Summarize the article attached below in 2 pages. Summarize all the key points in paragraphs.

Date Culture in the Oasis of Al-Hasa Author(s): F. S. Vidal Source: Middle East Journal, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Autumn, 1954), pp. 417-428 Published by: Middle East Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4322638 . Accessed: 10/09/2014 04:48

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Middle East Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Middle East Journal.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DATE CULTURE IN THE OASIS OF AL-HASA

F. S. Vidal

(See map, facing page 375.)

I N POPULAR IMAGINATION, the term "oasis" has come to mean a cluster of palm trees near a waterhole with perhaps a couple of tents, all encircled by sandy desert. Such waterhole oases do exist in great

numbers, but nothing could be further from this popular concept than the region of al-Hasa in eastern Saudi Arabia. Indeed, if one considers its sheer size, its large water resources, its date production, and its surprisingly dense population, one wonders whether al-Hasa should properly be called an oasis at all.1 It is, however, "an area of vegetation surrounded by desert," and thus qualifies as an oasis by dictionary definition.

Al-Hasa is an L-shaped area, extending approximately from 25021' to 25o37' Lat. N. and from 49O33' to 49?46' Long. E. It encloses some 70 square miles of garden area with perhaps 30,000 acres under continu- ous cultivation, some 25,000 to 27,ooo acres being in date palms. The pop- ulation totals approximately i 6o,ooo people, distributed among two towns (Hofuf with 6o,ooo, and al-Mubarraz with 28,000) and 52 smaller settle- ments, ranging from larger villages (2,500 inhabitants) to small hamlets ( IOO or less). The larger villages are normally built near the edges of the cultivated area, both in order to avoid using up planting soil while still being close to the gardens, and to gain better visibility in case of enemy attack. Most of these larger villages, which consist in the main of masonry build- ings, have a substantial defensive wall built of limestone rubble and faced with mud or gypsum cement. Occasionally irrigation ditches have been car- ried along the outside of the walls to provide an additional obstacle. The small villages and hamlets are generally inside the palm growing area; they are unwalled, and have a large number of dwellings made of wood and palm fronds. During the last generation, after the consolidation of the Saudi dynasty had brought internal peace and security to the kingdom, the number of these hamlets, as well as that of isolated garden residences owned by the wealthy people of the region, has increased considerably. Cor-

1 This problem of terminology does not appear in Arabia. The word wahah, occasionally heard in Egypt and infrequently seen in the Arabic press, is not used in Saudi Arabia. Saudis refer to different oases by their individual names (al-Hasa, al-Qatif, etc.) but do not employ a generic term to embrace them all.

<3 F. S. VIDAL is an anthropologist with the Arabian Research Division of the Arabian American Oil Company. The material for this article was gathered while the author was field supervisor of the Malaria Control Program in al-Hasa carried out in 195I by the Saudi Arab Government with technical assistance by the oil company.

417

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

4I8 THE MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL

respondingly, the fortifications for defense, watchtowers, village walls, and such like are now no longer needed and have been allowed to decay.

The large population of al-Hasa supports itself by a variety of economic pursuits. Hofuf,2 the capital of the oasis, has until recently been also the capital of the whole of eastern Arabia 3 and consequently has had a good number of people working for government agencies, police, army, and ad- ministration. Some public servants, although not so many, are also found in al-Mubarraz.

More numerous than the civil servants are the members of the arts, crafts, and professions. In this respect, metalworking (particularly the manufacture of the well-known, large, beak-spouted coffeepots) and tex- tile manufacture are exceptionally noteworthy. While many of the crafts have declined in importance and in the quality of their workmanship, es- pecially in those cases where the availability of foreign exchange has per- mitted increased imports, the contrary obtains in the case of textiles. The shift to a cash economy and the raised standard of living have apparently made increased demands on the production of the al-Hasa bisht, the cloak of wool and camel hair which has long and justly been famous in the Persian Gulf region, and even beyond. The circumstance that the Royal Family of Saudi Arabia, as well as other prominent families in the kingdom, favors al-Hasa textiles, has further enhanced the prestige of the product, with the consequence that other sections of the population, trying to follow the ex- ample of their social and political leaders, have stepped up their demands for al-Hasa cloaks. The quality of the weave, as well as the beauty of the gold embroidery, has steadily improved. In this connection it should be stated that though the looms of the al-Hasa weavers (horizontal, frame- less, two-bar looms with as many as eight treadles and six shuttles) are hand operated, they are far from being primitive. The machine is extremely efficient and the quality of the produce shows the consummate skill of the workmen.

Culturally and economically more important than the craftsmen are the merchants. Trade in the oasis comprises a multitude of activities: from the big international operations of such a firm as the famous al-Qusaibi family, to the date-marketing operations of wholesalers dealing with Bedouins, and the small cash-and-carry detail deals of young men established by their

2 More properly al-Hufuf or al-Hufhuf; the spelling Hofuf has long been established in English usage.

3 The entire region has been called by foreigners "Hasa Province," or "al-Hasa Province." This is a misleading term, since the people of the area use the name to refer to the oasis alone. The use of "Hasa Province" probably started during the Turkish administration, when the whole area was under the jurisdiction of a Mutasarrif Pasha who made his headquarters in al-Hasa. In the statement on the administrative reorganization of this part of Arabia issued on February 8, I953, by H.R.H. Crown Prince Su'ud, present King of Saudi Arabia, the term "Eastern Province" is used. It is to be hoped that this recently introduced and more accurate term will receive greater acceptance in the future. The capital of the province was moved from Hofuf to Dammam on the Persian Gulf in the spring of 1953.

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DATE CULTURE IN THE OASIS OF AL-HASA 4I9

families in a small general store in a corner of the market, to learn the pro- fession empirically.

Al-Hasa has been an ideal place for the development of commerce. Its plentiful supply of water is able to support a large population and offers the opportunity for large-scale agriculture, the produce of which could be sold to the Bedouins of the region or exchanged for the meat, skins, mo- hair and wool that the Bedouins produced. At the same time, the proximity of the oasis to the Persian Gulf and the easy route to the sea made al-Hasa become central Arabia's door to the world, much more so than the coastal oases which could not support as large a population. Hofuf became the break-of-bulk center for imported merchandise in this part of the peninsula.

The majority of the people of al-Hasa, however, support themselves by agriculture. Their farming complex revolves around a nucleus composed of water from artesian springs, date palms, donkeys, and alfalfa. The artesian springs, of which there are probably more than so in the oasis with a com- bined waterflow well in excess of I5o,ooo gallons per minute (in an area that probably has not more than 3 inches yearly precipitation), provide the basis for farming. The date palm, this most practical and economical of oasis plants, gives the Hasawis a cash crop, a basis for barter, and material for construction, for basketry, and a host of other manufactured products as well as other uses; the space between the palms grows alfalfa, which can be used as fodder for the donkeys, which in turn supply the needed trans- portation, some fertilizer, and the power for lifting water when needed.

Although a variety of agricultural produce is grown in the oasis, the back- bone of al-Hasa farming is the date palm. The date gardens and the arte- sian springs not only provide a livelihood in terms of earning power by ful- filling the functions outlined above; they are a blending factor that brings into relationship most elements in the Hasawis' life. Gardens and springs are centers around which one can meet one's equals to exchange news, gos- sip, transact business, do the laundry, and discuss family matters; they pro- duce a reward in terms of esthetic gratification and relaxation from the try- ing climate, and are a prestige-giving item to strive and work for.

The Hasawis have developed an extreme cultural specialization as well as a complex vocabulary around their system of date cultivation,4 much as has the Bedouin around his camel nomadism. Probably a total of more than 2 million palm trees grow in al-Hasa, representing a majority of the 40 varieties of dates said to be found in the Persian Gulf area. By and large, a date garden grows only two or three varieties, although a few clusters of palms growing other kinds can be seen in most large date groves. The names

4 The term bustan, for instance, should not be used in al-Hasa to refer to a date garden; this is called a nakhil. A bustan is a garden that does not primarily grow dates. The word shajarah (tree) is not used in al-Hasa with reference to date palms; these must be called either nakhlah (female date palm) or fahl (male date palm).

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

420 THE MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL

of the varieties encountered in al-Hasa are as follows (spellings often doubtful):

i. Barihi I3. Khisab 25. Ruzaiz 2. Bukayyirah 14. Khisbi 26. Sabu' 3. Da'laj I5. Khulas 27. Shabibi 4. Ghurr i6. Khunaizi 28. Shahl 5. Hatimi 17. Khusayyib 29. Sunaini 6. Hilali i8. Marzaban 30. Tunaqib 7. Hulayyili i9. Mijnas 3I. Tayyar 8. Huraizi 20. Muhaimi 32. Wusaili 9. Hushayyishi 2I. Muraihim 33. Zamili

io. Jubaili 22. Muwahhid 5 34. Zunbur (ahmar) i i. Khadij 23. Nabt al-Saif 35. Zunbur (asfar) I 2. Khatasi 24. Raisi

According to general belief in the Persian Gulf region, the best date grown in this part of the world is the khulas,6 of which a good amount grows in al-Hasa. This variety, and the hushayyishi, which is next in qual- ity, are considered to be "cold"; the remaining varieties are called "warm." The people of the area say that the "cold" kinds are not only more palat- able, but also more easily digested, while the "warm" varieties cannot be eaten in large quantities without disagreeable aftereffects. Close to these two varieties in quality are the ruzaiz, which constitute the bulk of al-Hasa's crop. It is estimated that some 8o percent of al-Hasa dates are ruziaz. This fact, according to the statements of some Bedouin old-timers, made the people of al-Hasa acquire the somewhat derogatory nickname of ruzaizi's.

The people of the oasis recognize different stages in the maturing process of a date, and have special names for them. During the earliest stage, be- fore the fruit can even be recognized as such, it is called habumbu. During the next stage, when the date is small and green, it is called khalal. It later turns yellow, without increasing much in size, and is called busr.7 During the following stage, when the date becomes much larger and of a dark yellow or red, it is called rutab, and in the last stage, when it acquires its final dark red or dark reddish-brown color, it is called tamr. The length of these periods, as well as the harvest time, varies slightly according to the differ- ent varieties, but the vocabulary used is the same. Dates are eaten during both the rutab and tamr stages.

Date gardens in al-Hasa require a great deal of work. Dates are planted from offshoots and it is stated that only very rarely are palms allowed to grow from seeds. Peculiar to al-Hasa is the practice of burning the soil. This is done by filling a long narrow ditch with combustible rubbish, piling

5 Perhaps not the name of a distinct variety. There may be a few more varieties of dates in al-Hasa, but the author was unable to record their names.

6 The khulas is the only date grown in commercial quantities in the U.S., where it is called khalasa. See R. W. Nixon, Imported Varieties of Dates in the United States, U.S. Dept. of Agriculture Circular No. 834 (Washington, I950), pp. 49, 96.

7 Some people maintain that the terms khalal and busr are interchangeable.

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DATE CULTURE IN THE OASIS OF AL-HASA 42I

earth on it, and then burning it. The burnt earth and ashes are later spread over the soil. In case of a large garden, this is done only to a section of it each year, so that it may take several years to process the entire property.8 The soil of a date garden is broken and spaded as a rule every two or three years.

In the winter the thorns of the date palm branches are cut and later used for very effective burglar protection. They are stuck vertically in the mud or plaster on the top of walls, much in the same way as nails and pieces of glass are used elsewhere. Date palms are pollinated at the beginning of spring, and after pollination the female inflorescences are wrapped up in palm fiber or rags. It is interesting to notice that in al-Hasa the number of male spikelets used in pollinating varies according to the variety of female tree, and not according to the variety of the male or the size of the spikelet. It would thus appear that the Hasawis, contrary to the practice of the Basrah cultivators, believe that the decisive factor is the female palm and not the male palm."

The cutting of dead branches and palm webbing and the fertilizing of the soil can be done at any time. Harvest takes place from late summer to early fall, according to the different varieties.

Hasawis try to fertilize the soil of their gardens about once a year. This is a very necessary practice in al-Hasa, which, not being a riverine oasis, does not, like other areas in the Middle East, receive a fresh supply of top- soil with the annual floods. As the importation of automobiles has been fol- lowed by a decline in the number of donkeys and, consequently, with a de- crease in the supply of fertilizer,10 it can be predicted that the people of al-Hasa will in the near future either have to manufacture or import sub- stantial amounts of chemical fertilizer if they are to keep up their agri- cultural production.

Date gardens vary considerably in size. There are some very large gar- dens of individual ownership, either by private citizens or by the crown, the latter being mostly property acquired by conquest when King Ibn Sa'ud de- feated the Turks and took over the Turkish Sultan's properties. A large number of gardens, however, are of multiple ownership. This is of two types; one, called sharikat mufraz, is characterized by individuals owning precisely delimited separate plots in a garden which is irrigated in common,

8 For the significance of this practice from an agronomist's point of view, see V. H. W. Dowson, "To Arabia in Search of Date-palm Offshoots," Royal Central Asian Journal, vol. 39 (January 1952), pp. 52-53.

9Cf. Dowson, op. cit. 10 More significant in this respect than the importation of automobiles has been the construction

and general use of the qari, a springless wooden box cart pulled by donkeys and provided with automobile tires. The decrease in the supply of fertilizer is compensated by an increased avail- ability of alfalfa, which can be fed to cattle, and by the much greater efficiency of the qari as compared to the old pack saddle method. In addition, the very large number of boys who for- merly were in charge of watching over the pack trains can now be given free time to go to school.

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

422 THE MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL

but worked and harvested separately; the other, sharikat musha'ah, consists of gardens jointly owned, worked, and harvested, with shares given out to the different owners after the harvest, according to the individual's in- terest. Normally gardens with multiple ownership are under the supervision of a hired caretaker or agent (wakil), who is in charge of directing the irri- gation, work, harvest, and distribution of the crop shares. He is also re- sponsible for hiring the manpower required.

Laborers' wages are rather uniform throughout the oasis. As a rule they fluctuate from about 5 to 6 Saudi riyals ($I.35 to $i.6o), plus one meal, for a workday of six or seven hours. The workers are paid according to the kind of work they perform. The rate given above is for an ordinary shovel or pick worker; if the labor involves climbing the trees, the workmen get an additional Saudi riyal per day as compensation for the element of risk. Some years ago, part of these wages were paid out in kind (generally dates, sometimes also rice) ; today, however, the trend is to pay out the entire wage in cash.

Another noticeable change has taken place in the composition of the diet given the workers for the noon meal. While formerly the greater part of the menu, if not all of it, was dates, nowadays it consists basically of a rice dish with some meat and tomato sauce, although a few dates are still eaten as sweets.

When eaten in the rutab stage, dates are usually taken to the market in open boxes, baskets, or crates made of palm leaves. If they are marketed as tamr they are generally packed into squares of matting, which are wrapped around the heap of dates, and sewn tightly closed. This date sack is called a kis. The units of weight used in marketing dates in al-Hasa are as follows:

Local Avoirdupois Unit Equivalent Equivalent

Qiyasah 32 rub'ah 2I.5-23.5 lbs. Jarab (or qullah saghirah) 64 rub'ah 43- 47 lbs. Qullah (or jaluq, or qullah kabirah) 6 qiyasah 13o-I40 lbs. Musmiyah I 2 qiyasah 260-280 lbs. Mann 4 qullah 525-560 lbs.

There are two types of date storage in al-Hasa. One is a room in any living compound, where boxes or wooden compartments have been built to keep the different kinds of dates separated. This is called a jussah. The second kind of storage building, called a fida, is a tower-like structure with a wooden trap door at the bottom, into which the dates are dumped from the top. Due to the action of the heat, progressive maturing of the dates, and particularly their weight, the dates are pressed against the wooden floor, and a thick syrup, like molasses, is squeezed out. This syrup is called dibs and is considered a delicacy.

11 The standard al-Hasa kis weighs I qullah. It must be realized that although the terms used in al-Hasa, al-Qatif, and the Dhahran area for different units of weight are often the same, they are not equivalent in weight.

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DATE CULTURE IN THE OASIS OF AL-HASA 423

It is practically impossible to estimate the total amount of dates produced in al-Hasa. Extreme figures given are I IO million lbs. for the lowest esti- mate, and I,050 million for the highest. We believe that about I25 million lbs. or somewhat more is a safe guess, though still very much of a guess.

One of the most interesting aspects of al-Hasa agriculture is its irrigation system. From this point of view, the gardens of al-Hasa are of two types: those that are irrigated without the help of any mechanical devices, i.e., where the water flows following the natural slope of the terrain; and those that require some form of mechanical help for lifting the water. The first type, which we might call saih (from the Arabic for flowing water), includes the larger gardens growing primarily dates and rice. The second type, which could be called mugharraf (from an Arabic root meaning to ladle water), consists in the main of smaller plots, largely devoted to vegetables and alfalfa. Some palm trees are found in mugharraf gardens, but no large date grove is irrigated in this manner.

The most important of these irrigation systems is the saih type. Water leaving the spring passes through irrigation canals called masqa's and is di- verted into the gardens. The people of al-Hasa classify this water as hurr, or pure. Gardens located by a masqa, however, have as a rule a superabun- dance of humidity, so that not all of the water soaks in. The surplus leaves the gardens through another channel, no longer called masqa, but munajja (possibly from an Arabic root meaning "to save"). Hasawis refer to this surplus water as being tawayih, or forfeited.

Occasionally, the surplus from a single masqa-irrigated garden is enough to irrigate another garden, in which case the munajja will lead directly from one palm grove to the next. But more often several munajja's join their water in a common channel, usually referred to as a thabur (sometimes very large, like the one called al-Sulaisil), which takes the tawayih water over long distances, and from which small channels branch out into the gardens. This regathering and redistributing system goes on and on, the length and breadth of the oasis, until the water reaches the edges of the cultivation area and either runs off into the sands or accumulates on the sabkhah's (salt flats) that surround the palm belt.

As might be expected, Hasawis who own gardens irrigated with hurr water from a masqa are very proud of this fact, and their prestige is higher than it would be if they were using tawayih water. Gardens at the very end of this distribution chain are spoken of with disdain as using tawayih al- tawayih, twice-used, or twice-forfeited water.

This system, together with the Hasawis' adherence to the traditionally established watering order and schedule, as well as their manifest interest in keeping hurr and tawayih water separated, has produced an extremely complicated irrigation network, one of the most characteristic features of al-Hasa landscape: masonry-lined canals, masonry dams for raising the

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

424 THE MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL

water level, stone sluices with date palm logs for control of the flow, aque- ducts, and bridges. Many of the trails and roads inside the gardens are bordered by irrigation ditches on both sides.

When a Hasawi buys a garden, the mulkiyah (title) issued to him by the Finance Office specifies the day and time of irrigation, as well as the canal to be tapped. Every owner is responsible for operating the floodgates in ac- cordance with this schedule. The frequency and length of irrigation periods are variable. As a rule, the larger gardens are irrigated more often and for longer periods of time; gardens by a masqa have shorter irrigation times than those far away from the springs, to allow for loss of water through seepage and evaporation.

From the point of view of modern technology, the irrigation system of al-Hasa could certainly be improved upon, and this has been recognized by some of the larger landowners, who are now trying to do something about it. There are in the oasis miles of unnecessary ditches, not all of them prop- erly lined. The channels are often too shallow, the land frequently water- logged, and the ground water table maintained too high. The multiple ditches use up good planting acreage, the high ground water table keeps the root zone improperly aerated, and the soil is in places being destroyed as the land becomes saline for lack of proper drainage. The increase in salinity is so marked that the water of the springs of al-Haql and al-Khudud (two of the largest), having an average salinity of I,275 parts per million, reaches the edge of the oasis after a run of some i 5 kilometers with a total salinity of 4, I 20 parts per million.

The mugharraf type of irrigation is economically not as important as the saih type. Two kinds of waterlifts are used in al-Hasa: one is not unlike the Egyptian shaduf, and is man operated. The other kind consists of a series of wooden pulleys over which pass ropes attached to water skins; in the oasis of al-Hasa, as well as in that of al-Qatif on the Persian Gulf, this machine is operated by donkeys, while in other parts of Saudi Arabia camels are used. Such a method is quite efficient for watering the smaller plots; it is also very economical, particularly since donkeys are fru- gal animals, can be easily trained, and require but little supervision. In recent times a few artificial wells have been dug in the oasis, some by the government and some by a few of the large landowners. In several of the larger gardens gasoline pumps have been installed to take the place of the donkeys.

The date agriculture and the farmers of al-Hasa are now at a crossroads. Their present predicament is not, however, due to any one single dramatic reason, but rather to a combination of interplaying factors. For one thing, although the amount of water in the oasis is still abundant, the supply is dwindling. There appears to be a diminution of flow or a lowering of the artesian water table, as well as an invasion of the edges of the oasis by drift-

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DATE CULTURE IN THE OASIS OF AL-HASA 425

ing sands, all causing a decrease in the cultivated area. This gradual desicca- tion is a very slow process and has been going on for many centuries, an observation that is supported not only by comparing the present extent of the gardens with the limits as described by the early Western travelers in al-Hasa (between the second half of the last century and the beginning of the present), but also by archaeological evidence gathered from the location of former village sites and the relative positions of former Bedouin camps. A detailed study of aerial photographs gives further support to this con- tention. While the desiccation process is a long drawn out phenomenon, it is quite possible that it may be reaching a critical point.

Evidence of drifting sands is found particularly in the northern edges of the eastern oasis (from the district of al-'Umran to the area around al- Kilabiyah), and along the eastern edge of the northern oasis. Overgrazing of the fringe areas during the temporary sojourns of the Bedouins in the oasis has further complicated matters. The inadequate agricultural prac- tices mentioned above, by gradually increasing the salinity of the soil, have over the years caused a corresponding decrease in the planted acreage, par- ticularly along the fringes of the oasis.

The farmers of al-Hasa have been further affected by the disturbing con- sequences of the familiar variation in planted areas as a response to price fluctuations in crop economies, as well as by the instability of crop yields in arid countries. Before the conquest of al-Hasa by the late King Ibn Sa'ud, the economic stability of al-Hasa peasants was also impaired on the one hand by the sporadic local oppostion to the Turkish administration, and on the other by the periodic depredations of the Bedouin nomads. The Bedouin tribes of the area (notably the 'Ujman, Al Murrah, Bani Khalid, and Bani Hajir) that were able to command the two main trade routes from Hofuf to al-Qatif and al-'Uqair seriously impeded the smooth functioning of cara- van traffic, which was considerable at the time. It is reported that at the be- ginning of the present century as many as 300 camel loads a week reached Hofuf from al-'Uqair, not to speak of an equal if not even larger number of donkey loads. Trade at this time was also considerable with al-Qatif. The people of that oasis, which also produces a large amount of dates, had developed a process to make a peculiar, sweet date confection called saluq, which is well liked in the region. Since trade in the Persian Gulf waters had become relatively safe at about the turn of the century, and there was enough of a demand for their produce, the Qatifis discovered that by turning their crop into saluq they could realize a considerable profit, and acted accordingly. This meant that dates for local consumption in al- Qatif had to be brought in from al-Hasa. The larger landowners and mer- chants of al-Hasa were able to engage in such a trade because they could ensure adequate armed or diplomatic protection for their caravans. The individual small farmers, however, and the Bedouins who could not raid

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

426 THE MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL

were at a disadvantage. Under such circumstances, the profits of the trade went mostly to the larger merchants, who spent a part of it abroad in con- sumer goods.

After the defeat of the Turks, the caravan trade in the interior became safer. Intertribal warfare ceased after the defeat of the 'Ujman tribe by the late King in I928. In order to improve the lot of the lower income groups of the region, particularly of the Bedouins, who are dependent on the avail- ability of cheap dates, the government eventually tried to take steps that would produce a local surplus of dates and bring prices down: it instituted a prohibition of the unlimited production of saluq in al-Qatif (keeping it at between 20 and 25 percent of the crop), and established an embargo on the export of fresh dates.12

These measures, together with the increased safety of work in the gar- dens, resulted in an increase in date production. The cumulative effect of these circumstances and the resulting date surplus must have been so great -although accurate figures on this are not available -that the ultimate drop in prices was considerable. The price of one al-Hasa qullah of Ruzaiz went from approximately 48 Saudi riyals in I948 to approximately io Saudi riyals in I95 i. While it is certain that this decline in prices was in many respects a reflection of local conditions, it is also possible that it might be related to a downward trend of the world date market. In al-Hasa the decline was more than the people had bargained for. The small farmer no longer was making enough money on his dates. The upper merchant class re- mained relatively unaffected, since it was not dependent on the production and sale of dates exclusively, and furthermore the availability of foreign exchange from oil had contributed to making it independent of the fluctu- ations of the date economy.

At the present moment, with the development of the oil industry, date exports are not as essential to the economy of the region as they once were, while at the same time, the situation of the world date market continues to be unfavorable. The Hasawi farmers, after years or even centuries of cu- mulative experience, apparently feel that there is no longer much security in date growing. This loss in the economic importance of the date is paralleled by a decline in its prestige as an item of the diet. Today it is no longer fash- ionable to offer dates to a guest, but rather any of the varied imported deli- cacies readily available in the stores of Hofuf and al-Mubarraz. Quite prob- ably the change in eating habits has not resulted in dietary improvement, but it is hardly likely that this degeneration, familiar in other areas of the world, can be easily reversed.

With the shift to a cash economy and industrialization, the farmers of 12 At the time of writing, conditions having changed over the last few years, the embargo

on date exports has been lifted and the quota on saluq manufacture, although not officially repealed, is no longer enforced.

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

DATE CULTURE IN THE OASIS OF AL-HASA 427

al-Hasa would apparently like to find in industry the stability, security, and personal comfort that they do not believe they can find in date growing. Such a trend is, however, somewhat half-hearted. Centuries, perhaps even millennia, of oasis agriculture, as well as the realization of their good for- tune in living amidst such a luxuriant growth while the neighboring Bed- ouins trod among the sands, have given the Hasawis a very definite psy- chological attachment to the soil. Several observations clearly bear this out. For instance, although the date has lost a good part of its value, the value of a date garden has increased. This very important point, although in part attributable to inflation, is to a considerable extent due to the very much en- larged value of a date garden as a luxury item which gives its owner in- creased social prestige. The al-Hasa farmer of today does not, as it were, fight to keep his garden productive, but fights to keep his garden. When a date cultivator from a village decides, because of economic pressures, to abandon farming, his first move is to try to get a job within any of the purely local enterprises in the larger settlements of the oasis, or perhaps with some of the local contractors supplying ancillary services to the oil industry. The Hasawi's main aim seems to be to stay in the oasis, or else to be able to visit his village and keep in touch with his small plot of land as often as possible. Moving out to work directly in the oil fields is apparently a second choice. This contrasts with the attitude of the Bedouins, who are not attached to the soil and readily move to a far-away job site. At the present moment, there are more people of Bedouin than of farming stock working for the oil company.

In the I952 and I953 seasons, a series of circumstances produced a tem- porarily improved date market in al-Hasa. These circumstances were mainly connected with the large increase in non-date-producing but still largely date- consuming Bedouin groups recently settled in the oasis, and with the large increment in transportation facilities (notably the operations of the Saudi Government railroad) that made it possible for the date surplus to be taken to the interior of the peninsula. Date prices rose slightly. It is conceivable that this condition might make the Hasawi farmer revert to growing more dates. On the other hand, it may be safely expected that the trend away from the date as a basic food item will continue, and that it will sooner or later significantly affect the Bedouin population. The problem of how to dis- pose of a large date surplus might well appear again, perhaps with increased urgency.

In the recent past, a number of foreign agricultural experts, giving first consideration to strictly agricultural techniques, have suggested that al- Hasa's economy should be developed mainly by improving the quantity and quality of the dates, by processing them, and by reclaiming extensive areas for additional date production. Taking all aspects of the problem into con- sideration, this movement in favor of more, bigger, and better dates, by dis-

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

428 THE MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL

proportionately increasing the date surplus, might well have some adverse effects. Date processing and packaging for export is of course possible, as is chemical manipulation on an industrial basis, such as the manufacture of molasses, syrups, and particularly alcohol. In our opinion, a great deal of change must take place in al-Hasa before such plants can be established economically on a substantial scale, even disregarding considerations of international trade which fall outside the scope of this paper but might significantly affect such operations.

The people of al-Hasa are an imaginative, industrious, and resourceful folk, and they will eventually work out a solution to their present predica- ment. Quite probably, local industries will develop. In this respect, the re- cent establishment of the al-Hasa Electrical Supply Company might well prove to be the impetus toward a modernization and enlargement of the already famous textile industry. In agriculture itself, production of rice and vegetables or the introduction of a new cash crop will probably replace a good amount of date growing; and it is more than possible that there will be a shift toward the production of livestock.

Whatever adjustment the Hasawis eventually choose to make, it seems fairly certain that for a long time to come they will try to maintain the close personal links that tie them to the soil of their oasis. If one has ever been surprised by the beauty of al-Hasa after crossing the sands of the Jafurah, one does not have to wonder why.

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

'~. ~.9 tasra Abadan r ~ FoI RA N 3 IJ

Bushire

~t ~ o.~ ,j Al-Muhtaraqlah f ' I C/3 Is,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~** Banda r Abbas

~ L-1 \ 4 AAi-Qatdn Al. at

. ,~~ ~~ SAUDI ~ : Sj ' zAI MutiriAL-HASA OASIS ATAR

.

-~~ <F-U OFUF -~~~~~~~ :9 :. v~~O

~~~~ I ~ ~ ~ ~ I

I-Qarn

I (

Al -Mutairifi9 Al-

Al < Sha bo / Jabal Sha'bah

l l\-T / S ) 4 A~~~ataliahI&I-Miqdam tx 1

0 tl rf~ Jf a, w t {Birkat al-Asfar c~~~~~ -~~~~~~ ~~~~Al-Qar Muhassin \)4 laaXl

AI-Hazml ::::.iS ,;) A - u a l ;j ,,A-Jabal IA-Jubai

R. R. AlJishshah

SAG. Railroad _ R

k H~~~~OFUFf& ,

AI-Ruqayyiqah Al Tara'

L ''9 1 2 3 4 5il|_|\

ITne Oas' s of al-Hlasa (See page 417. )

This content downloaded from 212.138.130.2 on Wed, 10 Sep 2014 04:48:37 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions