WRITING
Borchers 1
Dylan Borchers
Professor Bullock
English 102, Section 4
31 March 2012
Against the Odds:
Harry S. Truman and the Election of 1948
“Thomas E. Dewey’s Election as President Is a Foregone
Conclusion,” read a headline in the New York Times during the
presidential election race between incumbent Democrat Harry S.
Truman and his Republican challenger, Thomas E. Dewey. Earlier,
Life magazine had put Dewey on its cover with the caption “The
Next President of the United States” (qtd. in “1948 Truman-Dewey
Election”). In a Newsweek survey of fifty prominent political writers,
each one predicted Truman’s defeat, and Time correspondents
declared that Dewey would carry 39 of the 48 states (Donaldson
210). Nearly every major media outlet across the United States
endorsed Dewey and lambasted Truman. As historian Robert H.
Ferrell observes, even Truman’s wife, Bess, thought he would be
beaten (270).
The results of an election are not so easily predicted, as the
famous photograph in fig. 1 shows. Not only did Truman win the
election, but he won by a significant margin, with 303 electoral
votes and 24,179,259 popular votes, compared to Dewey’s 189
electoral votes and 21,991,291 popular votes (Donaldson 204-07). In
fact, many historians and political analysts argue that Truman
would have won by an even greater margin had third-party
Progressive candidate Henry A. Wallace not split the Democratic
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vote in New York State and Dixiecrat Strom Thurmond not won
four states in the South (McCullough 711). Although Truman’s
defeat was heavily predicted, those predictions themselves,
Dewey’s passiveness as a campaigner, and Truman’s zeal turned
the tide for a Truman victory.
In the months preceding the election, public opinion polls
predicted that Dewey would win by a large margin. Pollster Elmo
Roper stopped polling in September, believing there was no reason
to continue, given a seemingly inevitable Dewey landslide. Although
the margin narrowed as the election drew near, the other pollsters
predicted a Dewey win by at least 5 percent (Donaldson 209). Many
Fig. 1. President Harry S. Truman holds up an Election Day edition
of the Chicago Daily Tribune, which mistakenly announced “Dewey
Defeats Truman.” St. Louis, 4 Nov. 1948 (Rollins).
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historians believe that these predictions aided the president in the
long run. First, surveys showing Dewey in the lead may have
prompted some of Dewey’s supporters to feel overconfident about
their candidate’s chances and therefore to stay home from the polls
on Election Day. Second, these same surveys may have energized
Democrats to mount late get-out-the-vote efforts (“1948 Truman-
Dewey Election”). Other analysts believe that the overwhelming
predictions of a Truman loss also kept at home some Democrats
who approved of Truman’s policies but saw a Truman loss as
inevitable. According to political analyst Samuel Lubell, those
Democrats may have saved Dewey from an even greater defeat (qtd.
in Hamby, Man of the People 465). Whatever the impact on the voters,
the polling numbers had a decided effect on Dewey.
Historians and political analysts alike cite Dewey’s overly
cautious campaign as one of the main reasons Truman was able to
achieve victory. Dewey firmly believed in public opinion polls. With
all indications pointing to an easy victory, Dewey and his staff
believed that all he had to do was bide his time and make no
foolish mistakes. Dewey himself said, “When you’re leading, don’t
talk” (qtd. in McCullough 672). Each of Dewey’s speeches was well
crafted and well rehearsed. As the leader in the race, he kept his
remarks faultlessly positive, with the result that he failed to deliver
a solid message or even mention Truman or any of Truman’s
policies. Eventually, Dewey began to be perceived as aloof and
stuffy. One observer compared him to the plastic groom on top of a
wedding cake (Hamby, “Harry S. Truman”), and others noted his
stiff, cold demeanor (McCullough 671-74).
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As his campaign continued, observers noted that Dewey
seemed uncomfortable in crowds, unable to connect with ordinary
people. And he made a number of blunders. One took place at a
train stop when the candidate, commenting on the number of
children in the crowd, said he was glad they had been let out of
school for his arrival. Unfortunately for Dewey, it was a Saturday
(“1948: The Great Truman Surprise”). Such gaffes gave voters the
feeling that Dewey was out of touch with the public.
Again and again through the autumn of 1948, Dewey’s
campaign speeches failed to address the issues, with the candidate
declaring that he did not want to “get down in the gutter” (qtd. in
McCullough 701). When told by fellow Republicans that he was
losing ground, Dewey insisted that his campaign not alter its
course. Even Time magazine, though it endorsed and praised him,
conceded that his speeches were dull (McCullough 696). According
to historian Zachary Karabell, they were “notable only for taking
place, not for any specific message” (244). Dewey’s numbers in the
polls slipped in the weeks before the election, but he still held a
comfortable lead over Truman. It would take Truman’s famous
whistle-stop campaign to make the difference.
Few candidates in U.S. history have campaigned for the
presidency with more passion and faith than Harry Truman. In the
autumn of 1948, he wrote to his sister, “It will be the greatest
campaign any President ever made. Win, lose, or draw, people will
know where I stand” (91). For thirty-three days, Truman traveled
the nation, giving hundreds of speeches from the back of the
Ferdinand Magellan railroad car. In the same letter, he described the
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pace: “We made about 140 stops and I spoke over 147 times, shook
hands with at least 30,000 and am in good condition to start out
again tomorrow for Wilmington, Philadelphia, Jersey City, Newark,
Albany and Buffalo” (91). McCullough writes of Truman’s campaign:
No President in history had ever gone so far in quest of
support from the people, or with less cause for the
effort, to judge by informed opinion. . . . As a test of his
skills and judgment as a professional politician, not to
say his stamina and disposition at age sixty-four, it
would be like no other experience in his long, often
difficult career, as he himself understood perfectly. More
than any other event in his public life, or in his
presidency thus far, it would reveal the kind of man he
was. (655)
He spoke in large cities and small towns, defending his
policies and attacking Republicans. As a former farmer and
relatively late bloomer, Truman was able to connect with the
public. He developed an energetic style, usually speaking from
notes rather than from a prepared speech, and often mingled with
the crowds that met his train. These crowds grew larger as the
campaign progressed. In Chicago, over half a million people lined
the streets as he passed, and in St. Paul the crowd numbered over
25,000. When Dewey entered St. Paul two days later, he was greeted
by only 7,000 supporters (“1948 Truman-Dewey Election”).
Reporters brushed off the large crowds as mere curiosity seekers
wanting to see a president (McCullough 682). Yet Truman persisted,
even if he often seemed to be the only one who thought he could
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win. By going directly to the American people and connecting with
them, Truman built the momentum needed to surpass Dewey and
win the election.
The legacy and lessons of Truman’s whistle-stop campaign
continue to be studied by political analysts, and politicians today
often mimic his campaign methods by scheduling multiple visits
to key states, as Truman did. He visited California, Illinois, and
Ohio 48 times, compared with 6 visits to those states by Dewey.
Political scientist Thomas M. Holbrook concludes that his strategic
campaigning in those states and others gave Truman the electoral
votes he needed to win (61, 65).
The 1948 election also had an effect on pollsters, who, as
Elmo Roper admitted, “couldn’t have been more wrong” (qtd. in
Karabell 255). Life magazine’s editors concluded that pollsters as
well as reporters and commentators were too convinced of a
Dewey victory to analyze the polls seriously, especially the
opinions of undecided voters (Karabell 256). Pollsters assumed that
undecided voters would vote in the same proportion as decided
voters--and that turned out to be a false assumption (Karabell 258).
In fact, the lopsidedness of the polls might have led voters who
supported Truman to call themselves undecided out of an
unwillingness to associate themselves with the losing side, further
skewing the polls’ results (McDonald, Glynn, Kim, and Ostman
152). Such errors led pollsters to change their methods significantly
after the 1948 election.
After the election, many political analysts, journalists, and
historians concluded that the Truman upset was in fact a victory
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for the American people, who, the New Republic noted, “couldn’t be
ticketed by the polls, knew its own mind and had picked the rather
unlikely but courageous figure of Truman to carry its banner” (qtd.
in McCullough 715). How “unlikely” is unclear, however; Truman
biographer Alonzo Hamby notes that “polls of scholars consistently
rank Truman among the top eight presidents in American history”
(Man of the People 641). But despite Truman’s high standing, and
despite the fact that the whistle-stop campaign is now part of our
political landscape, politicians have increasingly imitated the style
of the Dewey campaign, with its “packaged candidate who ran so
as not to lose, who steered clear of controversy, and who made a
good show of appearing presidential” (Karabell 266). The election of
1948 shows that voters are not necessarily swayed by polls, but it
may have presaged the packaging of candidates by public relations
experts, to the detriment of public debate on the issues in future
presidential elections.
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Works Cited
Donaldson, Gary A. Truman Defeats Dewey. Lexington: UP of
Kentucky, 1999. Print.
Ferrell, Robert H. Harry S. Truman: A Life. Columbia: U of Missouri P,
1994. Print.
Hamby, Alonzo L., ed. “Harry S. Truman (1945-1953).” American
President: A Reference Resource. Miller Center, U of Virginia, 11
Jan. 2012. Web. 17 Mar. 2012.
---. Man of the People: A Life of Harry S. Truman. New York: Oxford UP,
1995. Print.
Holbrook, Thomas M. “Did the Whistle-Stop Campaign Matter?” PS:
Political Science and Politics 35.1 (2002): 59-66. Print.
Karabell, Zachary. The Last Campaign: How Harry Truman Won the
1948 Election. New York: Knopf, 2000. Print.
McCullough, David. Truman. New York: Simon, 1992. Print.
McDonald, Daniel G., Carroll J. Glynn, Sei-Hill Kim, and Ronald E.
Ostman. “The Spiral of Silence in the 1948 Presidential
Election.” Communication Research 28.2 (2001): 139-55. Print.
“1948: The Great Truman Surprise.” The Press and the Presidency.
Dept. of Political Science and International Affairs, Kennesaw
State U, 29 Oct. 2003. Web. 20 Mar. 2012.
“1948 Truman-Dewey Election.” American Political History. Eagleton
Inst. of Politics, Rutgers, State U of New Jersey, 2012. Web. 19
Mar. 2012.
Rollins, Byron. Untitled photograph. “The First 150 Years: 1948.” AP
History. Associated Press, n.d. Web. 23 Mar. 2012.
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“Against the Odds: Harry S. Truman and the Election of 1948.” Reprinted by permission of Dylan Borchers.
Truman, Harry S. “Campaigning, Letter, October 5, 1948.” Harry S.
Truman. Ed. Robert H. Ferrell. Washington: CQ P, 2003. 91.
Print.
Every source used is in the list of works cited.
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