Premier and Miller 2010; Vigliante 2007). This scholarship has generated both pessimistic and optimistic conclusions regarding teachers and their influence on cross cultural relations and social justice. Rarely however, have researchers been able to deploy state-wide representative surveys of teacher

*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

© 2015 Taylor & Francis

Race Ethnicity and Education, 2016 Vol. 19, No. 3, 618–638, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2015.1095170

attitudes and orientations. Rarer still has been a comparison of teacher attitudes and those of the wider community. Our contribution to the under- standing of racism and anti-racism in schools is firstly a comprehensive empirical analysis of the attitudes of 1309 classroom teachers in metropolitan Sydney schools, specifically focusing on teacher capacity to challenge racism. Secondly, we compared teachers’ views and awareness to those of the communities that surround their schools, as an indication of the anti-racism potential of anti-racism policy implementation in schools.

Racism may be defined as behaviours and practices generating unneces- sary and unfair treatment of social or cultural groups based on race, ethnic- ity, culture or religion (Berman and Paradies 2010; Paradies et al. 2009). One of the central tenets of critical race theory is that racism is a social con- struction (Kobayashi and Peake 1994). The social constructionism of critical race theory facilitates a conceptual insight into how repeated acts and beha- viours can lead to a normalising of unfair practices and outcomes (Picower 2009, 197). Even in contemporary multicultural societies such as Australia, everyday forms of racism, such as slurs or discrimination in accessing resources, are a replication of power that constructs ‘whites’ (Anglo- Australians in the Australian context – Forrest and Dunn 2006) as culturally privileged (Goldberg 1997, 20–21; Ho and Jakubowicz 2013, 4–6; Kalantzis and Cope 1999, 246). In a classroom, or school yard, racist treatment could be a very effective means of shoring-up privilege and normalising inequal- ity. A constructivist perspective would be incredulous of arguments that racism is an anomaly or exceptional aberration; more likely it will be seen as systemic. Further still, denial of racism, in its various guises, will be seen as an anticipated aspect of systemic racism (Nelson 2013). However, a con- structivist perspective foregrounds these acts and behaviours and this agen- tism holds the possibility of acts that disrupt and challenge (Dunn 2005, 31–33). Teachers within schools can be agents of change; they can be champions of social justice (maintaining it or advocating it). Indeed, a good deal of anti-racism policy for schools, and social science in this field, is premised on this constructivist assumption.

International scholarship has demonstrated that schools are arenas of intercultural tension (Dunn et al. 2003, 177; Katz and Redmond 2010; Walton et al. 2014). In Australia, schools have been found to be the most common setting in which children and adolescents experience racism. Mansouri and Jenkins (2010, 100) found that 67% of 698 secondary students surveyed in Victoria who had experienced racism had had that experience at school. Racist name-calling affected some 38% of respondents to a survey of high school pupils in Australia’s east coast states and the Northern Territory (Mansouri et al. 2009, 98). Priest et al. (2014, 1677–1678) found from a survey of 263 primary and secondary students in Victoria, that 32% experienced racism at least monthly, and 72% had been a witness to racism. Social science and public health research has linked

Race Ethnicity and Education 619

racism to various morbidities, especially involving mental health (Paradies 2006). The health, economic, social and political costs of racism have been acknowledged by national governments and in global declarations (Australian Multicultural Advisory Council 2010; United Nations 2009). Systematic reviews have found that racism is a particularly potent cause of morbidity among children (Priest et al. 2013, 2014).

Racism is also seen to pose a significant barrier to educational achieve- ment (Byrd and Chavous 2009; Eccles, Wong, and Peck 2006; Ryan 2003). This has been found to be particularly the case for minority youth, such as Aboriginal Australians (Bodkin-Andrews et al. 2010, 477–484; Larson et al. 2007). Educational disadvantage was most likely in those school settings where ‘whiteness can be seen as the ‘norm’ and non-whites … as the ‘other’ … [such that] racism … [becomes] viewed as an inevitable part of students’ daily existence’ (Mansouri and Jenkins 2010, 96; Picower 2009; see also Delgardo and Stefanic 2001, 7). In this situation, ‘white’, middle class teachers, have been critiqued for replicating and sustaining dominant patterns of white hegemony (e.g. Yoon 2012). Teachers are tertiary trained, and are more likely to be of middle class backgrounds. In colonial settler societies like Australia, they have mostly come from white backgrounds. From a survey of 1376 secondary school students Bodkin-Andrews et al. (2013) found no evidence that Aboriginal students in NSW had a height- ened exposure to teacher racism. However, teacher racism where it does occur has been asserted to have profoundly morbid effects on those students who experience it (Mansouri and Jenkins 2010). Indeed, Bodkin-Andrews et al. (2013, 486) argued persuasively that the morbid effects of teacher racism were more deeply felt among students from minority groups, including Aboriginal Australians.

Schools are also arenas where children and adolescents spend a great deal of time interacting with their peers, often in cross cultural circum- stances (Guerra, Williams, and Sadek 2011). Schools can be pivotal to the development of strategies aimed at multicultural understanding and combat- ing racism (McLaren and Torres 1999). Mansouri et al.’s (2009, 98) survey research finding that the majority of racist incidents affecting young Aus- tralians of high school age occurred within school settings suggested that the problem could therefore be responsive to well-targeted professional development of teachers as well as school administrators. The benefits of cultural diversity are also better leveraged in circumstances of anti-racism, and have been found to generate enhanced student well-being, sense of safety and satisfaction (Juvonen, Nishina, and Graham 2006). Anti-racism education among children can have a primary effect upon community relations in the future (Aboud et al. 2012; Raabe and Beelmann 2011). Teachers’ capacities to challenge racism, not only in the school, but also in the wider community, is recognised in both overseas (Gillborn 1995;

620 J. Forrest et al.

Pollock 2008; Villegas and Lucas 2002) and Australian studies (Kalantzis and Cope 1999; Mansouri and Jenkins 2010).

Bearing in mind the profile of teachers in NSW, and the legacy of colonial societies, what is the evidence that teachers reproduce everyday racism? Set in the context of the role of classroom teachers’ efforts to cope with and intervene positively within schools as sites of intercultural ten- sions, we analyse views of classroom teachers about the goals of multicul- tural education, the effectiveness of strategies aimed at fostering cultural inclusiveness, and about cultural diversity and racism. Teachers are tertiary trained, and in Australia this is usually associated with more positive atti- tudes towards cultural diversity. But they are also mostly white, middle- class and therefore relatively privileged. Are they able to see and act beyond their privilege? What is the evidence of anti-racist dispositions among teachers? We examine the underlying dimensions that may inform teacher attitudes. What scope for anti-racist action is revealed, and are teachers able to challenge and disrupt local everyday racisms? We also explore differ- ences in teacher attitudes to aspects of racism and those of the wider com- munities within which the schools are set. These are hitherto largely unexplored areas. Furthermore, unlike the majority of previous studies which tend to focus on a single classroom, program or small group of schools (cf. Walton, Priest, and Paradies 2013, 183), our analysis is informed by a whole-of-system approach based on a large sample of class- room teachers across all public primary and secondary schools in Sydney, Australia’s largest EthniCity (Forrest and Dunn 2007).

Ethnic diversity and multicultural education in NSW, Australia

Contemporary Australian society is often characterised as increasingly mul- ticultural, but still struggling to disengage from a legacy of white-Anglo privilege and cultural dominance (Forrest and Dunn 2006; Johnson 2002). As a consequence, Australia is in a somewhat contradictory situation where multicultural values co-exist with various forms of what are commonly called racisms (Vasta and Castles 1996, 5). Nevertheless, education authori- ties in Australia have for a number of years now recognised that schools are a crucial arena for combating racism and prejudice. In the past three dec- ades or so, Australia has moved from a society which expected immigrants to assimilate to an Anglo-Celtic norm, to become like ‘us’. Since the early 1970s, Australia has officially adopted multiculturalism, albeit in various guises (Ho 2013), to guide the integration of ethnic minority immigrant groups (Inglis 2009). Education was one of the main institutional areas which were transformed under this policy change. However, anti-racism ini- tiatives and programs were not widely attempted within multicultural educa- tion until the 1990s, when New South Wales developed an anti-racism policy and methods to address anti-social (racist) behaviour in the state’s

Race Ethnicity and Education 621

schools (Inglis 2009 115). One of the objectives of anti-racism policies in New South Wales schools is the fostering of tolerant attitudes as a basis for the inculcation of similar values in the communities served by the schools (NSW Whole School Anti-racism Project 1995), a point which has also been stressed in many overseas studies (e.g. Gillborn 1995; Kalantzis and Cope 1999).

The Ministers of state Education Departments agreed in 2008 that schools should be safe environments where students can learn free from dis- crimination and bullying (Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs 2008). From 2014, Australia plans to introduce a National Curriculum, which is to include Intercultural Understanding as one of seven general capabilities to be addressed by teachers of pupils from preschool to senior high school (Hilferty 2008). It would not be correct to suggest that there is universal support for multicultural education and anti- racism at the school level, nor that there is agreement on how best to approach it (Aveling 2007; Buehler 2013). The recent (2013) change of fed- eral government, to a Liberal-National (conservative) administration, has been accompanied by debate about diversity and multicultural education and generated a question mark over the future of this cross curriculum ini- tiative. Meanwhile at the NSW State Government level the stated commit- ment to multicultural education and anti-racism at the state level has not waned. The Department of Education’s ‘Racism No Way’ campaign and their development of multicultural education (which has involved the joint funding of this research) have been driven by the Multicultural Programs Unit within the Department. The Unit develops the policy, campaigns and training materials, and deploys regional trainers tasked with teacher in-service. However, a Local Schools Local Decisions policy is devolving more responsibility, especially for extra-curricular matters, to the local level. The risk is that local responses and agenda setting in this field could suffer without access to successful centrally developed, state-wide strategies like multicultural education.

Survey and data analysis

As part of a Rethinking Multiculturalism, Reassessing Multicultural Education project being conducted by the University of Western Sydney, the Multicultural Programs Unit in the NSW Department of Education and Communities, and the NSW Institute of Teachers, a state wide, online sur- vey was distributed to the 55,000 permanent teachers and executive staff in New South Wales’ public schools during Term 2, 2011 via an email with a link to the survey instrument (Watkins et al. 2013, 10–11). The state Depart- ment of Education and Communities also promoted the survey on its intra- net and through its newsletter. The anonymous, self-administered response rate was just short of 10%. From this data-set 1309 responses for classroom

622 J. Forrest et al.

teachers in Sydney schools were extracted for analysis. Except in the case of south west Sydney, school region response rates were comparable (less than a 1% difference) to the overall teacher populations of NSW public schools. The higher response in south west Sydney (+5%) may have been a result of the high non-English speaking backgrounds of school populations in this region.

In any self-selected response like this, there is a possibility that respon- dents may be more pro-diversity or pro-multicultural education than teachers in general. In an attempt to check for this, results were compared with data from a 75% response rate collected separately from 14 case-study schools involved in action research projects in a second stage of the project. These schools were selected from around New South Wales and represented a diversity of socio-economic status and cultural backgrounds. The data derived from the 10% response in the state-wide survey did not differ sig- nificantly from responses derived from the 14 case-study schools (Lean and Dunn 2013). The survey instrument comprised six groups of questions relat- ing to teachers’ backgrounds and training, professional learning experience, perspectives on multicultural education in schools and views on diversity and cultural relations (Lean and Dunn 2013). This article focuses primarily on the responses of Sydney based public school teachers to a group of ques- tions assessing teacher attitudes to diversity, schooling and multiculturalism (Watkins, Lean, and Noble 2015; Watkins et al. 2013).

Initial correlation analysis indicated degrees of association (r = up to 0.5) among the variables within each group of questions considered here, sug- gesting underlying dimensions comprising groups of associated variables. Principal components analysis (PCA) with varimax rotation towards simple structure and interpretable components (Yaremko et al. 1986) was used to test for any such underlying dimensions among opinions of effectiveness of school strategies in dealing with racism and goals of multicultural education (Table 1), and to attitudes relating to diversity and multiculturalism (Table 2).

Variations in teacher attitudes and backgrounds

Among Sydney classroom teacher responses, half were primary and half were secondary school teachers (Table 3). Reflecting the feminisation of the teaching profession, 80% were women, which compares with 68% of female public school teachers in New South Wales as a whole. However, respondents reinforced the image of a teaching profession as predominantly ‘white’ (cf. Picower 2009); just 16% (compared with 27% for people in Sydney as a whole) were from non-English speaking backgrounds (for greater detail on respondent profiles, see Watkins et al. 2013, 13–15). They were relatively experienced, with a median of 15 years of teaching (the same figure as for NSW teachers as a whole), and, reflecting increased

Race Ethnicity and Education 623

Table 1. Opinions of classroom teachers and combined principal components analysis.

A. Goals of multicultural education

% Least important

% Neutral

% Most important

Component loadings

I II III IV

Developing shared values 3.3 20.1 76.6 0.66 0.13 0.19 0.27 Equity in student learning outcomes

1.7 12.1 87.2 0.74 0.27 0.01 0.07

Giving students the right to maintain and develop their cultural heritage

5.7 23.2 71.1 0.58 0.26 0.49 -0.17

Giving students equal chances to share in Australia’s social, political, economic life

0.6 11.3 88.1 0.79 0.23 0.02 0.02

Combating racism and discrimination

1.2 10.6 88.1 0.75 0.30 0.16 -0.07

Developing students’ proficiency in English language and literacy

1.5 9.5 90.2 0.68 0.13 0.01 0.20

Developing harmonious cross- cultural relations and intercultural understanding

1.6 12.0 86.5 0.71 0.25 0.31 -0.05

Developing a commitment to Australian identity

6.5 24.9 68.6 0.54 -0.03 0.13 0.61

Fostering skills in languages other than English

18.4 35.4 46.2 0.32 0.12 0.75 0.07

B.Effectiveness of strategies: fostering cultural inclusiveness

Least effective

Neutral Most effective

More involvement of parents from culturally diverse backgrounds 7.4 24.3 68.3 0.11 0.66 0.08 0.13

Events to celebrate cultural diversity

24.0 25.4 67.2 0.17 0.53 0.27 0.19

Including Anglo-Australian heritage more

4.6 43.7 32.3 0.01 0.15 0.04 0.88

Implementing anti-racism strategies

6.4 22.5 72.9 0.26 0.68-0.04 0.13

Developing cross-cultural curriculum

7.4 23.2 70.5 0.16 0.70 0.23 -0.08

Improving students’ academic outcomes

4.6 19.2 75.2 0.25 0.55-0.24 0.27

Providing bilingual instruction 34.4 36.2 29.4 -0.01 0.38 0.65 0.11 Improving inter-cultural relations 3.6 21.4 74.9 0.21 0.73 0.15 0.12 Aboriginal perspectives in curriculum

9.8 31.6 59.6 0.16 0.68 0.18 0.12

Using diverse cultural learning styles

9.4 25.3 67.9 0.18 0.66 0.27 -0.16

Variance accounted for 36.1710.49 7.38 5.55

Notes: Significant loadings are highlighted. Each question was recorded on a Likert scale ranging from 1 (least effective or least important) to 5 (most effective or most important); categories 1–2 and 4–5 have been combined in this presentation of percentage results.

624 J. Forrest et al.

attention to diversity and multicultural issues in schools over the past decade or so, up to half had experienced aspects of multicultural education in their pre- and in-service training; 19% had no such experience.

Little is known about the socio-economic status (SES) background of members of Sydney’s teaching profession. They are normally classified as para- (or semi-) professionals, reflecting their tertiary education. However, a report by the federal parliament’s Standing Committee on Education and Vocational Training (2007, 53) has suggested that the SES range may be somewhat broader. Between 2001 and 2004, approximately 20% of all stu- dents enrolled in initial teacher education courses were from low SES back- grounds, compared with 25% in the general population. However, that still means that most teachers hail from middle-class backgrounds, and almost all are tertiary educated.

Under anti-racism policies, schools in New South Wales are required to include anti-racism education strategies in their school plans, while all teachers are encouraged to take part in professional learning opportunities in the general area of multicultural education (New South Wales Department of Education and Training 2009). More than 40% of Sydney teachers who responded to the survey had included various aspects of multicultural educa- tion in their professional development, with 50% and 54% respectively hav- ing experience in teaching a culturally diverse curriculum and incorporating anti-racism strategies.

Goals of multicultural education and effectiveness strategies

Teachers were supportive of equity, opportunity and improved inter-cultural relations and anti-discrimination. Sydney’s classroom teachers saw these goals as important for multicultural education and as the most effective strategies to foster cultural inclusiveness (see Table 1, A and B). The PCA combined both goals and strategy effectiveness. The first and main compo- nent I saw loadings on nearly all the identified goals and accounted for 36% of overall variation (component loadings of 0.03 or higher are gener- ally considered significant, or at least salient [Kline 2002, 52–53]). Profi- ciency in English language and literacy and equity in student learning outcomes also ranked highly, along with provision of equal opportunities to share in all aspects of Australian life, developing harmonious cross cultural relations and the combating of racism and discrimination.

The strategies focusing on equity and inclusion all came together on component II of the combined analysis of goals and effectiveness, though accounting for a much smaller 10% of variation among teachers than for component I on goals. Developing a cross-cultural curriculum, using diverse cultural learning styles, implementing anti-racism strategies, improving intercultural relations inclusion of Aboriginal perspectives in the curriculum

Race Ethnicity and Education 625

and greater involvement of parents from culturally diverse backgrounds dominated this component in broadly equal measure. However, such aspects as events to celebrate cultural diversity and the use of diverse cultural learn- ing styles were considered less effective among strategies brought together on this component, as was improving students’ academic outcomes which was more likely considered an aimed for outcome rather than a strategy to foster cultural inclusiveness.

Support for cultural maintenance (bilingual instruction) and heritage, fostering of language skills other than in English combined to load on com- ponent III (7% of variance). Component III was dominated by attitudes often characterised as culturally relativist (or perhaps separatist), including non-English language retention and cultural rights. These non-English lan- guage variables were ranked lowest among the ‘most important’ goals of multicultural education. These findings on heritage and language skills are broadly consistent with McInerney’s (2003) findings from a study of teach- ers and administrators in 10 New South Wales schools, where only a minor- ity supported school involvement in maintaining a student’s family language and use of community languages for instruction. An emphasis on Anglo- Australian heritage, and the development of a commitment to Australian identity, loaded strongly on component IV. So a small amount of teacher

Table 2. Sydney classroom teachers’ attitudes to diversity, racism and multicul- tural education.

Disagree %

Neutral %

Agree %

Components

I II

Multicultural education should apply to all schools

5.8 12.0 80.9 0.74 0.16

Each school should see to needs of students from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds

3.7 7.4 87.3 0.74 0.01

Each school is responsible for addressing racism or discrimination in their school

2.6 2.9 93.1 0.59 -0.02

It is a good thing for schools to comprise students from different cultures

1.0 5.1 91.0 0.72 0.11

Society is not weakened by people of different ethnic origins maintaining their cultural traditional (i.e. pro- multiculturalism)

10.8 16.0 71.8 0.62 0.02

Racism is a problem in Australian society

9.8 21.5 67.2 0.10 0.93

Racism is a problem in Australian schools

16.3 30.2 51.4 0.04 0.93

Variance accounted for 33.58 25.22

Notes: PCA used the full 5-category Likert scale rather than the condensed form shown here. Significant component loadings are highlighted.

626 J. Forrest et al.

opinion is influenced by more assimilationist thinking (6%). Culturally relativist and culturally assimilatory opinion together influence 12% of the variance, whereas multicultural attitudes and pro-multicultural education policy influenced about half of the variance.

Familiarity with cultural diversity and community relations policies

The New South Wales Department of Education and Communities’ Multi- cultural Education Policy (2005) emphasises connections between school and community in countering racism and intolerance, a focus on school practices which will allow the integration of students from all cultural back- grounds into all aspects of Australian society and the provision of support within schools to assist students from culturally diverse backgrounds. It may be of some concern, therefore, that less than half of classroom teachers in Sydney schools have read the policy statement, although a very much higher proportion (74%) have read the Department’s anti-racism policy (Table 4), which appeared in 2005 concurrently with the Multicultural Edu- cation policy statement. The anti-racism policy commits the department to rejection of all forms of racism and enjoins all staff to its eradication by all appropriate means. As to implementation, 71% agreed that an anti-racism policy had been put in place in their school. However, only 46% were posi- tive about the implementation of the multicultural education policy, and a high proportion (48%) did not know if it had been implemented. Moreover, responses varied noticeably across Sydney (Table 4, lower panel), generally lowest among schools in middle- to high-SES, Anglo-Australian areas

Table 3. Sydney classroom teacher’s characteristics and professional development.

Teacher background: %

Primary school teacher 49.4 Secondary school teacher 50.6 Male 20.4 Female 79.6 English-speaking background (ESB) 84.2 Non-English-speaking background (NESB) 15.8 Years of teaching (median) 15 Did your pre-service teacher training include aspects of multicultural education

50.4

Professional learning. Since beginning teaching, has your professional learning included any of the following aspects of multicultural education:

Teaching English as a second language 40.1 Promoting positive community relations 44.7 Developing intercultural understanding 46.8 Teaching a culturally diverse curriculum 53.6 Incorporating anti-racism strategies 50.4 Teaching refugee students 31.1

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where more than half of the respondents did not know if the policy had been implemented. On the other hand, responses were more positive, though not uniformly so, in those parts of Sydney dominated by ethnic minority groups. In summary, Sydney teachers were generally informed about the departmental policy on racism, but less so on multicultural education, although they did see multicultural education as important and effective.

Schools, teachers and the community context

Explicit in the approach of educators to anti-social (racist) behaviour in New South Wales’ schools is a view ‘that … if schools help to foster an environment of tolerance and are free of racism, then this is a major step in creating a whole community in which racism and prejudice [can be] fought’ (New South Wales Whole School Anti-Racism Project 1995, 1). This reflects an endeavour by Australia’s education system to provide a safe learning environment, free of any fears of verbal or physical abuse, though undermined in recent years ‘by a rise in society-wide intercultural tensions that inevitably permeate the school boundary’ (Mansouri and Jenkins 2010, 93). As argued earlier, ‘schools are places of great influence, both on indi- viduals and the community in general’ (Mansouri et al. 2009, 109).

A diversity map for Sydney was first constructed. This enabled a com- parison of teacher attitudes in schools, on diversity and racism, with the atti- tudes held by the communities in those school catchment areas (see Figure 1). Distinctions were made among areas with a majority of ‘host’ society members as distinct from those where non-Anglo ethnic groups formed a majority, using a classification procedure developed by Poulsen, Johnston, and Forrest (2001). Attitudes of people in school catchment areas were derived from 1845 respondents to the Sydney survey conducted for the Challenging Racism Project in 2001 (see also Forrest and Dunn 2007).

Application of this classification to Sydney (Johnston, Forrest, and Poul- sen 2001; Poulsen, Johnston, and Forrest 2004) showed three main ele- ments: a small number of regions where the host society dominated (80% or more of the population); regions where the host society, though still a majority, contained an ethnic minority presence (20% or more); and mixed minority ethnic group regions, where minority (i.e. non-host) ethnic groups formed a majority of the population, but with a relatively high mixing of minority groups and with some host society presence. A further sub-division was made on the basis of SES characteristics and, within the districts, where particular out-groups were identified. On the implementation of multicultural education policies, Table 4 (lower panel) shows that classroom teachers in the higher SES districts in Sydney’s north, those dominated by the ‘host’ society, were least proactive, while those areas with an ethnic majority or mixed populations were the most. This was less true of the implementation of anti-racism policies. Among those lagging in this area were Sydney’s

628 J. Forrest et al.

highest SES district 1, and one middle to upper-middle SES area (4) on the southern outskirts of the city, but also several districts of lower SES with a strong ethnic minority presence. The latter included the inner city and a lower-middle SES district (11) where Muslims were recognised as an out- group with a significant local presence. On the other hand, schools in the outer south-western district 12, with its Asian out-group presence, were seen as among the highest implementers of both policies.

Our first task was to analyse the variations in teacher attitudes across these 12 geographic zones in Sydney. In general terms, the higher the SES and the greater the level of host society presence, the higher the expected level of racial tolerance (Dunn et al. 2004). But detailed studies have found significant variations to this kind of generalisation. For Sydney, Table 5 sug- gests that the often cited positive relationship between SES and tolerance is only clear at the upper-middle (non-racist) and lower SES (more racist) ends of the scale; the relationship is much less apparent in the broad SES area in between, and even at each end not consistently so (Forrest and Dunn 2007). Similar contradictions were evident with regard to acceptance of diversity, with the specifics of local attitudes probably related to the presence of certain ethnic backgrounds, depending on their social compatibility and

Table 4. Sydney classroom teachers’ knowledge and implementation of NSW Department of Education and Teaching’s multicultural education policies (%).

Yes No Don’t know Yes No

Don’t know

Have you read the following policies? Multicultural Education in Schools 47.2 52.8 - Anti-racism Policy 74.2 25.8 -

Has your school implemented these policies? ‘Yes’ to Multicultural education policies1

‘Yes’ to Anti-racism policies1

Host society majority: 1 High SES 35.7 4.2 60.1 67.8 1.4 28.8 2 Upper-middle SES 47.9 3.2 48.8 70.0 3.7 26.2 3 Upper-middle SES 36.5 7.7 55.8 71.2 5.8 23.1 4 Middle to upper-middle SES 40.4 5.8 53.9 67.9 3.2 28.9 5 Middle to upper-middle SES 34.8 4.3 60.9 73.9 0.0 26.1 Mainly host with mixed minority elements: 6 Lower to middle SES 44.3 3.3 52.5 66.4 1.6 32.0 7 Lower to middle SES 46.0 6.3 49.6 75.4 4.0 20.6 8 Lower-middle to middle SES 44.8 0.0 55.1 74.6 0.0 25.8 9 Inner city mixed low and high SES 41.8 9.0 49.2 63.4 6.0 30.2 Ethnic majority: 10 Mixed lower and middle SES 58.1 3.0 38.9 76.3 1.5 22.2 11 Lower-middle SES (Muslims)2 44.3 4.3 51.5 68.6 3.3 28.1 12 Lower-middle SES (Asians)2 54.7 2.6 42.7 74.7 1.6 23.7 Totals 46.1 4.4 49.6 70.6 2.8 26.6

Notes: 1% values; 2Identified as a significant out-group within this district (Challenging Racism Project 2011).

Race Ethnicity and Education 629

perceived ability to ‘fit in’ to a still hegemonic white-Anglo (or white- Anglo-Irish) culture. This can have consequences for educational outcomes which would particularly affect members of especially marginalised cultural groups, such as Muslims, especially Arab-Muslims who have been con- structed as a significant ‘out-group’ (Mansouri and Trembath 2005).

Our second use of Table 5 was to contrast teacher attitudes to those of the communities around their schools. Overall, 93% of Sydney’s classroom teachers, compared with 92% of people in school catchments, held pro-diversity views, though skewed towards higher SES districts. However, differences between teachers and the communities surrounding their schools were greatest regarding multiculturalism and the acknowledgment of racism in society. While 74% of Sydney teachers had pro-multicultural views, only 56% of members of the regional community did so. Views on society as racist were closer together, but still on this perspective the regional commu- nity was higher (81%) compared with the teachers’ perceptions (67%). It was on attitudes to diversity, however, where there was the greatest differ- ence between wider school community and teacher views.

Looking in more detail at views within teacher and community groups, teachers were more pro-diversity in middle to higher SES districts. How- ever, community members in lower SES, ethnically diverse districts were more pro-multiculturalism than those in some higher SES, less diverse areas – contrary to what might be expected (Challenging Racism Project 2011). There was, however, a high level of ambivalence in the two lower to middle SES districts in those areas that were mostly Anglo but with some ethnic diversity (zones 6 and 7). On the other hand, both teachers and community

Figure 1. Sydney urban regions with common levels of ethnic diversity and similar SES characteristics as set out in Tables 4 and 5.

630 J. Forrest et al.

T ab le

5 .

A tt it u d es

to as p ec ts o f ra ci sm

am o n g te ac h er s at

sc h o o ls an d th e w id er

co m m u n it y in

d is tr ic ts o f v ar y in g d iv er si ty

in th e

S y d n ey

u rb an

ar ea

(% ).

Z o n es

S o ci o -e co n o m ic

st at u s

P ro -d iv er si ty

P ro -m

u lt ic u lt u ra li sm

S o ci et y is ra ci st

T ea ch er s

C o m m u n it y

T ea ch er s

C o m m u n it y

T ea ch er s

C o m m u n it y

H o st so ci et y m aj o ri ty

1 H ig h

9 6 .4

9 2 .1

7 7 .3

6 0 .2

7 0 .7

8 0 .0

2 U p p er -m

id d le

9 1 .1

9 0 .5

7 2 .5

5 3 .3

7 3 .5

8 2 .9

3 U p p er -m

id d le

9 2 .3

9 5 .2

6 9 .2

3 9 .3

6 5 .4

8 3 .3

4 M id d le

to u p p er - m id d le

9 3 .9

8 5 .8

7 0 .7

4 8 .0

6 8 .2

8 2 .1

5 M id d le

to u p p er - m id d le

9 9 .5

9 4 .4

6 9 .5

4 1 .7

6 9 .5

9 4 .4

M ai n ly

h o st w it h m ix ed

m in o ri ty

el em

en ts

6 L o w er

to m id d le

9 0 .7

9 1 .0

7 1 .7

6 7 .8

7 0 .2

8 5 .5

7 L o w er

to m id d le

9 2 .0

8 7 .0

7 2 .1

3 2 .2

7 0 .0

8 3 .9

8 M ix ed

lo w er -m

id . to

m id d le

9 6 .9

9 1 .1

7 7 .3

5 8 .1

7 0 .2

7 7 .8

9 In n er

ci ty

m ix ed

lo w

an d h ig h

9 3 .7

9 5 .8

7 5 .2

6 4 .7

6 2 .4

8 2 .2

E th n ic

m aj o ri ty

1 0

L o w er -m

id d le

to m id d le

8 9 .6

9 2 .6

6 8 .9

5 6 .8

6 5 .6

8 5 .2

11 L o w er -m

id d le

(M u sl im

s) 1

9 3 .8

8 9 .8

7 2 .4

4 9 .6

7 4 .3

8 4 .3

1 2

L o w er -m

id d le

(A si a n s) 1

9 4 .2

8 9 .7

7 1 .8

4 9 .2

6 8 .4

6 9 .0

T o ta ls

S y d n ey -w

id e

9 3 .6

9 1 .6

7 2 .9

5 4 .5

6 9 .6

8 1 .1

N o te : 1 Id en ti fi ed

as a si g n ifi ca n t o u t- g ro u p w it h in

th is d is tr ic t (C h al le n g in g R ac is m

P ro je ct

2 0 11 ).

Race Ethnicity and Education 631

members in higher SES, more Anglo areas were more likely to view society as racist than those in diverse areas. Nevertheless, teacher attitudes on the acknowledgment of racism varied very little from region to region within Sydney, and this was true for other attitudes as well, even though community attitudes did vary. This speculation is arguably a tribute to the effectiveness of a variety of departmental programs and initiatives delivered in pre-service and in-service teacher training and policies on mul- ticultural education and anti-racism at both university degree training and departmental levels.

Testing the links between teacher attitudes to multicultural education, cultural diversity and racism

We analysed whether the attitudes of classroom teachers to the goals of multicultural education (e.g. strategies towards implementing policies aimed at cultural inclusiveness, to anti-racism strategies, and the effectiveness or otherwise of the implementation of such policies) were influenced by their attitudes to cultural diversity and their acknowledgment of racism in both Australian society and in their schools. Seven questions addressed these issues (Table 2), all of them seeking a response on a five-point Likert scale from ‘strongly disagree’ through ‘disagree’ to ‘neutral’ to ‘agree’ and ‘strongly agree’. The first two questions asked about the need for multicul- tural education in all Sydney schools and an absolute need for each school to see to the needs of all students from diverse cultural backgrounds. Recognition of a need to apply multicultural education to all schools suggested a view among classroom teachers that this was not just about students from different cultural backgrounds, or even for schools with low diversity student populations. But though 81% agreed, 18% were less cer- tain. On the other hand, there was a high proportion (87%) who agreed that each school should see to the needs of students from different cultural back- grounds, and hence asserted recognition of a need to address the concerns and problems of minority students. A large majority (91%) agreed that it was a good thing for schools to have students from different cultures, demonstrating that classroom teachers from across the Sydney school system reacted positively to cultural diversity among school populations, contrary to any suggestion that teacher attitudes would vary across areas of greater or lesser cultural homogeneity (see also Tables 4 and 5 for the relative consistency of teacher attitudes). An overwhelming majority (93%) agreed that it was the responsibility of each school to address racism or discrimination in their school. However, there was less support (72%) for cultural maintenance.

On the questions of whether racism was prevalent in Australian society and in Australian schools, there was a majority level of acknowledgement, though more so about society than about schools. While some two thirds

632 J. Forrest et al.

agreed racism was a problem in Australian society, only slightly more than half agreed it was also a problem in Sydney schools. Watkins et al. (2013, 47) did note lower levels of acceptance of racism in Australian society among teachers in some of Sydney’s more strongly Anglo, high-SES north- ern school regions. However, Table 5 suggests that this equally applies to many broadly middle class areas with mixed minority elements also present. Teachers are more likely to deny racism on average than the community around their school, but the extent of this acknowledgement gap is not linked to variations in teacher attitudes, so much as it is to variations in community attitudes. That is, teacher acknowledgement of racism hardly varies across the city, but community attitudes do.

These results were reflected in output from the PCA. All the higher significant responses from among the percentage values were linked on com- ponent I and accounted for the majority of variation (34%) (Table 2). Responses relating to racism in Australian society and schools, however, were brought out independently in component II, reflecting the lower levels of agreement on these two questions, and the more divided opinion. It is interest- ing that racism in society and in schools loaded in a separate component, and accounted for a relatively high proportion of variance (25%). This suggests that acknowledgment of racism among classroom teachers is somewhat inde- pendent of issues of multicultural education and cultural diversity within schools. This therefore suggests that holistic action requires teachers to be convinced of both multicultural education as well as anti-racism interventions.

Conclusion

Central to critical race theory in a post-colonial immigrant society like Australia is the notion of racism as socially constructed. In schools this is constructed through everyday racism, where behaviours and outcomes are ‘normalised’ by teachers in a particular social context where ‘white’ is the norm and non-white is ‘other’. Within this framework, schools are often understood as arenas of intercultural relations, reflecting the society and/or local context. Yet schools are also pivotal to the development of multicul- tural understanding and combating racism. Constructivism holds the possi- bility of disruption and challenge, even to the most pervasive of norms. This challenge can occur within the schools, but by inculcation, it can also affect the surrounding communities within which the schools are set.

Within the particular social context of schools, the impact of teachers, especially classroom teachers who are closest to dealing with the issues involved, can be seen in two quite different ways. ‘White’, middle class teachers can act to replicate and sustain social patterns of white hegemony. Equally, they can act as agents for change through implementation of the goals of multicultural education, along with strategies aimed at fostering cultural inclusiveness and combating racism. Although most of Sydney’s

Race Ethnicity and Education 633

classroom teachers are from ‘white’ (Anglo) backgrounds and largely mid- dle class, there was little evidence of attitudes aimed at sustaining ‘white’ hegemony. Rather there was evidence of strong support for the goals of multicultural education, and for broader social justice intentions of enhanced proficiency in learning, literacy, for equity in student learning outcomes and equality of life chances. There was also strong support for harmonious cross cultural relations, and for challenging racism and discrimination. This set of attitudes (pro-multicultural policies) was the first and dominant dimension impacting variations in attitudes. A second set of attitudes that impacted on variations was more overtly about anti-racism interventions. These included strategies aimed at fostering cultural inclusiveness, the value of a cross- cultural curriculum, using diverse cultural learning styles, implementing anti-racism strategies, improving intercultural relations, inclusion of Aboriginal perspectives in the curriculum and greater involvement of par- ents from culturally diverse backgrounds dominated the second component.

Endorsement by Sydney classroom teachers of many aspects of multicul- turalism, diversity and commitment to combating racism in Sydney schools was brought out in the first dimension of the PCA displayed in Table 2. As Watkins et al. (2013, 43) further point out, this endorsement goes beyond the schools to anti-racism initiatives affecting the community generally, such as the Racism No Way initiative in New South Wales and further initiatives aimed at the professional development of teaching in multicultural education and combating racism and discrimination in schools (Mansouri et al. 2009, 7). However, issues of racism in society and schools appear in a second dimension, independent of the first, suggesting a lack of agreement about multiculturalism, diversity and how to combat racism on the one hand, and the incidence of racism in society and their schools on the other. The impli- cations of this finding remain to be explored.

Nevertheless, though overwhelmingly supported by Sydney classroom teachers generally, two further elements of school-community and differ- ences in teacher attitudes have been brought out in this study. Teachers in schools with high levels of cultural diversity among their student popula- tions within wider communities which were equally diverse were most aware of whether multicultural education policies had been implemented in their own school, and those in higher SES, more homogeneously Anglo areas, rather less so. But this was less true in the implementation of anti- racist policies. Again, teachers in schools in parts of Sydney with a high Asian presence showed greatest awareness of the implementation of both multicultural education and anti-racism policies, but those in areas with a significant Muslim presence were rather less so. While on the one hand attitudes of Sydney classroom teachers towards acknowledgement of racism varied very little across Sydney, this was not always the case with regard to implementation of anti-racism policies. It could be argued that this is a tri- bute to the effectiveness of a wide range of program initiatives coming from

634 J. Forrest et al.

the NSW Department of Education and Training and from teacher training, delivered in pre- and in-service teacher training and policies, as delivered through multicultural education and anti-racism strategies. However, teach- ers’ acknowledgement of racism is much lower than that of the communities surrounding their schools, and has a distinct influence upon teacher opinions about multicultural education and diversity more broadly.

Acknowledgements This work was supported by the Australian Research Council under grant number LP120200115, the NSW Department of Education and Communities and the NSW Institute of Teachers. We also acknowledge the involvement of the other Chief Investigators on this project from the Institute for Culture and Society, University of Western Sydney: Megan Watkins and Greg Noble.

Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

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