Read the following articles on couples treatment: Intimate Partner Violence: Making the Case for Joint Couple Treatment and Intimate Partner Violence and the Victim-Offender Overlap. In your short paper, address the following elements: Evaluate the effica
Article
Intimate Partner Violence: Making the Case for Joint Couple Treatment
Sara Antunes-Alves1 and Jack De Stefano1
Abstract Intimate partner violence (IPV) has received increasing public awareness in recent decades because of its prevalence and widespread deleterious and sometimes fatal effects. While clinicians and researchers alike are turning their attention more than ever to the treatment of the problem, there is continuing debate in the field on how to best address and manage the problem legally, socially, and therapeutically. This article adds to the debate by reviewing some of the major issues in IPV and its treatment. In spite of advances in our understanding, the use of gender exclusive batterer groups continues to be a preferred approach to dealing with the problem. We describe how and why, in many cases, conjoint couple therapy has replaced group treatment as an alternate approach and provide empirical evidence in support of this practice. We conclude with some practical guidelines for clinicians who are to engage in conjoint treatment for IPV.
Keywords intimate partner violence, batterer groups, couple therapy, couple counseling
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a painful reality in the rela-
tionships of men and women of all ages, cultural backgrounds,
and socioeconomic classes and as such it is seen as a major
social problem. The harmful effects of IPV extend to all areas
of the individual’s life, and there is well-established evidence
that victims of IPV experience negative medical, psychologi-
cal, and material outcomes (Bledsoe & Sar, 2011; Garcia-
Moreno, Jansen, Ellsberg, Heise, & Watts, 2006). In the psy-
chological domain IPV has been linked to increased risks of
depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, substance abuse, and
suicidality (Golding, 1999). Added to these is the growing rea-
lization that children exposed to domestic violence develop
vulnerabilities to a host of psychosocial difficulties (Horner,
2005) and that parents who are the recipient of physical abuse
are compromised with respect to their parental capacities
(Buchbinder, 2004).
While there is widespread agreement among the public at
large that ending IPV is desirable, how to best achieve this goal
has become a daunting task. Certainly, since the movement to
expose and end IPV began in the late 1970s (Cooper-White,
2011), considerable strides have been made, especially by the
legal justice system and other governmental organizations, to
address the problem. Jurisdictions in both the United States and
Canada have standards that are used for the credentialing of
practitioners and agencies working with victims and perpetra-
tors of violence (Dankwort & Austin, 1999). In Canada, for
example, common threads run across the provinces and terri-
tories, and we are seeing a convergence of certain accepted
practices and beliefs. Yet, in spite of concerted efforts to pro-
vide services for individuals and families beset by violence,
there is still widespread debate and disagreement about how
IPV should be regarded and treated 1 . The debate in the field
is due in part to our growing understanding of IPV as a com-
plex, multidimensional phenomenon that will not respond to
a one-size-fits-all intervention process.
In this article, we argue that a conjoint couple therapy
approach to IPV is advantageous under specific circumstances.
We first highlight some of the dominant ideas and practices
surrounding IPV as a background against which we can begin
to consider conjoint treatment as a modality with certain cli-
ents. Advocating for conjoint treatment is not a new concept
and we build on the previous excellent work of others (e.g.,
Allen & St. George, 2001; McCollum & Stith, 2008). Our focus
is two-fold: First, we present the literature about when and
under which circumstances conjoint treatment is indicated.
Second, we try to distill from this literature implications for
general practice. IPV is often not the purview of the specialist
and given the scope of the problem many practitioners, includ-
ing generalists and other health care specialists, will be con-
fronted with a client or patient for whom violence is part of a
larger presentation.
1 Department of Educational and Counseling Psychology, McGill University,
Montreal, QC, Canada
Corresponding Author:
Jack De Stefano, Department of Counseling Psychology, McGill University,
3700 McTavish St, Montreal, QC, Canada H3A 1Y2.
Email: [email protected]
The Family Journal: Counseling and Therapy for Couples and Families 2014, Vol 22(1) 62-68 ª The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1066480713505056 tfj.sagepub.com
IPV and the Dominant Conceptual Framework
Our understanding of IPV has evolved since its early begin-
nings when groups for batterers were considered the only
acceptable way to intervene in partner violence. Over the past
few decades, there have been a handful of interventions, but
there is little evidence that any of them are very effective in
stopping the recurrence of family violence (Babcock, Green,
& Robbie, 2004). In tracking the history of IPV, Greene and
Bogo (2002) describe how women were historically often held
equally responsible for male perpetrated abuse. They explain
that with the growing acceptance of feminism and the feminist
critique of gender and male power privilege, society was forced
to attend to patriarchy, and domestic violence was explicitly
squeezed into a framework that saw violence as the result of
male privilege and abuse. This understanding of IPV followed
the rationale that violence is not merely the result of a batterer’s
lack of impulse control or poor interpersonal skills but of a
wider, societal problem (Cooper-White, 2011).
However, addressing IPV was initially dominated by an
individual level approach in both the research and the clinical
practice (Gelles & Maynard, 1987). For victims, this included
shelters and crisis centers for women and children, whereas
offenders received rehabilitation services in the form of coun-
seling for battering spouses and self-help groups for violent
men. Shelter workers and feminist advocates sought to make
batterers solely accountable for their criminal behavior rather
than punctuating these violent acts as a consequence of inter-
personal deficits (Babcock, Canady, Graham, & Schart,
2007). These trends gave credence to the view that IPV was the
batterer’s (usually the man) problem, and the goal of interven-
tion was to educate and to resocialize the perpetrators of abuse
(Feder & Wilson, 2005). Thus, the perception of the public at
large was that men were responsible for domestic violence and
they should therefore be the target of intervention. This led to a
gender-specific, individually oriented (i.e., male) focus that
isolated and protected the woman while her partner was being
rehabilitated.
The dominance of the partner violence discourse as being
situated squarely within a gender exclusive, perpetrator frame
probably accounts for the widespread use and popularity of bat-
terer groups. However, while the use of groups was considered
de rigueur for IPV treatment, the outcomes of these programs
have had mixed results (Babcock et al., 2007). In fact, Bab-
cock, Green, and Robbie (2004) conducted a meta-analysis of
five randomized clinical trials investigating violent men who
were part of a batterer’s program and found effect sizes of
.09 and .12 for recidivism. In other words, IPV treatment pro-
grams account for about a 10% decrease in the reoccurrence of violence. The authors further stated that violent partners have a
35% chance of maintaining nonviolent behaviors without treat- ment, while this number only increases to 40% with treatment. Systematic reviews of empirical studies report similar findings
leading to doubts about the efficacy of batterer programs and
thereby opening the door to alternate or parallel treatments
(Feder & Wilson, 2005; Levesque, 1998).
Added to the relatively modest effect sizes for these pro-
grams is the fact that these (like other studies) are limited
by conceptual and methodological problems (Allen & St.
George, 2001). Conceptually, most of these forms of treat-
ment have been based on a single understanding of the nature
of relational violence, that there is a clear perpetrator and a
victim. This view is now seen as unidimensional, since IPV
is a complex phenomenon where multiple factors coalesce
to form the phenomenon. For male perpetrators, our view has
expanded to consider the individual characteristics and traits
of these men (Dutton, 2007; Murphy & Eckhardt, 2005). Dut-
ton (2007) in particular has been critical of the feminist
paradigm for not considering such aspects as borderline per-
sonality organization, substance use issues, and behavioral
skills deficits that are often manifest among perpetrators, as
these become important considerations in studying treatment
effectiveness and outcome studies. 2
Differentiating the Types of Violence
The recognition that all batterers are not identical (and thus
respond quite differently to intervention) led to the creation
of theories of specific subtypes of violent men. In spite of nuan-
ces among classes of subtypes, most typologies recognize that
there is a subclass of men for whom violence is part of a life-
style and thus a preferred strategy for solving their problems.
This notion is contained in Holtzworth-Munroe and Stuart’s
(1994) typology of male batterers as falling into one of the
three types of perpetrators: the family-only type, dysphoric/
borderline type, and violent/antisocial type. These classifica-
tions were based on personality and contextual evidence
including frequency of violence, psychopathology, and past
or current risk factors for using violence. Both the dysphoric/
borderline and the violent/antisocial men generally do not
respond to group treatments and many would probably meet
criteria for a personality disorder (Dutton, 2007). Also, the lit-
erature on typologies recognizes the contributions of contex-
tual factors like social and structural stressors, economic
adversity, and intergenerational modeling of violence to an
understanding of the violence of men (Rowe, Doss, Hsueh,
Libet, & Mitchell, 2011).
As all batterers are not identical, neither is the nature of part-
ner violence. Johnson (1995, p. 285) suggests a useful proposal
where violence can be categorized as either ‘‘patriarchal terror-
ism or common couple violence.’’ Patriarchal terrorism refers to
coercive actions used to achieve control over one’s partner and
tends to escalate over time. Common couple violence, by con-
trast, is not characterized by control, tends to be situational, and
is more likely to be mutual in the couple. The distinction
between the two lies in the motivation: Common couple vio-
lence is less purposive and erupts from interpersonal conflicts
and stresses, whereas patriarchal terrorism is motivated by the
desire to control one’s partner. Common couple violence tends
to (a) be more situational, (b) be less one-sided and less frequent,
(c) not elicit a pervasive fear in the partner, and (d) be the result
of an escalating pattern of conflict (Stith & McCollum, 2011).
Antunes-Alves and De Stefano 63
Greene and Bogo (2002) propose that both types of vio-
lence may be treated with therapy, but that most therapists
will encounter individuals where common couple violence
is at play. This has been said to be the most common form
of relationship violence (Stith & McCollum, 2011). Research
on IPV has illustrated that many couples who seek therapy
tend to experience lower level, mutual aggression (Simpson,
2005), but often do not consider the physical abuse as their
primary or presenting problem (Aldorondo & Straus, 1994;
Ehrensaft & Vivian, 1996).
While the majority of therapists working with voluntary
couples will encounter mostly common couple violence,
Greene and Bogo (2002) warn that therapists must be able to
identify the differences between the types of violence and
adjust their interventions accordingly, or to refer clients else-
where. This implies that practitioners entertain different, some-
times competing, perspectives as they decide on what approach
or program is best for the client. Thus, even as there is disagree-
ment in the field about how to best treat the problem of IPV, our
increasing accumulation of knowledge about intervention
options means that clients will be offered what they need and
not what is available or politically correct.
It is hard to imagine that at one time treating IPV with con-
joint couple therapy was seen as questionable (Stith, Rosen,
McCollum, & Thomsen, 2004), because it did not fit with the
Zeitgeist of the time. IPV has historically been considered as
falling outside the scope of traditional couple therapy, largely
due to the concern that therapy could increase the risk of vio-
lence or encourage victim-blaming (Rowe et al., 2011). Yet,
traditional interventions that focused exclusively on the reduc-
tion or elimination of violence without addressing other impor-
tant needs have had poor success rates (Brown, O’Leary, &
Feldbau, 1997). Also, conjoint treatment implies that narrow,
dichotomized descriptions of partner violence are ipso facto
exclusionary and may not be what the couple needs or wants.
Conjoint Work With IPV: When Is It a Good Idea?
The use of conjoint couple therapy to treat cases of IPV has been
debated in the professional and scientific communities. Much of
the criticisms in the literature describe how conjoint treatment
might put the victims at greater risk by directing blame at them
(Stith et al., 2004) or by making future aggression and retaliation
more likely (Simpson, 2005). Whether the danger is perceived or
real, the victim of violence is obviously not free to speak in the
presence of a controlling abuser. Stith and McCollum (2011)
talk about how help-seeking by the perpetrator may actually
have the unintended consequence of reducing or eliminating
their legal or moral accountability for the violence. These con-
cerns are not unique to conjoint treatment, but they must none-
theless be more carefully considered when deciding whether
conjoint work is feasible for a particular couple.
Under specific circumstances, conjoint couple therapy may
be the appropriate intervention for IPV if certain conditions are
present. As a general guideline, conjoint couple therapy may be
helpful with couples where there is common couple violence
and where the violence is mild to moderate in nature (Bagar-
ozzi & Giddings, 1983). There seems to be general consensus
that where violence is severe and life-threatening, systems-
based interventions are contraindicated and a more traditional
approach of parallel treatment or intervention would be called
for (Gelles & Maynard, 1987; Straus & Gelles, 1986). There is
also agreement that couples who take responsibility for their
aggressive behavior, are motivated to change, and do not attri-
bute their behavior to external factors are also good candidates
for conjoint work (Bograd & Mederos, 1999; Dutton, 1986;
Holtzworth-Munroe, Bates, Smutzler, & Sandin, 1997).
Thus, in the actual clinical work with these couples, counse-
lors are advised to conduct a thorough assessment of the type and
severity of the violence as well as the couple’s stage of change
(Bograd & Mederos, 1999; Lipchik & Kubicki, 1996). This can
be accomplished more efficiently with well-validated assess-
ment instruments (Stith & McCollum, 2011), such as the Abuse
Assessment Screen (McFarlane, Parker, Soeken, & Bullock,
1992), the Assessment of Immediate Safety Screening Ques-
tions (Family Violence Prevention Fund, 2002), and the Domes-
tic Violence Initiative Screening Questions (Webster, Stratigos,
& Grimes, 2001), which must include a thorough screen for sub-
stance use or mental health problems as these may compromise
the safety or evolution of the case (Dutton, 2007). Such instru-
ments help provide clinicians with additional background on the
nature of violence and aid in identifying the need for additional
services and outside referrals for both victims and perpetrators
separately (see the Intimate Partner Violence and Sexual Vio-
lence Victimization Assessment Instruments for Use in Health-
care Settings: Version 1, 2007 for a comprehensive list of the
valid assessment tools related to IPV). In short, these guidelines
imply that therapists working in this area have received training
in IPV and high-conflict couples and that they network with
other professionals in the field as a way to maintain competent
practice and avoid burnout.
One important criterion in the success of conjoint counsel-
ing is the context in which violence occurs during the couple’s
interpersonal conflict. For example, Pan, Neidig, and O’Leary
(1994) conducted a large-scale study on randomly selected mil-
itary personnel and found that marital discord was the most
accurate predictor of partner violence. Thus, clinicians are
advised to focus on improving the relationship and interactions
in conjoint couple therapy by facilitating problem solving
around such issues of finances, career decisions, and sexual
satisfaction. Similarly, Burman, Margolin, and John (1993)
observed that physically aggressive couples were significantly
more mutually hostile and had inflexible and rigid behavior
patterns compared to nonviolent troubled couples. Violent cou-
ples have deficits in communication and problem-solving
skills, particularly during conflict or when either partner
becomes angry (Babcock, Green, Webb, & Yerington, 2005).
This implies that the violence that we see in these couples is
often a result of ineffective interpersonal problem solving and
thus skills training could be a goal of conjoint treatment.
In fact, there is evidence that conjoint interventions are as
effective at reducing violence as gender-specific treatments,
64 The Family Journal: Counseling and Therapy for Couples and Families 22(1)
such as men and women’s groups. O’Leary, Heyman, and Nei-
dig (1999) conducted a study with 75 intact couples assigned to
either a gender-specific or a conjoint treatment for psychologi-
cal and (mild to moderate) physical aggression. They found
that both treatments significantly reduced physical aggression
(by 55%) in the short term and long term. While there was no significant difference found between treatment types, hus-
bands in conjoint treatment improved significantly on marital
adjustment.
The notion that conjoint therapy increases the chance of fur-
ther violence for cases of mild and infrequent common couple
violence seems to be challenged by Simpson’s (2005) study of
134 couples that reported mutual, mild levels of violence. In
that study, rates of psychological and physical aggression
remained at close to zero during and after conjoint treatment.
It would appear that conjoint couple therapy addresses
important issues such as relationship satisfaction and individual
functioning in a way that other interventions such as batterer
programs and men’s groups do not. Thus, while conjoint treat-
ment is as effective at reducing violence as traditional men’s
treatment programs (Brown & O’Leary, 1997; Morrel, Elliott,
Murphy, & Taft, 2003), it may be better suited for tackling the
interpersonal conflict and poor problem solving that are part
and parcel of the problem (McCollum & Stith, 2008). This fact
may actually diminish the fear that women might feel in con-
joint treatment. Studies of mild to moderate IPV found that
very few women were afraid in their husbands’ presence during
conjoint meetings (Greene & Bogo, 2002) and that these
women were actually at no further risk of abuse compared to
those who obtained individual therapy (Brannen & Rubin,
1996; O’Leary, Heyman, & Neidig, 1999; Stith et al., 2004).
LaTaillade, Epstein, and Werlinich (2006) argue that
because relationship distress and conflict are strong predictors
of IPV, not addressing these issues in the couple therapy con-
text can actually increase the risk of violence. Conjoint modal-
ities may bolster a sense of safety in the relationship, as they are
tailored interventions that take into account the couple’s unique
background and behaviors in a way that a batterer group often
cannot (Allen & St. George, 2001). The highly structured group
approaches follow a standard protocol to all perpetrators and
victims, with the aim of policing or surveillance (Aguirre, Leh-
mann, & Patton, 2011). Tailored treatment, unlike protocol dri-
ven interventions, has the advantage of keeping couples more
engaged in their own therapy (Allen & St. George, 2001).
Group treatment of batterers typically uses a confrontational
style in its attempts at fostering responsibility in batterers (Pence
& Paymar, 1993). Unfortunately, this confrontational approach
elicits a host of untoward reactions from clients: fervent counter-
arguments, silence, phony agreement, or termination of treat-
ment; supportive strategies seem better able to motivate clients
(Murphy & Baxter, 1997). For example, the brief motivational
interviewing technique (Miller & Rollnick, 2002) was applied
to enhance interpersonal skills using an emotion-focused
approach that emphasized expressive skills, empathy, and com-
munication (Morrel et al., 2003). With this technique, the thera-
pist provides feedback in an empathic and nonconfrontational
way, reinforcing any statements made by clients that indicate a
willingness to change any risk factors for aggression. Morrel,
Elliott, Murphy, and Taft (2003) found a significant overall reduc-
tion in physical aggression over time (effect size d ¼.58). Taken together, the literature converges on the fact that con-
joint treatment is better able to address underlying relationship
dynamics and, especially, each partner’s decision to remain in
the relationship. This is an important factor that is often over-
looked in other forms of therapy (Stith & McCollum, 2011).
Where traditional programs typically focus primarily on reduc-
ing violence (and this is obviously an important primary goal),
conjoint treatment focuses on other relational dynamics like
distress and dissatisfaction, which are highly correlated with
the perpetration of violence (Stith, Green, Smith, & Ward,
2008). Certainly, if the couple chooses to stay together, one-
on-one treatments for the abuser may disadvantage the victims
as they are excluded from the process of improving the rela-
tionship (Heyman & Neidig, 1997). Thus, a one-sided approach
that isolates the partner and deprives the therapist of the oppor-
tunity to observe how this plays out in the give and take of the
relationship is something that batterer intervention programs
cannot provide (Rosen, Matheson, Stith, McCollum, & Locke,
2003). This is particularly salient when we consider that much
of IPV is bilateral (Madsen, Stith, Thomsen, & McCollum,
2010), and thus the communicational and interpersonal display
of both partners is needed for a thorough assessment.
Some Considerations and Guidelines for Practitioners
While batterer programs and groups for violent men continue to
be both popular and necessary, expanding the paradigm to
include other modalities and approaches is always desirable.
The initial thrust of these programs was the reduction of violence
and this continues to be an important goal of all treatment (Hey-
man & Neidig, 1997). However, we must acknowledge that our
thinking about intimate relationships violence has expanded,
and we can now see that all IPV is not identical (Greene & Bogo,
2002). Violence reduction, the goal of many batterer programs,
can also be achieved through different avenues: By resolving the
couple’s interpersonal problems and helping them establish bet-
ter ways to manage relational stressors, two possible outcomes
that can be addressed in conjoint format. Thus, conjoint therapy
can be directed both at having the perpetrator take responsibility
for the aggression (i.e., the goal of most group interventions) and
at assisting the partners to develop mutual problem-solving
capacities (Holtzworth-Munroe et al., 1997).
In many couples, violence is not a means to control but,
rather, as research shows, an ineffective strategy for trying to
deal with personal and interpersonal issues (Johnson, 1995).
In fact, as is often the case, individuals seek help when their
available psychological resources and strategies no longer
allow them to cope with the difficulties that they are encounter-
ing. Additionally, even when violence is a factor in their lives,
clients rarely seek out specialized programs for IPV first. Many
individuals still rely on available sources of social support (Pol-
lack et al., 2010) and when professional help is sought, primary
Antunes-Alves and De Stefano 65
care physicians and public health specialists may be the first
consulted. Thus, many practitioners (without training in IPV)
may find themselves hearing a client’s report of violence even
when the request for help is unrelated to the violence (Goldner,
1998). Being untrained or inexperienced in IPV does not pro-
tect a practitioner from a client’s disclosures. In fact, when a
treatment is already established and a strong alliance is in
place, a client may take the risk of talking about incidences
of violence when they may not have originally intended to do
so. The clinician will thus find himself or herself in the position
of having to make a referral or continuing with the case with
appropriate supervision. Regardless of the choice that the clin-
ician and client make, some basic, research-informed ideas
about IPV and its treatment will serve clinicians with limited
experience with IPV well. After all, a clinician may already
have prior information (e.g., the couple’s or individual’s sub-
stance use or comorbid conditions) and knowing about factors
that compromise treatment is essential for appropriate clinical
decision making (Stith & McCollum, 2011).
Among these factors, the couple’s commitment to the rela-
tionship and the desire to stay together are important motivators
that are likely to predict the eventual outcome (Morrel et al.,
2003). Where a therapist does feel confident to provide services,
case management is essential especially as it concerns gauging,
on an ongoing basis, the level of distress in a couple and the
severity and imminence of aggressive acts. Additionally, service
providers (even those with considerable experience) should not
be working in isolation and liaison with agencies and other ser-
vice providers provide an added layer of support when needed
(Simpson, Gattis, Atkins, & Christensen, 2008). This implies
that regardless of the clientele with which we work, up-to-date
familiarity with community and other resources is essential.
Obtaining supervision and working closely with other profes-
sionals who have related experience are advised, not only for
professional guidance but also as a means of self-care in dealing
with the oftentimes high-conflict nature of the couple in session
(Stith & McCollum, 2011).
In sum, conjoint couple therapy for IPV is becoming estab-
lished as a legitimate treatment for partner violence and has
been shown to be effective in stopping the violence, and
increasing appropriate interpersonal communication in the cou-
ple (Heyman & Neidig, 1997). The collective insights from the
literature on conjoint treatment are worth summarizing as they
can provide practitioners from various camps with a start point
for decision making (e.g., refer or continue with supervision).
Therefore, conjoint treatment should be considered when (a)
there is no substance abuse or mental health issues that may
compromise safety; (b) the couple experiences common couple
violence of mild to moderate severity; (c) the violence is a
result of poor problem solving (i.e., is situational) and is not
motivated by need for control; and (d) the violent individual
takes responsibility and does not blame the partner for the vio-
lence. Once these important parameters have been weighed,
ongoing adjustments and case management (with realistic con-
tingency plans) guard against eruption or escalation of violence
and ensuring that therapy is a safe place for both partners.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, author-
ship, and/or publication of this article.
Notes
1. While violence in same-sex relationships is also a serious problem
(see Lockhart, White, Causby, & Issac, 1994; Tjaden, Thoennes, &
Allison, 1999 for a more detailed review), the current article will
focus exclusively on violence in heterosexual couples where the
man is the perpetrator of the violence.
2. In an effort to reconcile the two ends of the continuum, Murphy and
Eckhardt (2005) propose that feminist approaches are focusing on
distal factors, that is, cultural and social norms conducive to vio-
lence against women, whereas a more person-focused approach
in assessment and treatment is concerned with proximal factors
specific to the individual.
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68 The Family Journal: Counseling and Therapy for Couples and Families 22(1)
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