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The Gallic Wars

By Julius Caesar

Translated by W. A. McDevitte and W. S. Bohn

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Chapter 1

All Gaul is divided into three parts, one of which the Belgae inhabit, the Aquitani another, those who in

their own language are called Celts, in our Gauls, the third. All these differ from each other in language,

customs and laws. The river Garonne separates the Gauls from the Aquitani; the Marne and the Seine

separate them from the Belgae. Of all these, the Belgae are the bravest, because they are furthest from

the civilization and refinement of [our] Province, and merchants least frequently resort to them, and

import those things which tend to effeminate the mind; and they are the nearest to the Germans, who

dwell beyond the Rhine, with whom they are continually waging war; for which reason the Helvetii also

surpass the rest of the Gauls in valor, as they contend with the Germans in almost daily battles, when

they either repel them from their own territories, or themselves wage war on their frontiers. One part of

these, which it has been said that the Gauls occupy, takes its beginning at the river Rhone; it is bounded

by the river Garonne, the ocean, and the territories of the Belgae; it borders, too, on the side of the

Sequani and the Helvetii, upon the river Rhine, and stretches toward the north. The Belgae rises from

the extreme frontier of Gaul, extend to the lower part of the river Rhine; and look toward the north and

the rising sun. Aquitania extends from the river Garonne to the Pyrenaean mountains and to that part of

the ocean which is near Spain: it looks between the setting of the sun, and the north star.

Chapter 2

Among the Helvetii, Orgetorix was by far the most distinguished and wealthy. He, when Marcus Messala

and Marcus Piso were consuls, incited by lust of sovereignty, formed a conspiracy among the nobility,

and persuaded the people to go forth from their territories with all their possessions, [saying] that it

would be very easy, since they excelled all in valor, to acquire the supremacy of the whole of Gaul. To

this he the more easily persuaded them, because the Helvetii, are confined on every side by the nature

of their situation; on one side by the Rhine, a very broad and deep river, which separates the Helvetian

territory from the Germans; on a second side by the Jura, a very high mountain, which is [situated]

between the Sequani and the Helvetii; on a third by the Lake of Geneva, and by the river Rhone, which

separates our Province from the Helvetii. From these circumstances it resulted, that they could range

less widely, and could less easily make war upon their neighbors; for which reason men fond of war [as

they were] were affected with great regret. They thought, that considering the extent of their

population, and their renown for warfare and bravery, they had but narrow limits, although they

extended in length 240, and in breadth 180 [Roman] miles.

Chapter 3

Induced by these considerations, and influenced by the authority of Orgetorix, they determined to

provide such things as were necessary for their expedition - to buy up as great a number as possible of

beasts of burden and wagons - to make their sowings as large as possible, so that on their march plenty

of corn might be in store - and to establish peace and friendship with the neighboring states. They

reckoned that a term of two years would be sufficient for them to execute their designs; they fix by

decree their departure for the third year. Orgetorix is chosen to complete these arrangements. He took

upon himself the office of embassador to the states: on this journey he persuades Casticus, the son of

Catamantaledes (one of the Sequani, whose father had possessed the sovereignty among the people for

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many years, and had been styled "friend" by the senate of the Roman people), to seize upon the

sovereignty in his own state, which his father had held before him, and he likewise persuades Dumnorix,

an Aeduan, the brother of Divitiacus, who at that time possessed the chief authority in the state, and

was exceedingly beloved by the people, to attempt the same, and gives him his daughter in marriage.

He proves to them that to accomplish their attempts was a thing very easy to be done, because he

himself would obtain the government of his own state; that there was no doubt that the Helvetii were

the most powerful of the whole of Gaul; he assures them that he will, with his own forces and his own

army, acquire the sovereignty for them. Incited by this speech, they give a pledge and oath to one

another, and hope that, when they have seized the sovereignty, they will, by means of the three most

powerful and valiant nations, be enabled to obtain possession of the whole of Gaul.

Chapter 4

When this scheme was disclosed to the Helvetii by informers, they, according to their custom,

compelled Orgetorix to plead his cause in chains; it was the law that the penalty of being burned by fire

should await him if condemned. On the day appointed for the pleading of his cause, Orgetorix drew

together from all quarters to the court, all his vassals to the number of ten thousand persons; and led

together to the same place all his dependents and debtor-bondsmen, of whom he had a great number;

by means of those he rescued himself from [the necessity of] pleading his cause. While the state,

incensed at this act, was endeavoring to assert its right by arms, and the magistrates were mustering a

large body of men from the country, Orgetorix died; and there is not wanting a suspicion, as the Helvetii

think, of his having committed suicide.

Chapter 5

After his death, the Helvetii nevertheless attempt to do that which they had resolved on, namely, to go

forth from their territories. When they thought that they were at length prepared for this undertaking,

they set fire to all their towns, in number about twelve - to their villages about four hundred - and to the

private dwellings that remained; they burn up all the corn, except what they intend to carry with them;

that after destroying the hope of a return home, they might be the more ready for undergoing all

dangers. They order every one to carry forth from home for himself provisions for three months, ready

ground. They persuade the Rauraci, and the Tulingi, and the Latobrigi, their neighbors, to adopt the

same plan, and after burning down their towns and villages, to set out with them: and they admit to

their party and unite to themselves as confederates the Boii, who had dwelt on the other side of the

Rhine, and had crossed over into the Norican territory, and assaulted Noreia.

Chapter 6

There were in all two routes, by which they could go forth from their country one through the Sequani

narrow and difficult, between Mount Jura and the river Rhone (by which scarcely one wagon at a time

could be led; there was, moreover, a very high mountain overhanging, so that a very few might easily

intercept them; the other, through our Province, much easier and freer from obstacles, because the

Rhone flows between the boundaries of the Helvetii and those of the Allobroges, who had lately been

subdued, and is in some places crossed by a ford. The furthest town of the Allobroges, and the nearest

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to the territories of the Helvetii, is Geneva. From this town a bridge extends to the Helvetii. They

thought that they should either persuade the Allobroges, because they did not seem as yet well-affected

toward the Roman people, or compel them by force to allow them to pass through their territories.

Having provided every thing for the expedition, they appoint a day, on which they should all meet on

the bank of the Rhone. This day was the fifth before the kalends of April [i.e. the 28th of March], in the

consulship of Lucius Piso and Aulus Gabinius [B.C. 58.]

Chapter 7

When it was reported to Caesar that they were attempting to make their route through our Province he

hastens to set out from the city, and, by as great marches as he can, proceeds to Further Gaul, and

arrives at Geneva. He orders the whole Province [to furnish] as great a number of soldiers as possible, as

there was in all only one legion in Further Gaul: he orders the bridge at Geneva to be broken down.

When the Helvetii are apprized of his arrival they send to him, as embassadors, the most illustrious men

of their state (in which embassy Numeius and Verudoctius held the chief place), to say "that it was their

intention to march through the Province without doing any harm, because they had" [according to their

own representations,] "no other route: that they requested, they might be allowed to do so with his

consent." Caesar, inasmuch as he kept in remembrance that Lucius Cassius, the consul, had been slain,

and his army routed and made to pass under the yoke by the Helvetii, did not think that [their request]

ought to be granted: nor was he of opinion that men of hostile disposition, if an opportunity of marching

through the Province were given them, would abstain from outrage and mischief. Yet, in order that a

period might intervene, until the soldiers whom he had ordered [to be furnished] should assemble, he

replied to the ambassadors, that he would take time to deliberate; if they wanted any thing, they might

return on the day before the ides of April [on April 12th].

Chapter 8

Meanwhile, with the legion which he had with him and the soldiers which had assembled from the

Province, he carries along for nineteen [Roman, not quite eighteen English] miles a wall, to the height of

sixteen feet, and a trench, from the Lake of Geneva, which flows into the river Rhone, to Mount Jura,

which separates the territories of the Sequani from those of the Helvetii. When that work was finished,

he distributes garrisons, and closely fortifies redoubts, in order that he may the more easily intercept

them, if they should attempt to cross over against his will. When the day which he had appointed with

the embassadors came, and they returned to him; he says, that he can not, consistently with the custom

and precedent of the Roman people, grant any one a passage through the Province; and he gives them

to understand, that, if they should attempt to use violence he would oppose them. The Helvetii,

disappointed in this hope, tried if they could force a passage (some by means of a bridge of boats and

numerous rafts constructed for the purpose; others, by the fords of the Rhone, where the depth of the

river was least, sometimes by day, but more frequently by night), but being kept at bay by the strength

of our works, and by the concourse of the soldiers, and by the missiles, they desisted from this attempt.

Chapter 9

There was left one way, [namely] through the Sequani, by which, on account of its narrowness, they

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could not pass without the consent of the Sequani. As they could not of themselves prevail on them,

they send embassadors to Dumnorix the Aeduan, that through his intercession, they might obtain their

request from the Sequani. Dumnorix, by his popularity and liberality, had great influence among the

Sequani, and was friendly to the Helvetii, because out of that state he had married the daughter of

Orgetorix; and, incited by lust of sovereignty, was anxious for a revolution, and wished to have as many

states as possible attached to him by his kindness toward them. He, therefore, undertakes the affair,

and prevails upon the Sequani to allow the Helvetii to march through their territories, and arranges that

they should give hostages to each other - the Sequani not to obstruct the Helvetii in their march - the

Helvetii, to pass without mischief and outrage.

Chapter 10

It is again told Caesar, that the Helvetii intended to march through the country of the Sequani and the

Aedui into the territories of the Santones, which are not far distant from those boundaries of the

Tolosates, which [viz. Tolosa, Toulouse] is a state in the Province. If this took place, he saw that it would

be attended with great danger to the Province to have warlike men, enemies of the Roman people,

bordering upon an open and very fertile tract of country. For these reasons he appointed Titus Labienus,

his lieutenant, to the command of the fortification which he had made. He himself proceeds to Italy by

forced marches, and there levies two legions, and leads out from winter-quarters three which were

wintering around Aquileia, and with these five legions marches rapidly by the nearest route across the

Alps into Further Gaul. Here the Centrones and the Graioceli and the Caturiges, having taken possession

of the higher parts, attempt to obstruct the army in their march. After having routed these in several

battles, he arrives in the territories of the Vocontii in the Further Province on the seventh day from

Ocelum, which is the most remote town of the Hither Province; thence he leads his army into the

country of the Allobroges, and from the Allobroges to the Segusiani. These people are the first beyond

the Province on the opposite side of the Rhone.

Chapter 11

The Helvetii had by this time led their forces over through the narrow defile and the territories of the

Sequani, and had arrived at the territories of the Aedui, and were ravaging their lands. The Aedui, as

they could not defend themselves and their possessions against them, send embassadors to Caesar to

ask assistance, [pleading] that they had at all times so well deserved of the Roman people, that their

fields ought not to have been laid waste - their children carried off into slavery - their towns stormed,

almost within sight of our army. At the same time the Ambarri, the friends and kinsmen of the Aedui,

apprize Caesar, that it was not easy for them, now that their fields had been devastated, to ward off the

violence of the enemy from their towns: the Allobroges likewise, who had villages and possessions on

the other side of the Rhone, betake themselves in flight to Caesar, and assure him that they had nothing

remaining, except the soil of their land. Caesar, induced by these circumstances, decides, that he ought

not to wait until the Helvetii, after destroying all the property of his allies, should arrive among the

Santones.

Chapter 12

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There is a river [called] the Saone, which flows through the territories of the Aedui and Sequani into the

Rhone with such incredible slowness, that it can not be determined by the eye in which direction it

flows. This the Helvetii were crossing by rafts and boats joined together. When Caesar was informed by

spies that the Helvetii had already conveyed three parts of their forces across that river, but that the

fourth part was left behind on this side of the Saone, he set out from the camp with three legions during

the third watch, and came up with that division which had not yet crossed the river. Attacking them

encumbered with baggage, and not expecting him, he cut to pieces a great part of them; the rest betook

themselves to flight, and concealed themselves in the nearest woods. That canton [which was cut down]

was called the Tigurine; for the whole Helvetian state is divided into four cantons. This single canton

having left their country, within the recollection of our fathers, had slain Lucius Cassius the consul, and

had made his army pass under the yoke. Thus, whether by chance, or by the design of the immortal

gods, that part of the Helvetian state which had brought a signal calamity upon the Roman people, was

the first to pay the penalty. In this Caesar avenged not only the public but also his own personal wrongs,

because the Tigurini had slain Lucius Piso the lieutenant [of Cassius], the grandfather of Lucius

Calpurnius Piso, his [Caesar's] father-in-law, in the same battle as Cassius himself.

Chapter 13

This battle ended, that he might be able to come up with the remaining forces of the Helvetii, he

procures a bridge to be made across the Saone, and thus leads his army over. The Helvetii, confused by

his sudden arrival, when they found that he had effected in one day, what they, themselves had with

the utmost difficulty accomplished in twenty namely, the crossing of the river, send embassadors to

him; at the head of which embassy was Divico, who had been commander of the Helvetii, in the war

against Cassius. He thus treats with Caesar: - that, "if the Roman people would make peace with the

Helvetii they would go to that part and there remain, where Caesar might appoint and desire them to

be; but if he should persist in persecuting them with war that he ought to remember both the ancient

disgrace of the Roman people and the characteristic valor of the Helvetii. As to his having attacked one

canton by surprise, [at a time] when those who had crossed the river could not bring assistance to their

friends, that he ought not on that account to ascribe very much to his own valor, or despise them; that

they had so learned from their sires and ancestors, as to rely more on valor than on artifice and

stratagem. Wherefore let him not bring it to pass that the place, where they were standing, should

acquire a name, from the disaster of the Roman people and the destruction of their army or transmit

the remembrance [of such an event to posterity]."

Chapter 14

To these words Caesar thus replied: - that "on that very account he felt less hesitation, because he kept

in remembrance those circumstances which the Helvetian embassadors had mentioned, and that he felt

the more indignant at them, in proportion as they had happened undeservedly to the Roman people: for

if they had been conscious of having done any wrong, it would not have been difficult to be on their

guard, but for that very reason had they been deceived, because neither were they aware that any

offense had been given by them, on account of which they should be afraid, nor did they think that they

ought to be afraid without cause. But even if he were willing to forget their former outrage, could he

also lay aside the remembrance of the late wrongs, in that they had against his will attempted a route

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through the Province by force, in that they had molested the Aedui, the Ambarri, and the Allobroges?

That as to their so insolently boasting of their victory, and as to their being astonished that they had so

long committed their outrages with impunity, [both these things] tended to the same point; for the

immortal gods are wont to allow those persons whom they wish to punish for their guilt sometimes a

greater prosperity and longer impunity, in order that they may suffer the more severely from a reverse

of circumstances. Although these things are so, yet, if hostages were to be given him by them in order

that he may be assured these will do what they promise, and provided they will give satisfaction to the

Aedui for the outrages which they had committed against them and their allies, and likewise to the

Allobroges, he [Caesar] will make peace with them." Divico replied, that "the Helvetii had been so

trained by their ancestors, that they were accustomed to receive, not to give hostages; of that fact the

Roman people were witness." Having given this reply, he withdrew.

Chapter 15

On the following day they move their camp from that place; Caesar does the same, and sends forward

all his cavalry, to the number of four thousand (which he had drawn together from all parts of the

Province and from the Aedui and their allies), to observe toward what parts the enemy are directing

their march. These, having too eagerly pursued the enemy's rear, come to a battle with the cavalry of

the Helvetii in a disadvantageous place, and a few of our men fall. The Helvetii, elated with this battle,

because they had with five hundred horse repulsed so large a body of horse, began to face us more

boldly, sometimes too from their rear to provoke our men by an attack. Caesar [however] restrained his

men from battle, deeming it sufficient for the present to prevent the enemy from rapine, forage, and

depredation. They marched for about fifteen days in such a manner that there was not more than five or

six miles between the enemy's rear and our van.

Chapter 16

Meanwhile, Caesar kept daily importuning the Aedui for the corn which they had promised in the name

of their state; for, in consequence of the coldness (Gaul, being as before said, situated toward the

north), not only was the corn in the fields not ripe, but there was not in store a sufficiently large quantity

even of fodder: besides he was unable to use the corn which he had conveyed in ships up the river

Saone, because the Helvetii, from whom he was unwilling to retire had diverted their march from the

Saone. The Aedui kept deferring from day to day, and saying that it was being collected - brought in - on

the road." When he saw that he was put off too long, and that the day was close at hand on which he

ought to serve out the corn to his soldiers; - having called together their chiefs, of whom he had a great

number in his camp, among them Divitiacus and Liscus who was invested with the chief magistracy

(whom the Aedui style the Vergobretus, and who is elected annually and has power of life or death over

his countrymen), he severely reprimands them, because he is not assisted by them on so urgent an

occasion, when the enemy were so close at hand, and when [corn] could neither be bought nor taken

from the fields, particularly as, in a great measure urged by their prayers, he had undertaken the war;

much more bitterly, therefore does he complain of his being forsaken.

Chapter 17

Then at length Liscus, moved by Caesar's speech, discloses what he had hitherto kept secret: - that there

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are some whose influences with the people is very great, who, though private men, have more power

than the magistrates themselves: that these by seditions and violent language are deterring the

populace from contributing the corn which they ought to supply; [by telling them] that, if they can not

any longer retain the supremacy of Gaul, it were better to submit to the government of Gauls than of

Romans, nor ought they to doubt that, if the Romans should overpower the Helvetii, they would wrest

their freedom from the Aedui together with the remainder of Gaul. By these very men, [said he], are our

plans and whatever is done in the camp, disclosed to the enemy; that they could not be restrained by

him: nay more, he was well aware, that though compelled by necessity, he had disclosed the matter to

Caesar, at how great a risk he had done it; and for that reason, he had been silent as long as he could."

Chapter 18

Caesar perceived that by this speech of Liscus, Dumnorix, the brother of Divitiacus, was indicated; but,

as he was unwilling that these matters should be discussed while so many were present, he speedily

dismisses: the council, but detains Liscus: he inquires from him when alone, about those things which he

had said in the meeting. He [Liscus] speaks more unreservedly and boldly. He [Caesar] makes inquiries

on the same points privately of others, and discovered that it is all true; that "Dumnorix is the person, a

man of the highest daring, in great favor with the people on account of his liberality, a man eager for a

revolution: that for a great many years he has been in the habit of contracting for the customs and all

the other taxes of the Aedui at a small cost, because when he bids, no one dares to bid against him. By

these means he has both increased his own private property, and amassed great means for giving

largesses; that he maintains constantly at his own expense and keeps about his own person a great

number of cavalry, and that not only at home, but even among the neighboring states, he has great

influence, and for the sake of strengthening this influence has given his mother in marriage among the

Bituriges to a man the most noble and most influential there; that he has himself taken a wife from

among the Helvetii, and has given his sister by the mother's side and his female relations in marriage

into other states; that he favors and wishes well to the Helvetii on account of this connection; and that

he hates Caesar and the Romans, on his own account, because by their arrival his power was weakened,

and his brother, Divitiacus, restored to his former position of influence and dignity: that, if any thing

should happen to the Romans, he entertains the highest hope of gaining the sovereignty by means of

the Helvetii, but that under the government of the Roman people he despairs not only of royalty, but

even of that influence which he already has." Caesar discovered too, on inquiring into the unsuccessful

cavalry engagement which had taken place a few days before, that the commencement of that flight

had been made by Dumnorix and his cavalry (for Dumnorix was in command of the cavalry which the

Aedui had sent for aid to Caesar); that by their flight the rest of the cavalry were dismayed.

Chapter 19

After learning these circumstances, since to these suspicions the most unequivocal facts were added,

viz., that he had led the Helvetii through the territories of the Sequani; that he had provided that

hostages should be mutually given; that he had done all these things, not only without any orders of his

[Caesar's] and of his own state's, but even without their [the Aedui] knowing any thing of it themselves;

that he [Dumnorix] was reprimanded: by the [chief] magistrate of the Aedui; he [Caesar] considered that

there was sufficient reason, why he should either punish him himself, or order the state to do so. One

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thing [however] stood in the way of all this - that he had learned by experience his brother Divitiacus's

very high regard for the Roman people, his great affection toward him, his distinguished faithfulness,

justice, and moderation; for he was afraid lest by the punishment of this man, he should hurt the

feelings of Divitiacus. Therefore, before he attempted any thing, he orders Divitiacus to be summoned

to him, and, when the ordinary interpreters had been withdrawn, converses with him through Caius

Valerius Procillus, chief of the province of Gaul, an intimate friend of his, in whom he reposed the

highest confidence in every thing; at the same time he reminds him of what was said about Dumnorix in

the council of the Gauls, when he himself was present, and shows what each had said of him privately in

his [Caesar's] own presence; he begs and exhorts him, that, without offense to his feelings, he may

either himself pass judgment on him [Dumnorix] after trying the case, or else order the [Aeduan] state

to do so.

Chapter 20

Divitiacus, embracing Caesar, begins to implore him, with many tears, that "he would not pass any very

severe sentence upon his brother; saying, that he knows that those charges are true, and that nobody

suffered more pain on that account than he himself did; for when he himself could effect a very great

deal by his influence at home and in the rest of Gaul, and he [Dumnorix] very little on account of his

youth, the latter had become powerful through his means, which power and strength he used not only

to the lessening of his [Divitiacus] popularity, but almost to his ruin; that he, however, was influenced

both by fraternal affection and by public opinion. But if any thing very severe from Caesar should befall

him [Dumnorix], no one would think that it had been done without his consent, since he himself held

such a place in Caesar's friendship: from which circumstance it would arise, that the affections of the

whole of Gaul would be estranged from him." As he was with tears begging these things of Caesar in

many words, Caesar takes his right hand, and, comforting him, begs him to make an end of entreating,

and assures him that his regard for him is so great, that he forgives both the injuries of the republic and

his private wrongs, at his desire and prayers. He summons Dumnorix to him; he brings in his brother; he

points out what he censures in him; he lays before him what he of himself perceives, and what the state

complains of; he warns him for the future to avoid all grounds of suspicion; he says that he pardons the

past, for the sake of his brother, Divitiacus. He sets spies over Dumnorix that he may be able to know

what he does, and with whom he communicates.