instructions posted check.

3

The Politics of the Dancing Body: Racialized and Gendered Femininity

in Korean Pop

Chuyun Oh

The Politics of the Dancing Body: Theories, Concerns, and Questions

Korean pop (hereinafter K-pop) singers have become viral in East Asia recently as part of the "Korean Wave" or Hallyu. The term "Korean Wave" was coined in China to refer to the popularity of Korean drama in the 1990s and now refers to the regional popularity of Korean products such as drama, film, music, and fashion within Asia and visible in Western countries, including France, Canada, and United States. Currently, K-pop idols lead the global circulation of Korean pop culture, called "Second Wave," which is often characterized as group performances driven by dance music and groomed by conglomerate music agents like S.M. Entertainment, YG Entertainment, and JYP Entertainment}

This chapter looks at the ways K-pop music videos, as a leading plat- form circulating the "Second Wave," represent gendered femininity glob- ally and offer a useful tool for investigating the multilayered implications ofhybridity. It examines Girls' Generation (also known as So Nyeo Si Dae, SNSD, or SoShi), one of the most popular K-pop idol girl bands in East Asia, and their music videos, paying particular attention to "1'he Boys," released in 2011. Few studies have fully addressed Girls' Generation, and Noh Kwang Woo's research examines how Girls' Generation fans con- struct their personal identities through on line activities. 2 This chapter

54 CHUYUN OH

considers Girls' Generation's performances and their dancing bodies as an intersection of race, gender, and a contemporary Koreanness. "The Boys" is an interesting case study, given the representation of"ideal" fem- ininity in the video and S.M. Entertainment's explicit global targeting to US pop market.

Scholars have discussed how the transnational circulation of Korean pop culture is a sign of global shift; its traits exist "in-between" homog- enized globalization under Americanization and a more localized hetero- genization. Other research efforts have dealt with the neoliberal capitalist and nationalist aspects of l(orean Wave and how its "soft power" becomes a .dualism ~o serve neoliber~l market values and national pride. 3 These pre- vious stu~~es ~re worthwhde, as they offer a larger picture of K-pop's cul- tural position 1n the world system, reallocating Korean nationality within a contemporary context. Nevertheless, as a macro analysis, they avoid an in- depth qualitative textual analysis ofK-pop products. Responding to the sud- ~en popular'.~Y of Korean pop culture globally, some scholars have sought Koreanness that potentiaJly includes the unique emotional sentiment

of Han, a multifaceted sensibility of East Asian culture, a capitalized con- sumerist 1nodernity, Confucianism and family values, and militarization.4 Reclai~i.ng authent~c Koreanness can be problematic in that this process essenhahzes the notion ofKoreanness and its specific cultural identity. Self- essentializing is a dangerous course for non-Euro-American intellectuals as it becomes profitable in an age of neoliberal capitalism. s Essentialis~ is often geared toward self-Orientalizing, not realizing that this "authen- tic" i~te~pretation of local culture is already constrained by an internalized colon1ahsm that unknowingly serves the ongoing thirst of Western intel- lectuals who are still eager to discover an exotic "native."

Homi Bhabha's explanation of hybridity as a "colonial mimicry" has lured those whose positionality does not necessarily belong to First World mtellectuals. Indeed, a large number of research efforts have identified Korean pop culture based on its hybridity. 6 Postcolonial studies scholars however, warn that hybridity is everywhere, and merely celebrating it fail~ to captL:re either ~ts complexiti~s or its specifics.7 Furthermore, although ~hab~as theo~ehcal explanat10ns can legitimatize K-pop's hybridity, how the a~d,ence feels and interprets it as a "why" is not explained

g1ve1~ !he discrepancy occurring in audiences who are facing K-pop hybnd1ty. A few scholars recently have focused on the patriarchal gen- der representation of K-pop) but racial issues are rarely discussed. s Race, ne".ertheless, is deeply intermingled with sexuality and gender, and in the United States, this interconnectedness has a long history of racialization ~f the Asian body on stage. As Karen Shimakawa explains, an Asian body never walk[sj onto an empty stage" because the space "is always and

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 55

already densely populated with phantasms of [O]rientalness." 9 Due to such ontological shortcomings, this chapter employs critical race theories to examine how Western racial imaginary intersects with defining the hybridity ofK-pop. Despite the different particularities that exist between Koreans and Asian Americans, this chapter employs the discourses on Asian American racial formation in the United States, as Western audi- ences are not yet free of the historically rooted racial stereotype of Asians. The discussion of how K-pop constructs Korean identity should consider the "local" context of the Western audience because it is the local context that impacts the process of interpreting K-pop. Moreover, since Asians also often internalize the Western gaze, examining how K-pop is racially represented and appreciated is significant to articulate clearly the unique ways it is consumed on the global stage. In this same vein, the chapter temporally considers K-pop's racial hybridity, which Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak calls a "strategic essentialism," 10 not to essentialize Koreanness, but to offer an evolved platform on which one can move beyond the typi- cal postcolonial discourse.

Although K-pop owes its global popularity to spectacular corporeal visuality and dance-driven performances, actual dance/performance analysis has been slight. This earlier research fails to take into account "how" the performers move, concentrating instead on "what" is moving by only analyzing body types. 11 Movement analysis is an important pro- cess because a K-pop singer is not merely a displayed object, but also a human being whose body movement eventually creates and completes the external meaning as well as the implications of that very body. Closely reading performers' bodies, dance movements, and choreography is thus necessary. According to dance scholar, Jane C. Desmond, a dancing body is a unique site for identity struggles, as certain kinds of ideolo- gies are constructed through resistance or conformation, which she calls the "cultural politics of movements." 12 A dancing body, while seemingly apolitical, is inherently political, for each body embodies and communi- cates the sociocultural norrris of race, gender, and sexuality. 13 Analyzing dance movements is an effective way of articulating gender identity, as these movements reveal the specificity of the social ideologies through the 'lived" dance movements of human beings.

Situating dance/performance theories within the discourse on critical race theories and feminist critique, this chapter closely examines Girls' Generation music videos, paying particular attention to "The Boys." By analyzing its videotext, lyrics, and choreography along with the per- formers' gendered bodily representations, the first and second sections discuss how Girls' Generation represents the localized notion of "appro- priate" femininity while reinforcing patriarchal fantasy in South Korea

56 CHUYUN OH

(hereinafter Korea). This chapter identifies their gender performance as hypergirlish-fe1nininity that prioritizes submissiveness, pureness, and cuteness over the Westernized notion of powerful and indepen- dent womanl~ sexi~ess. Examining the performing personae, body types, and racial traits of the performers, the third part examines how their racial passing and hybridity decenter the hegemonic Eurocentric racial discourse of the West. The section asserts that Girls' Generation transcends the triply burdened racialized, gendered, and classed sta- tus of Asian women by performing both whiteness/non-whiteness and Koreannes.sfoon-Koreanness. Their hybridity moves beyond both post- col~ntal m1m1cry and white/nonwhite racial dichotomy, which engenders the tncommensurability of contemporary Korean culture as a "multicul- tural mutant Koreanness." The last section addresses the conflicting dis- crepancy in defining K-pop's "authenticity." By employing netnography to look at global fans' comments on YouTube, Yahoo, and fan club web- sites, the secti~n ~x~mine.s ho~ authenticity and hybridity are historically co~structed v1s-a-v1.s racial hierarchy to legitimatize the authenticity of whiteness • ."s exclusive. Arjun Appadurai eloquently describes a global flow as a complex, overlapping, disjunctive order," and further consid- ers the multilayered disjuncture that ruptures the nation-stated driven analysis." Thus, this chapter demonstrates the ways in which a tradition- a!I! marked, sta~e-driven, national, ethnic, and racial boundary is desta- b1hzed and precisely how the dancing body reveals a slippery moment of discrepancy in its transnational parameters. Therein is the significance of K-pop dancing body.

Performing "Appropriate,, Femininity in South Korea

Feminist scholars have asserted that gender is a perfor1nance as a product ~nd a pro~ess of repr~sentation, which Judith Butler identifies as "styl- ized repet1t1on of acts ; women often internalize this constructed gender role a.nd reproduce the patriarchal ideology as "double bind" spectators by obJ';_ctifymg a~d wmm~difying themselves. 15 By analyzing the music video, The Boys, this section examines how Girls' Generation embodies the patriarchal notion of"ideal" femininity.

"The. Boys" st~rts wi.th a Girls' Generation member slowly walking in ~ snowfield. She is clad m an elegant long white dress. When she picks up Jewelry, grand10se background classical music begins, and other group members appear. All members are clad in splendid fancy Victorian-style dresses. When the camera takes a dose-up of each face, they elegantly look at the came~a "'.ithout smiling. The background changes when a member sets a white bird free. All then dance in a white room surrounded

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 57

by futuristic silver sculptures. Since Girls' Generation has nine fe1nale singers, each member switches roles and posits herself back and forth between upstage and center stage. Albeit rather simplistic, the lyrics describe a heterosexual relationship, and the main chorus repeats the phrase "girls bring the boys out." In the chorus, they open and then close their knees repeatedly, while bending arms over their heads. Then they twirl their arms above their heads as if cheering the audience. Singing the chorus part, the group seemingly advocates fe1nale empowerment or the postfeminist notion of "girl power." They are the girls who bring the

boys out. In a patriarchal society, a woman is already trapped in objectification.

The more visible she is, the more she is objectified and is invisible because what makes her visible is determined by n1ale desire. Performance studies scholar, Peggy Phelan, criticizes the false juxtaposition of visibility and power: "If representational visibility is equal to power, then an ahnost-

. I ••16 F naked young white woman should be running Western cu ture. ·ro1n this perspective, the "girl power,, rhetoric is the foremost internaliza- tion of patriarchal ideology, pushing women to scrutinize and overtly sexualize their bodies. 17 Dance historian, Sally Banes, argues that the physicality of the body in performance can create the opposite meaning fro1n the narrative. 18 Another dance historian, Susan Manning, similarly notes that since the body ls the primary medium in performance, dance movements can change the entire meaning of a performance, depend- ing on who is perfor1ning and how s/he moves. 19 It might be true that the lyrics seem to advocate a self-satisfied female authority by increasing female visibility. 1'heir move1nents, however, reveal an opposite then1e from the lyrics. Girls' Generation sexualizes their bodies by tilting their pelvises to the side or backward while dancing or making a pose that exaggerates their curved bodylines. They frequently undulate their chests while swirling their hands forward as if they are beckoning the audience. Hence, Girls' Generation's increased visibility empowers the male audience by sexualizing themselves as cheerleaders do and rein- forces fe111ale objectification by self-internalizing the patriarchal notion of" being-at-look-at-ness." 20

The choreography of "The Boys'' video repeats traditional gender ideology through modalities of gendered space and movement. Girls' Generation offers 1novements that are restricted by using only small portions of their bodies, and the space they use is also limited to a nar- row spot. According to feminist scholar, Iris Marion Young, the patri- archal society has disciplined female bodies to be passive and restricted objects. For Young, wo1nen are expected to close their legs when sitting in a public space, and a girl is not expected to take up a large space, even

58 CHUYUN OH

when throwing a ball. 21

Girls' Generation may restrict their movements because they need to hold their individual spots so all nine members will not bump into each during the dance movements. Yet, they neither take up a big space nor fully use their body parts, even when executing solo parts where they h~ve en~ugh available space to move around downstage. Although they twirl their arms above their heads in the chorus, their bodies are too slender and extre1nely non1nuscular so the movement does not e1nanate a powerful in1age. Their demure movements constantly cre- ate _chaste maiden-like images that resonate as a "docile" female body.22 A signature movement of this piece is when the girls bend their elbows and place their inner forearn1s over their heads, while stretching the other arms to th~ side and gently lunge forward. These arm gestures strongly resonate with the signature pose of the classical balJet repertoire Swan Lake, in which the ballerina leans her head on her arm hanging over her head, wlule her upper body is leaning the same way diagonally. Since the Swan character plays a role of tragic victim of love, the movement is designed to express fragile and passive femininity. It is unsure whether or not the choreographer of the video, Teddy Riley, an African American male mus.ician and record producer, intentionally employed this signa- ture classical ballet gesture. Yet, regardless of the audience's awareness of the reference, the movement per se emanates a conventional feminine imaginary. Given such a gender-coded space and 1noven1ents, therefore, one .can arg~e ~hat Girls' Generation delivers the patriarchal image of fragtle, subm1ss1ve, and passive femininity.

Although the patriarchal notion of conventional femininity can be a universal nor1n, Girls' Generation's bodies are localized vis-3-vis Korean masculinity. Asian mascuHnity has been effeminized and emasculated co1npared to the hegemonic, normative, and universalized notion of white masculinity.

23 Nevertheless, Korean men often take positions of

~uthority in the patriarchal Confucian Korean society. Femininity and Its gender construction are only available in relation to masculinity as a counterpart. To masculinize Asian men, Girls' Generation must be more feminine to fit into that patriarchal structure. Indeed, their bodies are so slender that they can be thinner than those of already slim Korean men especially the K:pop boy id~ls. In the Korean Broadcasting System (KBS) drama Love Rain, released In 2012, a Girls' Generation member Yoona appears as a main heroine. In one episode, the male protagonist, Keun- suk Jang, a popular singer/actor, cynically says to Yoona "Well you are

t "24 j . ' ' very s rong. t ts a con1ment often having an offensive connotation for females in the Korean language; she is not slender enough, not feminine enoug~, and the~efore, not attractive to men. Even though Yoona has an exceptionally Ihm body, she does not challenge his comment, but does

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 59

appear upset. Keun-suk Jang is also very tiny. Accordingly, Yoona must be more slender if she wants to have an "appropriately" feminine body.

' k l' l "25 She must be truly' demure and ta e up 1tt e space. The Korean lyrics in "The Boys" reflect this localized gender per-

formativity. The English lyrics of "The Boys" are translated by Girls' Generation members, 26 but some parts of the Korean lyrics are slightly different from those released in English. While the English lyrics acclaim Girls' Generation's beauty and power, the Korean lyrics flatter the male

h " "h "27 The audience by saying that "you are my ero or s ow your power. Korean lyrics tend to reinforce the patriarchal ideology that says a woman should be a good wife and a wise mother, who serve~ a?d boosts. th,e energy of men, while staying in a domestic sphere. Girls Generations gendered movements, bodies, and}he song ly~:cs d~~o?strate the. w_ays in which the localized meaning of appropriate fem1n1n1ty-subm1ss1ve, fragile, excessively slim femininity-has been constructed in South Korea to remasculinize Korean men.

Gendered Legs, Patriarchal Fantasies, and Fettered Female Agency

Girls' Generation's homogenized bodies demonstrate how a certain body part is gendered and which one is the acceptable "ideal'' female body type for Korean female youth and East Asians in broad terms. Girls' Generation's appearances have arguably made them one of the major role models that many global female youth want to be like. Indeed, influenced by the group's huge success in East Asia, Super 7, unofficially labeled "the Taiwanese version of Girls' Generation," debuted in Taiwan and released music videos that were criticized for imitating Girls' Generation. 28

Feminist scholar Rosalind Gill asserts that women are unconsciously forced to change their bodies, including their appearance, size, hair, and clothing, to internalize the "ideal" femininity that is directed by the mass media, which Gill identifies as the "makeover paradigm." This makeover is problematic because the ideal body is not their individual choice, but rather a highly racialized, classed, and gendered deme, marketed by the culture and thus also demanded by the culture. 29

Girls' Generation's "ideal" bodies are a product of racialized and gen- dered desire. According to dance historian Ann Daly, a female ballerina is an iconic symbol of female beauty and often displays an airy, white, frag- ile, and slim body with particular emphasis on slim and elongated legs. Ballerinas' legs and the audience's fascination with them demonstrate how body parts can be gendered and disciplinarily feminiz~d. 30 To s~me extent, Girls' Generation's bodies are similar to those of classical ballerinas

60 CHUYUNOH

not just in their size, shape, and color, but also in their movements. Girls' Generation's legs have been publicly marketed and commoditized by S.M. Entertamment. On the album jacket of Genie released in 2009, all mem- bers are clad in identical white naval-like uniforms with their signature short .pants: They are facing the front, slightly spreading their legs and standing with arms akimbo. Their long, white, slender, nonmuscular legs are surp~isingly identical in terms of size, shape, colorj and length and ~ec~me ideal leg.types, often called "interminable Iegs,"31 evoking adm1rat10n by other girls globally. PPC injection, a plastic surgery, is well known among Korean ~outh. This surgery intends to reduce one's leg fat and muscles to make skmny legs like those of Girl's Generation which is called Girl's Generation Injection (sonyeosidaejusa). ' . Girls' Generation's aerie and intricate leg steps in "The Boys" also effec-

tively display and highlight their homogenized ballerina-like legs. They bend their standing legs and draw circles on the floor using their other legs, as if they are executing rond de Ja1nbe, a classical ballet

1 novement

thM refe'.s to a. circular leg movement on the floor. Then they sharply hvist their bod1~s to the side, bending and contracting their front legs, t~pt~;1ng on their front teet. Their sophisticated steps are "crispy and pre- cise,

32 one of the main qualities found in the leg movements of classical

ballet dancers.

In addition to the gendered legs, Girls' Generation)s performance person~e also sp~ak to the patriarchal notion of ideal femininity. Patriarchy ofte? ~1ch~t~1n1z~s. wom~n as eithe~ modest or obscene, an itnage that feminist cr1ttc., Alicia Ar~1zon) calls whore-virgin" dichoton 1y. 33 On the one hand, their persona 1s framed as an innocent teenager. Their official group name "Girls' Generation" supports this patriarchal fantasy. In the ~orea~1 languag~, t)he term "girl" (sonyeo) infers that a girl is a virgin, 1mply1ng that Girls Generation members are all chaste) pure, and inno- cent teenagers. The virgin ideology is further supported by their ages. As young age often implies virginity, Girls' Generation debuted in 2007 whe their average age was eighteen. Their white skin also supports the sam: pur_e and inn~cent images_because, as Richard Dyer describes, this image derives from u1nocent purity that the color white has long been associated "'.ith. ''. O~ the 0th.er hand, even though Girls' Generation has symbolized virgm1ty smce their first debut in 2007, as they grew up, their dance move- ments often contain flirtatious connotations. In their music video "Run Devil Run" in 20!0, for example, their persona becomes that of a femme fatale. Wearing tight black costumes, they deliver sensual dance move- me~ts with beckoning hands and undulating their chests and pelvises. A viewer on Yahoo! comments that s/he hates Girls' Generation because "they sing songs about teenage girl and something about the purity of their

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 61

generation. [H]owever, they are too sexy on stage with short skirts and tiny shirts." Another commenter says that some females hate Girls' Generation because they are "boys['] dreamgirl[s]."35 Girls' Generation, in this vein, provides the ideal femininity: an innocent but seductive "whore-virgin" identity.

Girls' Generation creates a fantasy that successfully fits the patriarchal desire where women take subordinated positions. In the Korean lyrics of "The Boys," they define themselves as the godless Athena and later say that men all over the world should watch them. The main target is the male audience, and Girls' Generation men1bers are the goddesses who can help the male audience achieve their dreams. This theme is echoed in other songs. In "Genie," Girls' Generation is depicted as Genie, the Joyal servant in a cartoon movie. The chorus repeatedly whispers to the audience to tell their wish, which suggests that Girls' Generation can sat- isfy the male spectators' desires. Although Athena has more power and wisdom to serve a master than the Genie who is trapped in a lamp, both function in a similar way. Both Athena and Genie ro1nanticize women's labor under the mantra of being a supernatural figure. The patriarchal society has romanticized traditional femininity. 36 Since Girls' Generation serves their male audience under the name of a goddess, this narrative further romanticizes the submissive nature of conventional femininity. Thus, Girls' Generation becomes the ideal product for mirroring patriar- chal gender ideology through their bodily representation, the constituted persona, and the lyrics.

The training system for S.M. Entertainment is notorious, and trainees are expected to spend at least five years before their debuts, often called "slave contracts,"37 Girls' Generation has been trained in singing and dancing at the agency for over ten years. Some researchers argue that the militarized modern history of Korea due to the ongoing conflict between North and South Korea have engendered the lack of a trainee's voice in the K-pop industry. 38 Yet, this approach fails to explain the male-dominated agency. From the creative procedure to the stage production, "The Boys" is manufactured by males; S.M. Entertainment director Soo-man Lee, choreographer and songwriter Teddy Riley, and singer-songwriter Young-jin Yoo are all males. It is unclear how many changes were allowed by Girls' Generation during rehearsals so that they tailor the piece to reflect their own movement sensibility. Nevertheless, homogenized cho- reography of"The Boys" in which all members are execnting same dance steps at exactly the same time do resonate a male agency's dedication sus- tained by the silent bodywork of the performers. Having a female agency is pivotal to be able to deliver female voices and authority in a patriarchal institution. 39 Without being able to have and express their own voices,

62 CHUYUN OH

Girls' Generati?n becomes subordinated by and to the male agency. They are the embodiment of the male desire, which reaffirms the patriarchal binary of a passive female agency and an active male controller- "men act and women only appear:• 0

Performing a Trans or Nonnational Multicultural Mutant

A Slippery Moment of Glocalization

ItisarguablytruethatthemanufacturingsystemoftheS ME t t · h I b r d G' l , · · n er amment . as g o. a ize tr s Generation performances. The members are trained m foreign languages (English, Japanese, and Chinese, etc.) to be able to release their songs overseas. Since language is one of the most impo t t proce~ses of cultural and social assimilation and identity formati fi :{; groups fluenc! in. English "makes it feel less (foreign' to (Ame:~ans]~ when pe~formmg m the United States." Such glocalization refers to an pr?duct mtended for the global market, but is carefully customized t~ su1~ each local context. As described here, Girls' Generation localizes the'.r perfo~~ances by modifying lyrics and performin in the h er- gtrhsh-fr~mme style. The local Korean context is alr!ady globJized and hybndized as the local/global boundaries become more flu. d Th ~h~nl K-pop gfocalizes its product and style, it transgresses t~." loc~:i g o a. and md1genousness/Western binary. Similarly, as womanhood has histoncally been haunted by white womanhood (wh't h t ual I d

1 . 43 1 e, e erosex-

' upp:r c ass, an s im), the gendered and racialized bodies of Girls> ien;rahon are probably viewed as a postcolonial mimicry well haunted

y t e concept of white womanhood. Yet, Girls' Generation neither solely represents white womanhood nor oriental women in its representation of ra~e, g~nd~r, a~d sexuality. The hybridityofK-pop reveals "re/adaptation r~hnd~gen1zatton> and re/forination of the global cultural hegemon ))4~ L1ke':"I~e, th~ hybridity of Girls) Generation's performance re uir:~ a multidnnensional understanding. This section thus exami·nes tqh i h' h G' l, G . , e ways n w IC . Ir s e~e~ahon ~ localized femininity become complicated b

transnational hybndity wlule creating the slippery moment of d. ~ ancy of glocalization. iscrep

Duri~g th~ 1950s> when Korea underwent rapid modernization, Korean females idealized Western beauty.45 This ideal Westernized female beaut howev~r) has been transformed to reflect more current Korean sociocur tural circumstances and localities. For instance more recently K

:omen seek a bimaxillary operation or so-called V-line plasti~ su:;::; t at cuts off parts of one's jaw to shorten the face. The goal is seemingly

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 63

different from gaining the classical Western beauty with its angular face and prominent cheekbones. Moreover) unlike Western society, cuteness is prioritized over sexiness in Korea. "Bagel girl)) (peigeulneo) refers to a female actor with a young-looking baby face and glamorous body and is popular in the K-pop industry (again, the "appropriate" glamorous body in Korea does not look like the glamorous body type of the West). Acting like a kid with girly, cute attitudes is a characteristic loved by the fans. In some ways, K-pop girl groups 1nust reflect this "mandatory cuteness" or be left behind in their pop culture. 46

Given the Korean society's fascination with adorable, cute, and child- like femininity, Girls' Generation en1bodies the localized fen1ininity that goes beyond n1ere Westernization. Their bodies are way skinnier than those of the average slender Western woman. Some Western viewers even ask whether they suffer from eating disorders. 47 This extremely thin body type differs from the Western beauty standard of a glamorous curvy body. In their live performances, Girls' Generation me1nbers frequently show a girlish and childlike persona through particular voices and move- ments. With little girl voices, they clench their fists around their cheeks with shy smiles and shrugging their shoulders. The girls also frequently stick out their hands, fling their wrists, and spread their fingers around their mouths, widely opening both mouths and eyes. Girls' Generation performances thus reveal a slippery transnational flow of glocalization, hybridizing, negotiating, and transforming the self.

Incommensurability of K-pop-scape in the West: Racial Passing and Challenged Racial Hierarchy

Spivak criticizes the ongoing binary of the superior First World versus the inferior Third World, which still re1nains within a postcolonial critique. She urges others to think outside this inherently imperialist paradigm. Recontextualizing the sociohistorical complexities of K-pop hybridity, this section asserts that Girl's Generation's racial passing can be a pro- gressive act, for it reveals an incommensurable moment of Asian perfor- mance from the gaze of Western viewers.

The Western-centered gaze has marginalized people of color. bell hooks has addressed the issues of race, gender, and class in her work. For her, both whitened "white-supremacist-capitalist-patriarchy" and femi- nism in the United States have marginalized women of color.48 Nonwhite womanhood is often doubly marginalized and regarded as a sexual prop- erty that elicits a sexual desire rather than being an "elegant, upper-class, [and] potential 1narriage partner."49 The stereotype of an Orient woman

64 CHUYUN OH

has been perpetuated in the mainstream US media in which an Asian female often takes on the role of a sexual, exotic, and subservient sub- ject. Orient female dancers are triply marginalized in the West, not onl because of the implicit sexual degradation directed toward dance, b!t a.lso because of the O~iental sexual fantasies that portray them as "pros- titutes, whores, bar girls, (and] strippers."50 This interconnectedness of race, gender, and class seems to be based on a Western-centered white/ ~onwhite dichotomy. Within this rigid representation system, one is less hkeiy to read of or sense any fluid race and gender performance that rests outside this paradigm.

Girls' Generation creates a performance that cannot be read within this Western-centered raci~l paradigm. They are gendered in hypergirlish- fem1n1ne ways by locahz1ng their fe1nininity and masculinizing Korean men in the Korean. con~ext. However, they are not racialized enough and thereby less sexualized tn the West in ter1ns of their performing persona, b~dy typ~s, and racial traits. First, that persona opposes the hypersexu- ahzed Onental woman stereotype in the United States. "The Boys" cre- ates a graceful performan~e through ballet movements, Victorian-style costume.!, and haughty facial expressions that do not smile, which Foster caHs a~ elegant spectacle."51 Girls' Generation's elegant and chaste per- ~ona differs from the stereotypically racialized exotic Otherness that is the hypersexualized Asian female figures found in US pop culture. sz Mo~eover, although people of color are often conflated as being in a stig- ~ahzed lower class, Girls' Generation's extremely slim bodies connote t~stead an upward mobility. In Western society, fatness is often stigma- l!zed compared to the idealized young, thin, and slim body." Many view- ers on YouTube and Yahoo! are jealous of Girls' Generation's slim bodies and ask how they can get such slim legs. 54 In the gaze of a Western audi- ence, the thi?, bodies of Girls' Generation likely fit the "hegemony of the fat-free body that denotes a sign of the upper class.55 Their fat-free bodies potentially reject the r~cial triangulation found in the West that, as pro- posed by Claire Jean Kim, always relegates Asians to an inferior position to whites. 56

~astl~, .t~e racial performance of Girls' Generation also engenders the 1lleg1b1hty of their shows in the West. They create a racial ambigu- ity thr~ugh their skin, hair, and faces. Their skin is as bright as that of C.a~cas1~ns .. some members dye their hair blonde or brown. While "tra- d1t10nal A_srn? women ~re often imagined as having small and elongated eyes: all Girls Generat10n members have bigger and rounded double- eyehd creases. Their noses are much higher than that of the average Korean female. Their jaws are sharper and they have very small heads and well-proportioned bodies. Their facial features are bigger than a generic

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 65

Asian facial feature that often has a relatively flat face. It is commonly believed that celebrities have had plastic surgeries, including nose jobs and double-eyelid surgery. Whether Girls' Generation members received plastic surgery or not, their phrenological features do produce the racial ambiguity.

Appropriating such different racial, ethnic, and cultural indicators, Girls' Generation creates a moment of racial passing. That passing is not necessarily related to any sense of colonial inferiority, but rather strongly tied to global capitalism's exploitation of other cultures. As any pop prod- uct must be a "hipster" on the global stage, in each of their albums, Girls' Generation changes their physical features and performance style to present "newness," which is a profitable strategy in the global pop mark~t driven by capitalism. Girls' Generation actively deploys different ethmc and racial markers, which Marwan M. Kraidy calls a "corporate transcul- turalism," a profit-driven strategy that systematically exploits the value of multicultural elements. 57 In their music video, "I Got a Boy," released in 2012, the group effectively displays a moment of racial and ethnic pass- ing not restricted by the Black/White, Object/Subject, and Colonized/ Colonizer dichotomy. In the video, their attire speaks to numerous cul- tural markers, including fusion hip-hop, graffiti, retro funk style, Mickey Mouse, and even a 1nythical unicorn. Their hair is pink, blue, blonde, black, or even rainbow, and they wear multiple color lenses. They no lon- ger represent white beauty; they have moved beyond any specific race or ethnicity while freely passing and taking on and off many diverse cul- tural n1arkers, representing a contemporary Korean identity called herein a "multicultural mutant Koreanness." In this context, whiteness is one of the sources they "put on," and the hegemonic whiteness is appropriated as a capitalist source to enrich the expression of their music videos. Girls' Generation's hybridized trans/non/national identity transgresses the postcolonized status of Asianness because they freely take ~n all cult~ral identities, including the hegemonic notion of whiteness. This explanation is not to suggest that this hybridized trans/non/national identity is the new Korean authenticity. The next section proposes that such authentic- ity has been constructed vis-.\-vis the racial power dynamics and indeed one needs to see any authenticity as a fluid contemporary identity instead of an inherently fixed essence.

The Myth of Authenticity

The dictionary meaning of authenticity is "the quality of being real or true," and the word has been regarded as "obsolete: authoritative" and "not false or an imitation: real, actual."58 Authenticity is privileged due to

66 CHUYUN OH

its fi~1n placement on the notion of true, real, and high quality as opposed to being unreal that has been degraded due to its connotalion of fakeness. Plato's Cave is probably the first theory that proposes a hierarchy for exis- tence and that privileges ideas (real/origin) over materials, including the arts (unreal/mimicry). According to fe111inist critic Luce Irigaray, how- ever, searchi~g for origin. i~ fal.~t because that origin is "already miinicry, a representatio~ of repetition. 9 There is no fixed point between origin a~d representation. Rather, origin is a representation of repetition. For Ir1.ga~ay, Plato mystifies origin to disguise his own n1isogyny and views m1m1cry as a feminine act, which she calls womb theater. His authentic- ity ~f origin.is used to support his patriarchal hegemony by degrading the fem1n1ne 1n11n1cry while privileging the masculine origin.60

Like Plato's Cave, searching for a pure authenticity presumably has been used to uphold racial hierarchy. Global capitalism infused with white supre~acy has natt~r~lized its cultural do1ninance and privilege under the guise of authenticity. In a white supremacist society, white has undoubtedly represented other races, which Manning calls the "represen- tational privilege of white."61 For instance, it is well known that Ainerican modern dancer Ruth St. Denis was strongly influenced by Oriental cul- tures. Yet, to deny Asian influences, US dance critics reduced St. Denis's ~ork to either a modernist's self-expression or individual artistic creativ- ity as Wong po~nts out.

62 This issue continues in today's US pop culture,

for _example, with Madonna or Eminem, who constantly represent non- wluteness but whose authenticities are rarely criticized. 63 The privilege of the Western colonizer is untouchable and "the One is never an Other even from the point of view of [the] colonized [O]thers."" The West ha: never been marginalized as the Other. And thus, they take the universal or ~acially "neutral" position on any subject when representing others wluch Phelan might call racially "unmarked" whiteness.65 ' . On the other hand, people of color have been accused of inauthentic- ity when the~ ~e~resent n~n-Otherness. For instance, African performers hav~ been cr1ttc1zed for inauthenticity when they perform non-African subJects. However, when they perform native African themes their wo~k is viewed as too native and not artistic enough. 66 In both ins;ances, ~~r1cans ~onfro~t the sa1n~ dep~ivat~on, which is that of either being t~a~thenttc or being too native. L1kew1se, an Asian body also encounters similar stereotyping in US pop culture. The Asian is accused of inau- thenticity when s/he represents any non-stereotypical Asianness Asians n1ust fit into the Oriental stereotype so Westerners can use th~m as a s~urce to enrich and ins~ire their own culture. Wong writes, "Asian body can only be the authentic source to be drawn from directly, or viewed as the fragmented and hybridized body eternally unable to reconcile a

I I

I I I

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 67

whole self. In the latter case, it is an inauthentic and polluted body unable to be the source of accurate or reliable cultural knowledge (emphasis in original)."67 By systematically marginalizing and stigmatizing others as being inauthentic, white supremacy has secured its own ''pure" authen- ticity and "neutral" normativity while freely appropriating the sources of all Otherness. The idea of authenticity, therefore, is inherently political in that only minorities' authenticity is questioned and degraded as "dated," "tribal," and "bad mimicry/taste." 68 Given this systematical marginaliza- tion in the United States, K-pop often faces a similar relegation when cir- culated widely on global social media.

K-pop' hybridity can also be accused of being inauthentic unless it fits into the presumed racial stereotype. If Koreans perform oriental themes, they might fall into the pitfall of stereotypical exotic Otherness. But when they perform non-Oriental themes, they can be blamed because they now look "inauthentic." According to the Wall Street Journal journalist Yang, despite Girls Generation's popularity in East Asia and even Paris, US pop industry is quite conservative. 69 For instance, a viewer posted on the Wall Street Journal that "Whites don't buy Spanish Latin. MTV refused to play Michael Jackson for years and clubs use 'white music' to keep black patrons at bay." Some also note that "Asian pop bands somehow never able to make it into the American mainstream," and "Americans don't want [Girls' Generation] to debut in America. K-pop is a Korean thing so let it stay in Korea if it comes to the US it will just lose its touch." Other US viewers criticize K-pop performers' hybrid identities, commenting that K-pop is a "bad copy" of US pop. 70 These comments are problematic not because of their conservatism but because of the ways they claim full authenticity. This issue leads us to consider why a certain group's appro- priation of other culture is always guaranteed and who defines one's cul- tural authenticity. It is the "whitened" US pop industry that preserves white authenticity, regardless of their own hybridity, while stigmatizing others' appropriation as simply bad mimicry. Considering the whitened US pop scene, the success of Korean rapper PSY with "Gangnam Style" in 2012 is interesting, especially given his stereotypical Asian body. Despite the fact that PSY's chubby body and round face do not look like any of the other K-pop idol stars, some US audiences cheered PSY because of his "authentic" Korean appearance. 71 The colonizer always "believes in only one culture'' although the imperial gaze does not simply deny the Others." Thus, US viewers' accusation of K-pop's hybridity unveils how the racial hierarchy actually has constructed one's cultural in/authenticity and identity.

If authenticity is a myth constructed by racial hierarchy, then the hybridized K-pop performance is neither a postcolonial mimicry nor a

68 CHUYUNOH

bad imitation. If the origin-white authenticity-is construed to disguise ~he hegemony of white supremacy, then mimicry cannot be validated

ecause the term "mimicry" assumes there is an origin that delivers an absolute authenticity like Plato's Ideas Hence K pop hyb 'd't · I · . . · , - r11y1snota po.stco on1al m1m1cry as that mimicry is only possible in opposition to the ~x1stence of true authenticity. This view speaks to the notion of" · · 111 re I t' .. . . II a cr1s1s

presen a ion ongma y cited by Edward Sai'd and d t ffi eno es a recent e. ort to mo~e ~eyond colonialism. 73 Authenticity is not an inherent iden- tity .. Rather, 1t 1s a culturally and racially constructed product created lo Justify the racial hierarchy that has been historically embedd d · th colonial era. e since e

Conclusion

Analyzing Girls' Generation's music video "The Boy" . . I . . . paying particu ar

attent10n to its lyrics, choreography and perforn,ers' bod'! · h' ' 1 y representa-

llons, I is chapter demonstrates the ways in which they r . 1· I d' t" I d . e1n orce ra i- 1ona gen er ideology by localizing their femininity that remasculinizes

Korean men. Their gendered legs, body moven1ents, and perforn1in personae reveal how both ideal feminine beauty and patriarchal fan! la~y c~n be constr~cted. They perform "hypergirlish-femininity" that pr1or1t1zes subm1ss1veness, fragility, pureness, and cuteness over the We~te.r~ized notion of independent wo1nanly sexiness. Such patriarchal fen11n1n~ty> ho~ever, becomes a subversive act on the global stage. Girls' Generallon neither solely localizes nor fully globali'z ·1 c d . . es 1 s pertormances an yet mdeed does disrupt the rigid interconnection of race gender and class in the West. The performers are nonracialized and no~classed and thus nonsexualized in its trans/non/national global flow. While Girls' Generat10n can appear to be a Barbie doll via the "doll'f' 1· " f K 74 1 1ca ton system O

-pop, th_ey move beyond either postcolonial mimicry of white beauty or the e~otlc and sens~al Asian women stereotype. These dolls are rather asexuahzed by appearmg loo young, loo girlish, loo cute too thin loo pale, and often too elegant compared lo both conventional ~otion of ldeal Weskrn female beauty and stereotypical Asian sexuality in the West Due to their hmmal positions, they are less likely lo be consumed by th . . - vers~l.spectator who is "white, n1iddle-class, heterosexual, and mal:.'~~1

1 his ~ocus shapes a new postcolonial identity and significantly cre- ates a discrepancy. Girls' Generation's perfor1nance does not fit into any of the preexisting categories, that is, postcolonial n1imicry Oriental stereotype, Western beauty, Black/White racial hierarchy, and •the intri- cately Interwoven triple burden (race gender and class) 1· h'

., •, ononw1te wo1nen. Instead, Girls Generation de-Westernizes their race and gender

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 69

representation; they put on both whiteness/nonwhiteness and Koreanness/ non-Koreanness and freely appropriate any cultural markers including the hegemonic notion of whiteness, which this chapter identifies as the "multicultural mutant Koreanness." By doing so, they challenge and tran- scend both "white supremacist patriarchy" that often stereotypes Asian women as hypersexualized exotic Otherness and Western feminist crit- ics who emphasize the oppressive intermingled triple burden imposed on nonwhite women. It is thus unreadable but still valuable for opening up the progressive incon1mensurability of contemporary Asianness within a generalized Black/White-centered Eurocentric racial epistemology. Then this chapter further argues that K-pop's hybridity should not be a site of claiming one's cultural authenticity or inauthenticity. The notion of authenticity has been a constructed myth that exclusively legitimatizes the racially "unmarked" privilege of white people and their appropriation of others since the colonial era. A transnational circulation of other cul- tures challenges the representation system in the West. As a multicultural mutant, K-pop is constantly hybridizing and transforming, thus naturally creating a new contemporary Koreanness. One thus can consider authen- ticity as a fluid, rather than an inherently fixed, term to reflect the actual living cultural contexts of a contemporary society.

Girls' Generation and their performances can be subversive theoreti- cally. Yet, ontologically, they reaffirm the conventional femininity and shape another stereotype of Korean womanhood on the global stage. Indeed, ii will be worthwhile to compare K-pop male and female per- formers' dance movements in that the male dancing body tends to be able to more freely traverse the very fluid boundary of gender performativity. Analyzing the dancing body will shed light on the current K-pop dis- course, for it is the very site in which the theoretical meanings of race, gender, sexuality, and nationality are lively embodied, represented, and performed, fascinating the global audiences.

Notes

1. For general discussions on Korean pop culture, see Do Kyun Kim and Min- sun Khn, eds., Hallyu: Influence of Korean Popular Culture in Asia and Beyond (Seoul: Seoul National University Press, 2011); Mark James Russell, Pop Goes Korea: Behind the Revolution in Movies, Music, and Internet Culture (Berkeley, CA: Stone Bridge Press, 2008); The Korea Herald, Korean Wave, vol. 5 (Gyeonggi-do: Jhnoondang, 2008); Chua Beng Huat and Koichi Iwabuchi, eds., East Asian Pop Culture: Analyzing the Korean Wave (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2008); and Chang Nam Khn, K-POP: Roots and Blossoming of Korean Popular Music (Seoul: Hollym International Corporation, 2012).

70 CHUYUN OH

2. For a scholarly work on Girls' Generation, see Noh Kwang Woo, "l. A Study on the Transnational Circulation ofK-Pop through YouTube-The Case of Girls' Generation's Online Fandom," 2011 ',}_ t'f~?J.;,':.-"§/§/ ''f"flf 2.0 A/i:J/9/ ?} !cf ~1l ff!!q' (2011): 55-75.

3. For the issues of transnational circulation of K-pop and its globalization dis- c~urse, see Su~1 J~ng, "3. K-Pop Beyond Asia-Performing Trans-Nationality, lrans-Industnahty, and Trans-Textuality" 2011 1.-..-f &J.~---;z.,;,/QO.L*/ ,.,,.., a 2 o

• '--' , ... .., t...: ._ ~-'" 't,t,r . ,,1,Ji1f.9/ {} ff 4- IE-,!,/' (2011): 99-129; and Cho Hae-Joang, "Reading Lhe 'Korean Wave' as a Sign of Global Shift," Korea Journal 45 (4) (2005): 147-182.

A number of researchers have explained K-pop global flow as a "rebellion" to the Western do1ninance by Asians who share si1nilar colonial histories overshadowed by powerful counlries. For the1n, K-pop culture offers a site of consun1ing "accessible," "suitable," and "cool" modernized Asianness. See :ouna Kiln, "Globalization of Korean Media: Meanings and Significance," in Hallyu, 43 & 55; Heather Hindman and R. Oppenheim, "Lines of Labor and Desire: 'Korean Quality' in Conten1porary Kathmandu" (working paper 2013); and Younghan Cho, "Desperately Seeking East Asia Atnidst the Popularity of South Korean Pop Culture in Asia," Cultural Studies 25 (3) (2011): 383-404.

4. For different ways of redefining "Koreanness," see Youna Kitn "Globalization of Korean Media"; Eun-Young Jung, "Transnational Korea; A Critical Assessment of the Korean Wave in Asia and United States," So~1~he~st Revie1v of Asian Studies 31 (2009): 69-81; Seungsook Moon, M1lttanzed Modernity and Gendered Citizenship in South Korea (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005); Laurel Kendall, ed., Under Construction: the Gendering of Modernity, Class, and Consu,nption in the Republic of Korea (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2002): and Sarah Morelli '"Who is ~he Dancing 1:fero'": R~p, Hip-Hop, and Dance in Korean Popula; Culture," in Global Notse, ed. 1Pny Mitchell, 248-258 (Middletown, c:T: Wesleyan University Press, 2001).

5, Arif Dirlik, "Confucius in the Borderlands: Global Capitalism and the Reinvention of Confucianis1n," Boundary 2 22 (3) (1995): 229-273.

6. D!scourse on hybridity can be found in Doobo Shim, "Hybridity and the Rise of Korean Popular Culture in Asia," Media, Culture and Society 28 (1) (January 2006): 25-44, Sueen Noh, "Intersecting Gender and Race in Globalization: Beyond the Evolution from Cultural Imperialism to Cultural Hybri~ity,'' Globa_l Media Journ~l 6 (10) (Spring 2007): J-17; Woongjae Ryoo, Globalization, or the Logic of Cultural Hybridization: The Case of the Korean Wave," Asian Journal of Communication 19 (2) (2009): 137-151· and Sarah Leung, "Catching the K-Pop Wave: Globality in the Production' Distribution,. and Consun1ption of South Korean Popular Music," Senio; Capst~?e Pro;ect~ (2012), htlp;,//digitalwindow.vassar.edu/senior_capstone.

7. Jung, Transnational Korea, 71. Postcolonial scholars have highlighted t!1e ilnpor~ance of 1noving beyond hybridity and looking at coinplexi- ~1es and ~1sc~epancy. By doing to, Lhey urge to avoid both homogeniz- ing globalization as a mere ''Americanization" or re-essentializing a local

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 71

culture. See Stuarl Hall, "The Local and the Global: Globalization and Ethnicity," in Culture, Globalization, and the World-system: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity, ed. Anthony D. King, 19-40 (Binghan1ton: Depart1nent of Art and Art History, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1991); Peter Jackson, "Local Consumption Cultures in a Globalizing World," Transactions, Institute of British Geographers 29 (2004): 165-178; Marwan M. Kraidy, fiybridity, or the Cultural Logic of Globalization (Philadelphia: Te1nple University Press, 2005); Anjali Prabhu, Hybridity: Lfrnits, Transformations, Prospects (Albany: Slate University of New York Press, 2007); Keri E. Iyall Smith and Patricia Leavy, eds., Hybrid Identities: Theoretical and Empirical Exa,ninations (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2008); and Brian Larkin, "Itineraries of Indian Cine1na: African Videos, Bollywood, and (Jlobal :tvledia," in Multiculturalism, Postcoloniality, and Transnational Media, ed. Shohat and R. Slain, 170-192 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2003).

8. A few researchers have addressed Korean 1nasculinity wilh femininity and its gender represenlation/conslruction in Korean popular cullure. See Sun Jung's book titled Korean Masculinities and Transcultural Consu,nption: Yonsa1na, Rain, Oldboy, K-Pop Idols (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010); Kiln Kyung Hyun's The Remasculinization of Korean Cine111a (l)uke University Press, 2004); Stephen J. Epstein and Rachael M. Joo's "Mulliple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational IJnagination," The Asia-Pacific Journal IO 33 (I) (2012): 1-17; Yeran Kim's "Idol Republic: The Global E1nergence of Girl Industries and lhe Co1nn1ercialization of Girl Bodies," Journal of Gender Studies 20 (4) (2011): 333-345, and Hoon- Soon Kiln's "Korean Music Videos, Posttnodernis1n, and Gender Politics," in Feminist Cultural Politics in Korea, ed. Oh jung-hwa, 195-227 (Seoul: Prunsasang Publishing, 2005). Few studies have discussed race, however. See Leung's "Catching the K-Pop Wave"; Noh's "Intersecting Gender and Race"; and Eun Young Jung's "Playing the Race and Sexuality Cards in the Transnalional Pop Ga1ne: Korean Music Videos for the US Market," Journal of Popular Music Studies 22 2 (2010): 219-236.

9. Karen Shimakawa, National Abjection: The Asian American Body Onstage (I)urha1n and London: Duke University Press, 2002), 17.

10. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak has addressed ways subaltern intellectu- als can find their voices in academia. See her foundational essay "Can the Subaltern Speak?" in The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, ed. Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, 24-28 (London: Routledge, 1995) and Gayatri Spivak and Sara Harasym, eds., The Post-Colonial Critic: Interviews, Strategies, Dialogues (New York: Routledge, 1990), 1-16.

11. Heather Willoughby emphasizes the corporeal visuality ofK-pop. See "hnage is Everything: The Marketing of Femininity in Korean Pop Music," in Korean Pop Music: Riding the Wave, ed. Keith Howard, 99-108 (Folkestone, Kent: Global Oriental, 2006). Joo and Leung further analyze K-pop inusic videos and perfOrmers' physicality in their works "Multiple Exposures" and "Catching the K-Pop Wave," respectively.

72 CHUYUNOH

12. See Jane C. l1es1uond, ed., Dancing Desires: Choreographing Sexualities on and off the Stage (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), S.

13. Alexandra Kolb discusses ways in which dance becomes an inherently politi- cal site due to ils nature of embodying sociocultural nonns. See her book Dance and Politics (New York: Peter Lang, 2010). Dance/perfonnance sludies scholars specifically situate the dancing body within the fra1ne\vork of race and.gender. For foundational theoretical discussions, see Des1nond's Dancing Desires a~d ~nn Cooper Albright's Choreographing Difference: The Body and Idenflty in Contetnporary Dance (Wesleyan University Press; Hanover, 199?). For the notion of racializcd Asian body in the United Stales, sec Yut1an Wong, Choreographing Asian A1nerica (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2010); Josephine Lee, Perfonning Asian A,nerica: Race and Ethnicity on the Conte111pora1y Stage, ed. Michael Onli and Sucheng Chan (Philadelphia: Te1nple University Press, 1997); Robert G. Lee, Orientals: Asian Atnericans in Popular Culture (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999); and ~i.ye Seung Chung, flolly11•ood Asian: Philip Ahn and the Politics of Cross-ethnic Perfonnauce (Philadelphia: Tetnple University Press, 2006).

14. Arjun Appadurai, "l)isjuncture anti Difference in the Global Cultural Economy," T/Jeo,y C11/t11re a11d Society 7 (2) (1990): 296.

15. ~ee Judith Butler, "Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay 111 Pheno1nenology and Fe1ninist Theory," Theatre Journal 40 (4) (1988): 519-531; and Rebecca Schneider, The Explicit Body in Perfortnance (London: ~out!edge, 1997), 99. For 1nore t'e1ninist critiques on the t'e1nale objectifica- tion 111 perfonnance, see Jill Dolan, The Fe,ninist Spectator ,1s Critic (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991), Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cine1na," Screen 16 (3) (1975): 6-18; and Sue-Ellen Case Fe1ninisn1 and Theatre (New York: Palgrave Mac1nillan, 2008), 101. '

16. Peggy Phelan, Un11u1rked: The Politics of Pe1forn1ance (London; Routledge, 1993), to.

17. Rosalind Gill, "Postfe1ninist Media Culture: Ele1nents of a Sensibility" Europea11 Joumal ofC11/t11ral Studies to (2) (2007): 18. '

18. Sally Banes, Dancing Wo111en: Fetnale Bodies on Stage {London; New York: Routledge, 1998), to.

19. Susan Manning, "Danced Spirituals," in Of the Presence of the Body, ed. Andre Lepecki (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2004), 82-96.

20. Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure," 6-18.

21. Iris Marion Young, Throwing Like A Girl and Other Essays in Feminist Philosophy (Bloo1nington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 145-152.

22. Ibid.

23. Edward W. Said explains how the iinperial gaze along with its hegemonic notion of white tnasculinity of the West has conflated the Orient with fenli- ninity and n1arginalized lhem, including Middle Eastern and East Asian people, as exotic ()therness. See his groundbreaking book Orientalistn (New York: Vintage Books, 1994). In his book The Remasculinization, Khn situates the notion of e1nasculated Asian masculinity within Korean contexts in rela- tion to its colonial history. In Choreographing Asian An1erica, Wong analyzes

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 73

how this marginalization of Asian masculinity is reproduced through per- formance within US contexts.

24. Love Rain, drama, accessed June 25, 2013, http://www.viki.com/tv/5269c -love-rain. Keun-suk Jang's Korean co1nment is translated by the author of this chapter.

25. Katharina R. Mendoza, "Controlling the Body: Media Representations, Body Size, and Self-discipline," in The Fat Studies Reader, eds. Esther Rothblum and Sondra Solovay (New York: New York University Press, 2009), 290.

26. MoonSoshi9," 'The Boys Featuring Snoop Dogg' Played on American Radio," Soshified, accessed June 25, 2013, http://www.soshified.com/2012/01/the -boys-featuring-snoop-dogg-played-on-american-radio.

27. Korean lyrics are translated by the author. 28. See Kim, "Globalization of Korean Media," 37. Exa1nples about the global

audience's reactions on Girls' Generation's bodies can be found at Sinyoung Lee, accessed April 9, 2011, ">t\'r"°"-1 ol',J,,·£ -'J'iJol\ 1111)-")ct," '11"1':l! *"° a: .. ~,!-~. http://www.news.chosun.com/site/data/ ... /2011040900096.htm; Leesa86, "Taiwanese Girl Group 'Super 7' Accuse SNSD of Being Plastic," Allkpop, accessed May 23, 2013, http://www.allkpop.com/2011/ll/taiwan ese-girl-group- super- 7 -accuse-snsd-o f-being-plast ic .hl 1n.

29. Gill, "Postfe1ninist Media," 11. 30. Ann Daly, "The Balanchine Woman: Of :tlummingbirds and Channel

Swimmers," TDR 31 (I) (1987): 8-21. 31. Joo, "Multiple Exposures," 10. 32. Susan Leigh Foster, Reading Dancing: Bodies and Subjects in Contemporary

American Dance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 83. 33. Alicia Arrizon, Latina Performance: Traversing the Stage (Bloomington:

Indiana University Press, 1999), 80. 34. Richard Dyer, "White," Scree1129 (4) (1988): 44-65. 35. Examples can be found at Rutgers Student, "Why is there hatred against

SNSD (Girls Generation)?" Yahoo! Answers, accessed May 25, 2013, http:// answers.yahoo.co1n/question/index?qid=20090506190732AAomQR6.httn; Areneeta, "Who is the Most Hated Me1nbers of Snsd?" Fanpop, accessed May 25, 2013, http://www.fanpop.co1n/spots/girls-generation-snsd/answers /show/224160/who-most-hated-members-snsd.htm.

36. For the discussions on romanticized fe1nininity raised by theater scholars, see Elin Dia1nond, Unmaking Mitnesis: Essays on Feminism and Theatre (London: Routledge, 1997) and "Refusing the Romanticism of Identity: Narrative Interventions in Churchill, Benmussa, Duras," Theatre Journal 37 (3) (1985): 273-286.

37. Daniele, "K-Pop's Slave Contracts-A Glance at South Korea's Entertainment Industry," The East Asia Gazette, accessed May 25, 2013, http://asia-gazette .com/news/south-korea/146#.T7rM2johCYM.twitter.htm.

38. Siho Nam, "Who's Riding the Wave? The Cultural Political Econo1ny of Korean Wave in the East Asian Region," working paper, National Communication Association (NCA) 97th Annual Convention, New Orleans, Louisiana, 2011.

74 CHUYUN OH

39. See Schneider, The Explicit Body, and Kathleen Juhl and Ann Elizabeth Annstrong, eds., Radical Acts: Theater and Feniinist Pedagogies of Change (San Francisco: Aunt Lute Press, 2007).

40. Daly, "The Balanchine Woman," IO.

41. D. Soyini Madison, Critical Ethnography: Method, Ethics, and Performance (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2005), 57.

42. Girls' Generation has perfonned "The Boys'' in a couple of talk shows and US tnedia has released lheir shows. See Jeff Yang, "Can Girls' Generation Break Through in America?," Wall Street Journal, "Speakeasy,", accessed May 25, 2013, hltp://blogs.wsj.co1n/speakeasy/2012/02/06/can-girls-generation-break -through-in-a1nerlca/#ht1n.

43. Glenda I)ickerson, "The Cull of True Wotnanhood: Toward a Womanist Attitude in African Atnerican Theatre," Theatre Journal 40 (2) (1988): 179.

44. Jung, Korean Nfasculinities, JS. 45. Jinsong Kim, ed., ~!i}/1/9./ tg-"l: Aj*'off fff:!::.~-fi. BfiJfi!f (Seou1: Hyeonsil

Munlnva Yeongu, 1999), 295, 302. 46. Aljosa Puzar, "Asian Dolls and the Western Gaze: Notes on the l~entale

Dollificalion in South Korea," Asian Wo1ne11 27 (2) (2011), 104. 47. "Yuri (SNSD) Anorexic? Too skinny," You'fube video, 3:22, posted by

"Synkroneyes," May 14, 2011, accessed May 25, 2013, http://www.youtube .co1n/\Valch?v= _ ()GwvChe9qY&noredirect= l.

48. The tcr1n "white-supren1acist~capitalist-palriarchy" is borrowed fron1 bell hooks' Ain't I A Won,an: Black Wo111e11 and Fen1inistn (Boston, MA: South End Press, 1981) and her other essays. Fe1ninist theater scholars have asserted that sexuality is inseparable from ones' racial identity because all "gender are racialized." See Stacy Wolf, "On the Gender Continuu1n," in Radical Acts: Theatre and Fen1inist Pedagogies of Change, ed. Kathleen Juhl and Ann Elizabeth Annstrong (San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 2007), 173.

49. c:ase, Fe1nir1isn1, 97-98. 50. Wong, Choreographing Asian A1nerica, 18. 51. Foster, Reading Dancing, 17. 52. See Celine Parreiias Shin1izu, The HypersexuaUty of Race: Perfonning

Asian!An1erican Women on Screen and Scene {Durham: Duke Universily Press, 2007).

53. ~ce Mendoza, "Controlling the Body," 5, and Schneider, Explicit Body, 95. 54. How. Does Snsd Keep So Thin? (kpop group)?" KPOP All Your K-pop

Questions, Answered!, accessed May 25, 2013, http://kpop.askcdfor.info /2011/07/how-does-snsd-keep-so-thin-kpop-group.htin; and "How Can I Gel As Sli1n As Snsd?" Soo1npi, accessed May 25, 2013, http://foruins .soompi.con1/discussion/263965/how-can-i-get-as-sli1n-as-snsd/p3.htm.

55. Linda Mizejcwski, "Queen Latifah, Unruly Wo1nen, and the Bodies of Ro1nantic Co1nedy," Genders 46 (2007): 3.

56. Claire Jean Kim, "The Racial Triangulation of Asian An1ericans" Politics & Society 27 (1999): !05-!38. '

57. Kraidy, Hybridity, 90.

THE POLITICS OF THE DANCING BODY 75

58. Merriam-Webster, accessed May 20, 2013, hltp://www.merriam-webster .com/dictionary/authenticity.

59. Elin, Unmaking Mhnesis, xi. 60. Ibid. 61. Manning, "Danced Spirituals," 84-87. For more works on white privilege, see

bell hooks, Black Looks: Race and Representation {Boston, MA: South End Press, 1992); and George Lipsitz, "The Possessive Investinent in Whiteness,'' in The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit Jro,n Identity Politics, 1-23 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998).

62. Wong, Choreographing Asian America, 45. 63. See bell hooks' "Power to the Pussy: We Don't Wanna Be Dicks in Drag,''

in Outlaw Culture: Resisting Representations, 9-26 (New York: Routledge, 1994) in which she criticizes Madonna's hnperialist racial representation.

64. Marta Savigliano, Tango and the Political Economy of Passion (Boulder: Westview Press, 1995), 3.

65. For the "unmarked" white privilege that takes the universal subject position in representing others, see Phelan, Unmarked.

66. Manning, "Danced Spirituals." 67. Wong, Choreographing Asian America, 46. 68. Critical race theories have particularly influenced on my argument of how

performance authenticity is constructed in relation to the Black/White racial hierarchy. See Jeff Donaldson, "The Role We Want for Black Art," in College Board Review 71, ed. Robert L. Brenner, 15-19 (New York: College Entrance Exa1nination Board, 1969); Alain Locke, "The Legacy of the Ancestral Arts," in Voices from the Harlem Renaissance, ed. Nathan Irvin Huggins, 137-143 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); Ro1nare Bearden, "The Negro Artist and Modern Art," in The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis, 138-141 (New York: Penguin Books, 1995); and Tomas Ybarra-Frasuto, "Rasquachismo: A Chicano Sensibility," in Chicano Art: Resistance and Affirmation, 1965-1985, ed. Richard Griswold del Castillo, Teresa McKenna, and Yvonne Yarbro-Bejarano, 155-162 (Los Angeles: Wight Art Gallery, University of California, Los Angeles, 1991).

69. Yang, "Can Girls' Generation Break Through in America?" 70. Yang, ibid. It is often argued that MTV did not play music made by ~lack

artists before Michael Jackson's Billie Jean (1983). See Nadra Kareem N1ttle, "MTV and Black Music: A Rock History," About.com. News & Issues, Race Relations, accessed August 8, 2013, http://racerelations.about.com/od/ hOllywood/a/MTVsRaceRelatedGrowingPains.htm. For the comments on K-pop and Girls' Generation, see under Robert Mi~ael Poole's "A K~Pop Sensation Plays Letterman," Wall Street Journal Asia, Korea Real Tune, accessed May 25, 2013, http://blogs.wsj.com/korearealtime/2012/01/31/a-k- pop-sensation-plays-letterman/.htm. . ,,

71. Deanna Pan, "Is 'Gangnam Style' a Hit Because of Our Asian Stereotypes? Mother Jones, accessed May 25, 2013, http://www.1notherjones.com/mixed media/2012/09/gangnam-style-asian-inasculinity%20.htm; David Bevan,

76 CHUYUN OH

"K-Pop Fizz Fizz: Life After PSY," accessed May 25, 2013, SPIN, http://www .sp i n .co tn/ a rticles/k-pop-20 l 2-1 if e-after-psy/?pa ge=2, h tin.

72. Savigliano, Tango, 83. 73. Wong, Choreographing Asian America, 133. 74. Girls' Generation's "dollification" is addressed in Joo's "Multiple Exposures,"

anJ Puzar's "Asian Dolls." Fans' reactions on Girls' Generation's "dollifica- tion" also can be found at Sj_Snsd, "Girls Generation/SNSD Who Is Best Barbie Doll??" Fanpop, accessed May 25, 2013, http://,vww.fanpop.co 1n/clubs /girls-generation-snsd/pkks/results/596492/who-best-barbie-doll.htm.

75. Dolan, The Fentinist Spectator as Critic, 73.

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