Complete Data Collection Summary and Results with conclusion for prior paper:At least 20 pages per chapter totaling 40 including at least 15 references APA format

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Stress within the workplace is increasingly changing due to a multitude of reasons. One cannot separate everyday stress from workplace stress because of the continuous experiences of the employees. There are others stressors at work which consist of technological advances and evolving economic changes of a country. Stress is inevitable within multicultural and multinational organizations where operations are global. Despite stress being a problem caused by family, friends, subordinates, or just personal issues, stress has become an even greater issue due to job relocation or structure, more demanding tasks, and globalization. That work stress just described can lead an employee to be even more stressed and experience anxiety. Due to the increased stress and anxiety amongst employees motivated me to make employers more aware of the importance of this subject. This case becomes more heightened in case of military veterans or ex-military individuals retiring from the military services. The current study investigates workplace strategies and coping mechanisms that could help in reducing employee stress and increases employee efficiency and productivity while specifically focusing on military veterans.

The term ‘veteran’ means a person who served in the active military, naval, or air service, and who was discharged or released there-from under conditions other than dishonorable. Upon leaving the U.S. military, veterans begin a new journey of transitioning back into civilian society after 20-years of military service, in which they need to reestablish themselves in their hometowns or in a new area in the United States or abroad. Many have returned to a landscape that is unfamiliar and changed since they left over 20- years ago and have had to begin post-military employment with skills learned from their military training. The residual effects of military service and participation in war affect veterans and their families. These residuals effects can range from a veteran sustaining severe polytraumatic injuries and emotional trauma due to involvement in combat or non-combat operations, to marital and family readjustments needed when transitioning back to civilian status (Uomoto & Williams, 2009). Unlike any other private or public employee, a military service member becomes entitled to retire with pay upon completion of 20-years of service, regardless of age (Goldrich, 2004). Goldrich (2004) also noted that the average nondisabled enlisted member retiring from an active duty military career in 2001 was 42 years old and had 22 years of service; the average officer was 47 years old and had 24 years of service. Brunson (1996) referred to this group as “a section of the retirement community that has a mandatory mid-life career change” (p. 3).

Veterans often face numerous challenges living outside the military environment. Living outside military premises may exacerbate problems of accessibility to important resources such as healthcare, employment, and social supports (Bynum, Burton, & Best, 2007; Jason et al., 2011; Resnik, 2012). Hence, being away from the military community creates a different experience for veterans and this is especially relevant once military members retire. A 2014 study that explored the dimensions of transitioning to civilian life for retired military people found that 25% of retirees have difficulty with the transition (MacLean, Van Til, Thompson, Sweet, Poirier, Sudom, & Pedlar, 2014). Employment is a significant area of difficulty that military retirees experience during their transition to civilian life (Robertson & Brott, 2014). Additionally, long distances from primary care facilities is yet another challenge related to living outside military premises and has been found to exacerbate how long some retirees go without physical and mental health checkups (Jason, Mileviciute, & Aase, 2011). Retiring veterans in their early 40s leaving the military and reentering the civilian work environment after being away for over 20-years may find the transition to be challenging and difficult in some cases and often causes stress on new work environment. This may ultimately effects their efficiency and productivity at workplace.

Hunt (2007) noted that the transition process of retired military members has not been studied extensively and may provide a different perspective on how the transition may be used as a learning tool for service members leaving the military. Hunt stated, “The lack of relevant source documents on military retirement points out the need for more information on the transition process that each military retiree undertakes upon his or her departure from the military” (2007, p. 22). The problem is not well known as Hunt (2007) found when he spoke directly with veterans about their experiences in transitioning to a civilian work environment. In 2002 testimony to a congressional subcommittee, Bascetta (2002) also testified that collecting data from service members already separated from the “military is challenging, and even more challenging is developing common goals and collecting data from all the military branches to determine the post-military impact of the transition process” (p. 13). Identifying veterans from whom to collect information is a struggle when they are outside the control of the military and the government. The amount and depth of information from the transition process diminishes over time as veterans adapt to the civilian environment by their own means.

The U.S. Census Bureau (2010) and the Central Intelligence Agency’s The World Factbook (n.d.) reported the U.S. population has grown significantly between 2000 and 2010, from 281,421,906 to 313,232,044 (July 2011 projection), an 8.9 percent increase in population with 0.44 percent active duty military and 0.47 percent active military reserve. A growing American population offers additional possible workers to the military population who may be eligible to enter the military (see Table 3). The available labor that is fit for military service is men at 19.35 percent and women at 18.96 percent (see Table 4); however there are an estimated 2,161,727 men and 2,055,685 women reaching the age where they are eligible to enter the military service. The U.S. Department of Defense Office of the Actuary report titled, Statistical Report on the Military Retirement System, Fiscal Year 2009 showed that 2,022,166 military retirees live in the United States as of 2009 (p.25). This particular statistic did not distinguish the number of years the veterans had served before retirement. The report mainly discussed the military retirement pay distributions in various categories; in addition, there was no mention or discussion of the transition process, success rates, or effectiveness of the program. The report established a baseline of the number of military retirees as of September 30, 2009 who had received retirement or retainer pay with 20 or more years of service was 1,559,837 (p.136). The statistics illustrate the continuing need for more research as the military retirement population increases and the workforce experiences more middle aged workers reentering the job market as displayed in the following tables:

The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, National Center for Veterans Analysis and Statistics (n.d.-a) the veteran population is well distributed throughout the United States with most veterans populating California, Texas, and Florida. The following list shows the distribution of veterans in the most veteran populated states:

· In California, there are 140,921 non-disabled & reserve and 5,466 disabled retired officers; 172,319 non-disabled & reserve and 6,193 disabled retired enlisted.

· In Texas, there are 162,846 non-disabled & reserve and 5,189 disabled retired officers; 203,675 non-disabled & reserve and 6,434 retired enlisted.

· In Florida, there are 166,043 non-disabled & reserve and 5,581 disabled retired officers; 199,858 non-disabled & reserve and 6,336 disabled retired enlisted. (U.S. Department of Defense Office of the Actuary, 2010, p.27)

Retired veterans, regardless of race and gender, often have multiple transitional problems associated with health, employment, substance use, divorce and depression (Bynum, Burton, & Best, 2007; Jason et al., 2011; Resnik, 2012). All of these problems heighten for retired African American as well as women military members (Parker, 2009; Teachman, 2011). Upon leaving the “protected life” of the military, African Americans reenter a different society, which is often hostile to them. They join a population of African American peers who experience (a) double the rate of unemployment, (b) three times the likelihood of arrest and conviction, (c) two times the likelihood of suffering from depression, (d) higher likelihood of dying of stroke, and (e) 10% higher likelihood of having diabetes and heart disease (Teachman, 2011). Many African Americans veterans do not seek post-war counseling because of their historical distrust of mental health counseling services, which in turn can exacerbate mental health problems (Sue et al., 2009).

Veterans of African American descent comprise about 13% of the population in the United States and about 20% of active duty members (Usdansky et al., 2009). For more than 50% of African Americans who enter the military, service is the sole method for rising in social class (Teachman, 2011). During the post-Vietnam era and the AllVolunteer Era (AVE), African Americans began to respond well to the military marketing itself as an equal opportunity employer (Army G1, 2010; Teachman, 2011). Many individuals experienced promotion to the highest ranks of General and Admiral (Teachman, 2011). In the military, African Americans are considered to be as skilled in their abilities as any other group of young men and women in the delivery of superior service (Kelty, Kleykamp, & Segal, 2010; Teachman, 2011). As a result, African Americans in the military do not generally experience the level of racial discrimination and bias that civilian African Americans normally experience (Douglas & Browne, 2011; Kelty et al., 2010; Teachman, 2011). However, when these veterans transition to life outside of military service, they have no such promises of equal treatment (Douglas & Browne, 2011). In fact, many challenges associated with military retirement increase for African Americans because of institutional racism, which refers to the steady societal pattern of oppression and denigration because of ethnicity (Bynum et al., 2007; Johnston et al., 2010; Wheeler et al., 2011). Institutional racism manifests in a variety of ways that exacerbates the already existing challenges of retirement. Difficulty in finding employment and increased risk for health disparities are top among them (Bynum et al., 2007). Institutional racism also contributes to higher levels of divorce and instances of family violence by racially oppressed individuals (Bynum et al., 2007). Retiring from the military is unlike any other career transition (Kelty et al., 2010), as service is a culture rather than just a job; a culture that values ranks, authority, positions, and rules.

On the other hand, the issue of women veterans suffering from traumatic stress is important given the vastly increased numbers of women who now serve in the U.S. Armed Forces. Wolfe, Mori, and Krygeris (1994) discussed psychology-based outpatient PTSD programs for women veterans and offered data to illustrate the various clinical characteristics and needs of women veterans. Attempts to provide PTSD services to women are often met with multiple obstacles such as women not readily recognizing the impact of stressor exposure on their ability to transition into employment following the military. This may lead to a tendency to minimize an event that is often reinforced by a clinician’s failure to discuss or inquire about these events. The role of women in the workforce changed significantly over the past several decades. It is now common for women to manage many occupational social roles. Tinklin, Croxford, Ducklin and Frame (2005) explained that women might experience a feeling of guilt or selfishness if they put their career interests above their family. This may be due to a societal expectation that their jobs take second place when compared to marriage and childbearing. Domenico and Jones (2006) found that women’s career aspirations were influenced by their gender, socioeconomic status, race, parent’s occupation, education level, and parental expectations. Women’s traditional role occupations may also be influenced by discrimination, high turnover rates, and less seniority in given occupations (Domenico & Jones, 2006).

Because people prefer to interact with individuals who have similar characteristics and beliefs (Arthur, Bell, Villado, & Doverspike, 2006), when veterans leave the military organization and seek employment in the civilian world, their need to identify with an organization continues (Coll et al., 2011). Because identity changes accompany career transitions, veterans may change jobs frequently as they try to find the right career and organization with which to identify (Ibarra, 1999). Exploring this phenomenon, the Institute for Veterans and Military Families ([IVMF], 2012) surveyed firms that reported the attrition of veterans as a concern. The IVMF indicated that veterans tend to change jobs twice within the first three years of civilian employment and attributed this trend to poor fit between the veteran and the job. Additionally, veterans experience changes not only in their professional identities but in their personal identities when they leave the military. Military socialization continually imposes expected norms of behavior onto military members (Coll et al., 2011; Redmond et al., 2015; Reger et al., 2008). After years of being molded by the military, veterans leaving the military may be disconcerted by changes in status and search for identity and meaning (Coll et al., 2011). Also, the military does not permit much individual autonomy (Coll et al., 2011; Redmond et al., 2015). Yet, veterans leaving the military are left on their own to find housing, education, and work, which were all previously provided by the military. Veterans may find it daunting and overwhelming to make these decisions themselves (Redmond et al., 2015).

Blais, Thompson, and McCreary (2009) found that soldiers experiencing difficulty reintegrating into their military units after returning from a military deployment developed negative attitudes towards their work, leading to a decreased commitment to the military. Blais et al. (2009) indicated that reintegration may be hampered by an increase in bureaucracy, a decrease in work challenges, and/or a lack of support from colleagues. Similarly, when veterans try to reintegrate into the civilian world, if they perceive their employers’ organizational values or culture to conflict with the military values listed above, these veterans may develop negative attitudes toward their employers. These negative attitudes could also adversely affect their post-military identities (Coll et al., 2011; Demers, 2011; Schmaltz, 2011; Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013) and increase the likelihood that veterans will leave the organization (Blais et al., 2009). Conversely, some veterans may have a positive meaningful experience integrating into a company that is not part of the defense industry, which may result in their retention. Several companies already actively recruit and hire veterans returning to the civilian workforce; the key to these companies’ success was offering the veterans individualized transitional help (Ruh, Spicer, & Vaughan, 2009).

With fewer than 1% of Americans serving in the all-volunteer armed forces (Berglass & Harrell, 2012; Caldwell & Burke, 2013), many civilians are unfamiliar with military culture (Caldwell & Burke, 2013; Coll et al., 2011; Redmond et al., 2015; U.S. Department of Labor, 2015). This may make veterans’ integration into the civilian workforce difficult unless civilian organizations make deliberate efforts to assist the veterans hired (Redmond et al., 2015; U.S. Department of Labor, 2015). Efforts are being made to educate civilian employers on how to integrate veterans into their organizations (U.S. Department of Labor, 2015). Despite such efforts, employers are overwhelmed by the abundance of information and confused on what information is credible, resulting in poor integration programs (U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, 2014). This may affect veterans’ perceived success or failure in integrating with non-defense-industry employers and influence their decision to stay with or leave these employers (Blais et al., 2009).

Enlisted members are integrated into the military using different socialization processes than civilian organizations (Coll, Weiss, & Yarvis, 2011; Redmond et al., 2015). Haynie and Shepherd (2011) reported that military socialization processes cultivate identification of members with the military culture and organization. This is especially true for enlisted personnel experiencing boot camp (Burke, 2004; Petrovich, 2012; Schaubroeck, Peng, & Hannah, 2013). While in the military, veterans become accustomed to a specific culture tied to the military mission (Hall, 2011; Johnson, 2002; Rausch, 2014; Redmond et al., 2015; Reger, Etherage, Reger, & Gahm, 2008), an expectation of personal sacrifice (Hall 2011; Reger et al., 2008; Ulmer, 2005), and an expectation that they adhere to certain organizational values, such as a sense of duty, obedience, loyalty and strict discipline (Coll et al., 2011; Demers, 2011; Redmond et al., 2015; Schmaltz, 2011; Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013). These values come from deliberate military socialization processes aimed at cultivating an individual’s selfidentity with a military unit (Burke, 2004; Coll et al., 2011; Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Lande, 2007; Petrovich, 2012; Redmond et al., 2015). This creates a collective identity among military members as well as an individualized link to the military organization (Coll et al., 2011; Demers, 2011; Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Lande, 2007; Petrovich, 2012; Redmond et al., 2015). This sense of self-identity linked to military values continues after leaving the military because veterans still have a need for purpose when entering the civilian world (Coll et al., 2011; Harrell & Berglass; 2012). This study addressed the experiences of identity that Army enlisted veterans in Nursing perceived while making the transition into employment that was not in the defense industry using Moustakas’ heuristic methodology and Narrative Approach (Storytelling).

Corporate coalitions have made an organized effort to hire veterans (JP Morgan Chase & Co., 2015; Leonard, 2013; U.S. Chamber of Commerce Foundation, 2014). Despite these efforts, employers continue to maintain serious concerns about hiring veterans due to issues with posttraumatic stress disorder (Castellano, 2013; Harrell & Berglass, 2012; Leonard, 2013) or disability accommodations (Castellano, 2013). These concerns may affect decisions to hire or even interview veterans. If veterans are hired, they could be placed below their skill level, resulting in frustration for the veteran and reduced efficiency and productivity for the employer (Harrell & Berglass, 2013; Leonard, 2013). When a veteran does not identify with an employing organization, this may also result in unfavorable personal outcomes such as depression, stress, and devaluing his or her identity (Dutton, Dukerich, & Harquail, 1994; Kira & Balkin, 2014). However, Dutton et al. (1994) suggested that when individuals identify strongly with an organization, the attributes and symbols used to define the organization also define the individual. This can be seen when military members or veterans wear clothing reflecting their branch of service or specific military unit. O’Reilly, Chatman and Caldwell (1991) found that a strong fit between an individual and an organization resulted in greater similarity between the person’s self-concept and the organization’s identity. Additionally, fit may satisfy different psychological needs associated with favorable employee outcomes (Greguras & Diefendorff, 2009). Furthermore, Haynie and Shepherd (2011) asserted that closely held assumptions about the world and the self can influence one’s career strategies for conveying meaning and purpose through one’s work.

Identity changes accompany career transitions (Ibarra, 1999; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010), and these identity changes may become more pronounced when coupled with the transition out of the military and seeking civilian employment. Veterans making a transition into organizations dissimilar from their previous professional experience, especially in non-defense industries, may face challenges to their self-identity. If veterans’ self-identity conflicts with the organizational identity, it could contribute to veterans’ decision to leave the employing organization (Blais et al., 2009). While research exists regarding the challenges veterans face in obtaining employment (Caldwell & Burke, 2013; Harrell & Berglass, 2013; Leonard, 2013; U.S. Department of Labor, 2015), there is a lack of scholarly literature specifically addressing the employment experiences of veterans working in non-defense industries. Furthermore, although research has addressed identity conflicts during career transitions (Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Ibarra, 1999; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010; Kira & Balkin, 2014), there is not any scholarly literature focusing on the identity conflicts that veterans face when making a transition out of the military and adapting to being a civilian again. Prior to the resent study, there also do not appear to have been any qualitative studies that explored retention or turnover reasons from veterans’ perspectives or the influence such employment experiences had on veterans’ developing self-identity. Consequently, there are no formal theories that address how veterans develop, manage or adapt their post military-service self-identity against the backdrop of varied employment conditions within non-defense industries.

The purpose of this study was to explore the experiences Army enlisted veterans in Nursing perceived as influencing their self-identity while entering employment with non-defense related industries. The current study investigates workplace strategies and coping mechanisms that could help in reducing employee stress and increases employee efficiency and productivity while specifically focusing on military veterans. The study intended to examine how hiring business and managers can assist veterans with stress issues and how the employment of veterans with stress will not negatively impact the working environment, but how the benchmark of coping mechanisms of stress within the veterans can lower stress and build efficiency and quality within the workplace and veterans. The study also intended to examine how knowing the coping mechanisms of veterans can lower environmental, work related stress and how the lower variations of the stressors can improve the quality of work and employees health. This research is also intended to add to the body of knowledge by developing a theory explaining veterans’ self-identity adaptations when employed in nondefense-related organizations. Exploring this issue from the veteran’s perspective, this study can describe veterans’ views, actions, meanings, and personal experiences so as to develop a theoretical foundation by which to explain those experiences (Charmaz, 2006, 2014).

RQ1: What are the experiences veterans perceived as influencing their self-identity while entering employment with non-defense related industries?

RQ2: How hiring business and managers can assist veterans with stress issues and how the employment of veterans with stress?

RQ3: How knowing the coping mechanisms of veterans can lower environmental, work related stress and how the lower variations of the stressors can improve the quality of work and employees health?

This study is significant because the Army has the largest number of enlisted service members without a direct civilian job equivalent (U.S. Department of Labor, 2015). This means these service members may have difficulty finding employment or work comparable in status to their work in the military while also facing cultural challenges moving from military to civilian life (U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, 2014). This study may provide insight into how veterans’ self-identity is influenced during their transition to civilian employment, along with developing recommendations for successfully integrating veterans into civilian organizations. The results of this study can be used by Industrial/Organizational (I/O) psychologists to develop practical programs for employers to successfully integrate veterans into the workplace and for military-transition offices to help veterans develop reasonable expectations of what they will face after leaving the armed forces.

Identity involves meanings assigned to a person by oneself and by other people (Gecas, 1982; Ibarra & Petriglieri, 2010). These meanings are influenced by an individual’s social roles and group memberships, along with personal characteristics displayed by and attributed to the individual (Gecas, 1982; Ibarra & Petriglieri, 2010). This becomes especially true for enlisted members whose identities are defined by military socialization processes (Burke, 2004; Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Petrovich, 2012). As military members prepare to leave military service, whether due to retirement or completing their enlistment, these military members will now need to redefine their identity personally and professionally. This will include determining who they are as civilians now that their military rank and position no longer define them within a professional work environment (Kira & Balkin, 2014; Redmond et al., 2015). Nevertheless, many of the self-identifying values of the military, such as sense of duty, loyalty, honor, and discipline continue to define the individual upon his or her leaving the military and now becoming a veteran (Coll et al., 2011; Demers, 2011; Schmaltz, 2011; Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013). These same values are often expected of veterans by civilian employers (Harrell & Berglass, 2012).

The transition to a new professional identity may require trial and error (Ibarra, 1999). Ibarra (1999) suggested that “provisional selves” (p. 765) are created and adapted as individuals experiment to find a professional identity during career transitions. Ibarra defined provisional selves as the temporary bridge between one’s current self-concept and the requirements of a new role. Ibarra argued that individuals adapt to new professional roles by experimenting with trial selves, which she called provisional selves, for possible acceptance into a new professional identity. Furthermore, self-narratives help individuals reconstruct identities by closing the gap between old and new roles (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010). Self-narratives that maintain elements of authenticity, defined as self consistency across time and situations, and that are validated by other individuals may demonstrate emergence of an accepted professional identity (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010).

Career-transition models, such as Ibarra’s (1999) model, presume sequential events within the transition (Haynie & Shepherd, 2011). In contrast, in their study of veterans who started their own businesses, Haynie and Shepherd (2011) offered a process model of career transition in which veterans rebuild their internalized beliefs and assumptions of the world before focusing on their career narratives. To further the body of knowledge, the present study examined the experiences veterans face during a career transition into a non-defense industry to identify what issues facilitated or hindered the transition along with the influences it had on veteran self-identity. Work in the nondefense industry could be similar to work the veteran did in the military (i.e., a military medic obtains work in a civilian hospital), or could be completely different, (i.e., an infantryman works at an office-supply store). In either case, a veteran’s perceived success or failure to integrate into a non-defense-related organization would influence the decision to stay with or leave that particular employer.

The theoretical implications of this study include identifying the characteristics that veterans perceive as contributing to their identity conflicts when seeking employment or attempting to integrate into an organization. The characteristics may include personal attributes of the veteran or influential circumstances and attitudes within an employer’s environment: i.e., a neutral attitude toward veterans or a veteran being employed in a position perceived to be below his or her skill and experience level Harrell & Berglass, 2012). For example, because military culture differs from the culture of civilian organizations (Budd, 2007; Johnson, 2002; Kennedy & Johnson, 2009; Rausch, 2014; Redmond et al., 2015), Schmaltz (2011) suggested that veterans’ expectations of the civilian workforce may affect their transition to the civilian workplace. As veterans may already be adapting their professional self-identities (Ibarra, 1999; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010), these adaptations may be further hindered by a poor employment transition into a non-defense organization. For instance, a military member having worked in an Army logistical unit managing personnel and million-dollar equipment would be responsible for warehouse inventory, scheduling the movements of personnel and equipment, loading and unloading of equipment and supplies, administrative support, and adherence to established procedures. This same service member may become frustrated if offered an entry-level job at United Parcel Services (UPS) instead of a management position.

However, the transition into a new organization may be mitigated by an effective orientation strategy that helps a new employee operate effectively in the new organization (McNeill, 2012). Following the earlier logistical example, a hiring official may explain that the offer of an entry-level position will help the veteran learn the organizational culture before becoming eligible for a management position. This explanation by a hiring official may mitigate the veteran’s unrealistic expectations, and create a positive attitude toward and facilitate identification with the organization (Ashforth, Harrison, & Corley, 2008). An additional consideration involves the perception of integration when a veteran does identify with an employing organization. A differentiation between organizational identification and organizational commitment may be in order as these terms are often confused (Sluss, Ployhart, Cobb, & Ashforth, 2012). Organizational commitment reflects a person’s attitude toward the organization, is exchange-based, and can influence behaviors such as turnover (Sluss et al., 2012; van Knippenberg & Sleebos, 2006). Organizational identification is specific to an organization and relies on self-defined organizational membership (Sluss et al., 2012; van Knippenberg & Sleebos, 2006). When coming to identify with an organization, an individual incorporates its values, norms, culture and prestige into his or her self-concept (Dutton et al., 1994; van Knippenberg & Sleebos, 2006). For individuals leaving the military, the desire to identify with an organization continues (Coll et al., 2011). Thus, if a veteran can identify with an employing organization, the veteran will integrate that organization’s values, symbols and culture into his or her own self-identity, which may increase retention.

The expected outcomes for this study involved revelations regarding how veterans navigate organizational cultural differences within non-defense industries and the military organization along with the impact this effort had on veterans’ self-identity. It was expected that veterans who successfully made the transition into a non-defense industry did so because the employing organization made a deliberate effort to include the veteran or express gratitude for the veteran’s military service (Caldwell & Burke, 2013). In effect, the employing organization worked to integrate the veteran into the organization. In contrast, it was expected that veterans who had poor experiences with non-defense industries that resulted in turnover likely did so because the organization did not make appropriate use of the veteran’s abilities and skills (Caldwell & Burke, 2013; Harrell & Berglass, 2012). The focus of this study was veterans’ self-identity, integration into a non-defense industry and the characteristics that influenced veterans’ decisions to leave or stay employed with a particular non-defense industry employer.

In exploring the research question, veterans were expected to disclose a difficult transition if the work environment differed from their occupation in the military. An initial assumption was that veterans working for defense-related industries (i.e., companies that build weapons), would likely have a similar organizational culture to that of the military. If so, this would make the transition easier for veterans. However, the alternate assumption suggested that veterans entering a non-defense industry, where the organizational culture differed from the military, would experience greater challenge making the transition into the organization, and that this would in turn adversely affect the veteran’s post-military self-identity. If these presumptions are correct, it was also expected that veterans working in the same occupation as before (e.g., nursing), would have an easier transition even if working for a non-defense organization. If true, this would also have implications for military-transition programs provided to military members before they leave the military (Clemens & Milsom, 2008; Harrell & Berglass, 2012). It could also provide insight for advocacy groups that help veterans find employment. Unfortunately, this would only benefit veterans who want to work in the same type of work as in a military occupation that has a civilian-world equivalent.

Veterans may struggle in developing a new self-identity that is potentially separate from the military or to integrate the military persona with a civilian counterpart. In so doing, it was expected that veterans go through several jobs before finding the “right one,” if the right one were ever found at all (Dunn & Jasinski, 2009). While it was not expected that any given participant in this study would reach a finalized self-identity, especially since self-identity is continually being defined, it was expected that veterans who made a successful transition—defined as securing enjoyable and meaningful employment—would have also achieved a favorable self-identity outside the military. This would not mean the veteran had completely doffed the military identity, but rather that the veteran had successfully adapted or integrated the military identity into a functional and appropriate civilian counterpart (Coll et al., 2011). This study endeavored to discover how these veterans managed and adapted their self-identity during the transition phase out of the military and into civilian employment within a non-defense industry.

There is very little research aside from Stone and Stone (2015) and Kleykamp (2009, 2013) that specifically addresses veteran unemployment and stereotypes in the selection process. This study will contribute to the discrimination and disability discrimination, stereotype, human resource management, and veteran employment literatures. First, until very recently the management literature has largely ignored the military veteran population when considering the effect of their group membership on hiring outcomes. Other groups such as women, minorities, and individuals with disabilities (Shore, Chung-Herrera, Dean, Erhart, Jung, Randel, & Singh, 2009) have received the majority of the attention. Stone & Stone (2015) introduced “veteran” as a population of interest to the human resource management literature.

A focus on veteran status introduces a different target of discrimination to the literature than typical individual differences such as race, gender, and disability. The latter are immutable characteristics whereas veteran status is freely chosen by individuals of all types and backgrounds. Consequently, it is not known how existing discrimination theories apply. Second, the management and psychology literature have directed a great deal of attention to the area of stereotypes and stigmas over the last few decades. The majority of this literature has focused on negative stereotypes of minority groups and how these stereotypes are maintained or applied. This study shows how veteran status may have both positive and negative consequences. Little if any of the discrimination research that has been conducted attempts to tackle the potentially complicated interplay between positive and negative stereotypes. Some researchers have acknowledged this issue by positing that negative stereotypes should typically outweigh or override the positive ones. Cascio and Aquinis (2005) suggest that negative stereotypes will prevail over positive ones because the selection process is a search for negative information.

The terms below are defined and clarified as they pertained to this research study.

Enlisted member: As mentioned, there are two subcultures in the military: the officer corps and the enlisted corps (Hall, 2011; Redmond et al., 2015). For this study, an enlisted personnel member is an individual who served within the enlisted corps of the United States Army. In the Army, the enlisted corps experience boot camp, also called basic training, where they learn the rigidity of the military, its hierarchical structure and the importance of rank (Hall, 2011; Redmond et al., 2015; Reger et al., 2008; Schaubroeck et al., 2013). Although individuals enlist for many reasons, these individuals typically lack a college degree, are recent high-school graduates, and represent a variety of races and ethnicities (Eighmey, 2006; Rausch, 2014; Woodruff, Kelly, & Segal, 2006).

Non-defense industry: A non-defense industry was defined as any employer or organization that does not directly serve or support the U.S. Department of Defense or its interests. Employees whose employers provide indirect support to the Department of Defense were eligible. For example, a package-delivery company that delivers to military bases but does not hold a Defense Department contract qualified as a non-defense employer.

Veteran: U.S. Code Title 38 Veterans’ Benefits (2006) defines a veteran as any “person who served in the active military, naval, or air service, and who was discharged or released there from under conditions other than dishonorable” (Definitions, para. 2). Because this definition encompasses veterans from World War II until the most recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, I decided to focus on veterans who separated from the military as Army enlisted personnel within the last 7 years to ensure that civilian employment and military-separation experiences were recent and easily remembered.

Assumption 1: Cultural Adaptation is Harder in Non-Defense Organizations. Non-defense industries were chosen based on the underlying presumption of this study that the U.S. Department of Defense influences private companies through a culture transfer (Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013). That is, because when companies want to do business with the Department of Defense, these companies either deliberately change their culture or are influenced over time to change their organizational culture to match the military culture (Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013). A deliberate effort to change organizational culture may involve hiring veterans. As previously mentioned, veterans become accustomed to a specific culture tied to the military mission (Hall, 2011; Johnson, 2002; Redmond et al., 2015; Reger et al., 2008). This culture involves values such as a sense of duty, obedience, loyalty and strict discipline and are likely transferred to the employing organization and reinforced by other employees who are veterans (Coll et al., 2011; Demers, 2011; Schmaltz, 2011; Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013). Thus, an underlying premise of this study was that veterans who work for a defense-related employer, such as Lockheed Martin or Boeing, which produce weapons and military crafts, would have an easier transition into those companies because the work culture parallels the military culture (Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013). Conversely, if working for a company that is not associated with the military or is unfamiliar with military culture, veterans may find it more challenging to integrate into that organization’s culture. This could result in frustration for the veteran and possibly in turnover (Blais et al., 2009; Caldwell & Burke, 2013).

Assumption 2: Skills Transfer is Harder in Non-Defense Organizations. Another assumption of this study encompasses veterans’ exaggerated expectations regarding post-military jobs they may be offered. Military members may expect management-level positions if they have been responsible for a large number of subordinates, for the movements and schedules of several units, or for managing equipment worth millions of dollars (Society for Human Resource Management [SHRM], 2010). However, one of the challenges veterans and employers face is skills mismatch, in part because veterans may be unable to effectively translate and communicate their military experience into language corporate America can understand (Harrell & Berglass, 2012). Similarly, non-defense industry employers and hiring officials may not know what military skills to seek out or how military skills apply to their industry, let alone their company (Harrell & Berglass, 2012; Leonard, 2013, SHRM, 2010). Veterans may also face a difficult transition if they are unable to transfer the knowledge, skills and abilities gained in the military to a civilian context (Haynie & Shepherd, 2011). Additionally, veterans may not recognize when they lack appropriate skill sets, although they may have worked in similar fields. Furthermore, veterans may have comparable experience and skill for a particular position, but may lack appropriate and applicable civilian certifications. For example, an Army enlisted member may have worked as a military policeman (MP) providing security for a military installation and/or personnel, but these skills and experiences might not suffice to work security for a metropolitan transit authority that provides public transportation because that job may require state- and city-specific certifications. As a further illustration, working as an Army MP, the MP likely had authority to search suspicious individuals and vehicles. However, in a civilian public-transportation setting, a suspicious-looking individual with a backpack cannot be denied entry nor be searched simply because he looks suspicious and has a backpack. Thus, the MP’s military security experience may not translate well into the civilian setting and may require an entry-level position versus a managerial position, although the veteran may believe otherwise.

A limitation of this study involves its focus solely on U.S. Army enlisted personnel. Veterans from other service branches may or may not face similar challenges when seeking employment in non-defense industries. Further, this study only focused on enlisted personnel because these individuals undergo the boot camp experience, which intensely socializes enlistees into the military culture and mindset (Burke, 2004; Petrovich, 2012; Schaubroeck et al, 2013). Officers go through different socialization processes. There are four paths to becoming an Army officer: (a) Army Reserve Officer Training Corp (ROTC) by which applicants finish college and then join the Army, (b) direct commission for professionals, such as doctors and lawyers, (c) officer-candidate school for college graduates that did not go through ROTC, and the West Point Military Academy (U.S. Army, 2015). Of the four paths, only West Point offers candidates a 4- year indoctrination into the Army and the Officer Corps (U.S. Army, 2015). The other three provide classes of varying intensity and duration which introduce candidates to the Army and Officer Corps (U.S. Army, 2015). Military officers may also have better opportunities to find work due to having college degrees or greater command experience.

Another limitation of this study stemmed from its use of grounded theory to understand veterans’ experiences in non-defense industries and the way their self-identity is influenced by such employment. Although a grounded-theory approach provided insight into participants’ experiences (as a qualitative methodology), it did not provide any information on predictors of turnover or retention (Charmaz, 2006, 2008, 2014).

This study consists of five chapters: (1) Introduction, (2) Literature Review, (3) Methodology, (4) Results, and (5) Discussion, Implications, and Recommendations. Chapter 2 summarizes the literature available regarding military-socialization processes, career transition, and adaptations of self-identity during career transitions. Chapter 3 describes the methodology used to collect, analyze and code data relevant to this study’s research question. Chapter 4 reveals the data analysis, findings and emergent themes discovered within the data. Chapter 5 provides an overview and discussion of the study followed by recommendations for future research and application.

The initial idea for this dissertation study focused broadly on veteran employment. The research began with library databases focused on psychology, i.e., PsycArticles. The vast majority of articles involving veterans focused on psychological disorders, mostly posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Consequently, the search was expanded to other databases, such as Business Source Complete, business journals using additional keywords such as “transition,” “retention,” “turnover,” and “employment.”

Relevant sources cited in reference lists were also obtained, as were recent studies that had cited these relevant articles. This method yielded articles addressing the issue of self-identity and led to the use of such keywords as “self-identity,” “self-concept” and “work identity.” The combined sources provided insights that narrowed the study’s focus to veterans’ perceived impact on their self-identity when transitioning to employment within non-defense industries.

As a concept, identity helps explain one’s link to an environment, why one takes particular action, who the individual is and why the person does what he or she does (Ashforth et al., 2008). Identity encompasses meanings associated with self (Dutton, Roberts, & Bednar, 2010; Gecas, 1982; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010). Identification involves “the process by which individuals define themselves, communicate that definition to others, and use that definition to navigate their lives” (Ashforth et al., 2008, p. 334).

Individual identity can be based on group membership, roles, and unique characteristics (Petriglieri, 2011). In the military, members undergo deliberate socialization processes aimed at cultivating an individual’s self-identity in terms of the military lifestyle (Burke, 2004; Coll et al., 2011; Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Lande, 2007; Petrovich, 2012). Dutton et al. (1994) indicated that when individuals identify strongly with an organization, the attributes that define the organization are then integrated into the individuals’ self-identity. The use of symbols, tradition, and ceremony create a collective identity among military members, as well as an individual link to the military organization (Budd, 2007; Coll et al., 2011; Demers, 2011; Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Lande, 2007; Petrovich, 2012). This is evidenced by the distinctiveness of each service’s uniform along with the varied badges, rank insignia, and unique military language.

Identity transitions are often seen as linear and comprised of stages (Conroy & O’Leary-Kelly, 2014; Haynie & Shepherd, 2011). Drawing from grief and bereavement literature, Conroy and O’Leary-Kelly (2014) emphasized the loss of an identity during transition and suggested that this identity loss should be seen as a dynamic process moving between who the person once was and who he or she is becoming. Conroy and O’Leary-Kelly also described a liminal period involving three phases in which the dynamic process of self-understanding marks the very transition between “who I am” and “who I am becoming.”

The second phase of the liminal period addresses the transition in which an individual tests different identity narratives to resolve the ambiguity of the developing self-identity; these narratives help make sense of a work-related transition (Conroy & O’Leary-Kelly, 2014). The narratives are developed by identifying and validating provisional selves which serve as possible, but not established, professional identities (Ibarra, 1999; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010). As veterans try to find their place in a post-military environment, their personal stories of that transition are developed in this phase.

Nonetheless, numerous business reasons are given to encourage the hiring of veterans. These reasons include veterans’ having experience working in and leading teams, performing and making decisions in rapidly changing circumstances, displaying integrity and loyalty, being reliable with a strong work ethic and completing tasks, and having experience working with culturally diverse people and global work environments (Caldwell & Burke, 2013; Castellano, 2013; Harrell & Berglass, 2012; SHRM, 2010; Zarecky, 2014). These reasons have been offered to encourage businesses not simply to hire veterans but to see veterans as valuable assets.

Individuals enlist in the military for various reasons, including economic incentives, patriotism, a sense of duty, travel, to attain skills, respect, interpersonal connectedness, and educational benefits (Budd, 2007; Caldwell & Burke, 2103; Eighemy, 2006; Kelty, Kleykamp, & Segal, 2010; Petrovich, 2012; Woodruff, Kelty, & Segal, 2006). Once enlisted, recruits undergo an intense socialization process designed to link trainees’ self-identity with the military by molding the individual to fit the military organization and lifestyle (Haynie & Shepherd, 2011). The ultimate goal of boot camp is the transformation and development of the recruits’ professional identity as soldiers (Burke, 2004; Petrovich, 2012; Redmond et al., 2015; Schaubroeck et al., 2013).

Boot camp, however, only marks the beginning of the military socialization process. The military world requires its members to continually exert themselves, master fatigue and exhibit physical dexterity and skill (Lande, 2007). Fitness is promoted as a main component of combat readiness (Thomas, Adler, Wittels, Enne, & Johannes, 2004). Thus, military units at all levels exercise together so that military members see the body not as an individual entity but as part of a collective (Hockey, 2002).

Peers and leaders continually influence and socialize new military members to the military lifestyle (Schaubroeck et al., 2013), a process that creates a collective that shares similar values, beliefs and worldviews (Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Rausch, 2014; Redmond et al., 2015; Reger et al., 2008; Strom et al., 2012; Zarecky, 2014). All military branches share the same core values consisting of honor, courage, loyalty, integrity and commitment (Coll et al., 2011; Rausch, 2014; Reger et al., 2008; Strom et al., 2012). But each military branch also has its own distinct subculture based on mission, history, traditions, norms and practices (Petrovich, 2012; Redmond et al., 2015; Reger et al., 2008). Within each branch there are also two distinct groups of military members: the enlisted corps and the officer corps (Hall, 2011). Only enlisted members undergo boot camp, except for the Marine Corps, which also requires officers to go through boot camp. The Army, the largest branch of the military, accounts for half of all military personnel (Petrovich, 2012) and thus became the focus of this study.

According to Dutton et al. (1994), a person strongly identifies with an organization when his or her identity as an organization member overrides alternate identities. Furthermore, the more strongly one defines the self by a particular identity, the harder it becomes to separate one’s self from that identity (Ashforth et al., 2008). The more an individual identifies with an organization, the more the organization’s values and norms become part of the person’s self-concept (van Knippenberg & Sleebos, 2006). This is true for veterans who see the military identity as a core factor of their personal identity (Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Zarecky, 2014). This military-oriented identity is easier to maintain while in the military, but as an individual prepares to and eventually does leave the military, the military-oriented identity may come into question and require adaptation to determine how it now fits the emerging identity as a civilian (Zarecky, 2014).

Haynie and Shepherd (2011) indicated narratives represent internalized assumptions about the world and one’s self; and then form the basis of career strategies aimed at generating purpose through work. Their research explored the transition of veterans who experienced a traumatic injury and were released from military duty as a result of that injury. Haynie and Shepherd found a strong link between identity and career for their participants: when an individual’s self-concept was strongly tied to his or her career, the loss of that career threatened the individual’s self-identity. The authors also found that veterans who created effective career narratives first addressed the traumatic injury. These individuals first had to make sense of the injury and learn to cope with it before dealing with employment as part of their narrative. Haynie and Shepherd also found that successful transitions involved “career competence transference” (p. 516), in which knowledge, skills and abilities learned in a previous career could be linked and transferred to another career.

Another strategy that individuals use involves the use of “provisional selves” (Ibarra, 1999, p. 765). As individuals take on new roles, they must take on new skills and adapt to new social norms that govern work behavior (Ibarra, 1999). For new members of an organization, formal socialization processes may facilitate the transition. Without such socialization, the transition becomes more difficult. Ibarra noted that provisional selves bridge between the current self and what the self needs to be in the new work environment. These possible selves help individuals select behaviors for trial and then assess their effectiveness, testing them against internal standards of authenticity, how well they reflect the individual, and external feedback (Ibarra, 1999; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010). Thus, the provisional selves serve as experimental trials for possible professional identities (Ibarra, 1999). These provisional selves are temporary, as the individual navigates between the current self-concept and capabilities along with expectations of what will be required in a new role (Ibarra, 1999).

Ibarra (1999) identified three categories of behaviors for junior executives in transition. These categories included observing role models to identify possible identities, experimenting with one’s own image, and evaluating image and identity based on internal and external feedback. Progression through these behaviors was not necessarily sequential (Ibarra, 1999). Further, at the time of Ibarra’s (1999) study, or perhaps because of the particular firms explored, few women worked in higher executive levels. As a result women participants in this study lacked female role models to emulate (Ibarra, 1999). Although same gender-role models may not be vital, Ibarra did note that the scarce representation of women in the field did limit the women participants’ ability to find appropriate role models. This resulted in provisional selves that the women found inadequate. Similarly, if less than 1% of Americans are serving in the armed forces (Berglass & Harrell, 2012; Caldwell & Burke, 2013), veterans may be sparsely represented in non-defense industries. If veterans prefer to emulate fellow veteran role models, but can’t find any working in a non-defense-related organization, veterans might not develop reasonable provisional selves to test while navigating a civilian job (Ibarra, 1999).

Given the recent campaigns to hire veterans, many military members may have unrealistic expectations regarding civilian jobs (Schmaltz, 2011; Turner, 2015). Military job fairs and transition programs offered to military members leaving the service (Clemens & Milsom, 2008) may inadvertently convey the notion of companies eagerly awaiting veteran applicants. A false expectation of opportunities will make the transition to the civilian workforce that much more difficult (Turner, 2015). But, even beyond false expectations, veterans face other challenges when entering the civilian workforce.

When veterans leave the military service through separation or retirement, they suffer culture shock similar to immigrants who first arrive in the United States (Coll et al., 2011). These former military members are disoriented, struggling with their newfound status as veterans and trying to find meaning (Coll et al., 2011). The military instills its members with a sense of duty (Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013): orders are obeyed, lives are on the line, and the wellbeing of the collective comes first (Redmond et al., 2015; Zarecky, 2014). As military members, veterans have learn to put the mission, fellow soldiers and duty above all other considerations (Petrovich, 2012; Redmond et al., 2015; Reger et al., 2008; Ulmer, 2005). When veterans become civilians again, they continue to have a need for purpose (Harrell & Berglass, 2012; Tinoco & Arnaud, 2013), based on their military service where the mission and military interests were foremost (Hall, 2011; Johnson, 2002). Although first-responders may maintain this mission-first mentality, veterans may not find this mindset in other civilian professions. As a consequence, it may be difficult to integrate into other organizations or jobs if the veteran perceives a stark difference between their own attitudes and civilian attitudes toward work, the organization, and a sense of purpose within the work environment.

Another impediment to a veteran’s transition involves navigating the civilian job market (Caldwell & Burke, 2013). Many enlisted members enter the military immediately after high school and may lack civilian work experience or the knowledge to make effective career decisions in the civilian workforce (Clemens & Milsom, 2008; Zarecky, 2014). This inexperience is exacerbated by the employment paradigm used by the military versus the civilian workforce (Schmaltz, 2011). Not only does the military emphasize following orders and placing the mission first (Redmond et al., 2015; Ulmer, 2005), but military careers are managed via a centralized personnel system that controls assignments (Caldwell & Burke, 2013; Redmond et al., 2015), which in turn influences promotions. Military occupations are assigned based on aptitude scores and individual skill sets (Redmond et al., 2015). Because there is only one military, the “company” of the U.S. military is the profession (Ulmer, 2005). Consequently, veterans may have difficulty making the transition from the structure and hierarchy of the military to the fluidity of the civilian workplace (SHRM, 2010). For example, veterans in a job interview or civilian job may not recognize that they can negotiate salary or refuse an assignment or relocation requirements. As civilians, veterans must now learn to speak for themselves and defend employment self-interests or miss out on potential opportunities (Zarecky, 2014).

If a veteran is hired, new challenges arise. The veteran may be hired into a position below his or her skill level (Harrell & Berglass, 2012) or the organization may not have sufficiently oriented the veteran to the civilian work environment (Dunn & Jasinski, 2009), causing friction and/or confusion between the veteran and the employer. New-hire orientation or onboarding helps new employees make the transition into the organization (McNeill, 2012). The first few weeks in a new job are critical, affecting first impressions, job satisfaction, and attitudes (Dunn & Jasinski, 2009). Orienting new employees to an organization requires an investment of resources and recognition that it as an ongoing process versus a one-time event (Dunn & Jasinski, 2009).

Veterans want to contribute and offer their talents in meaningful ways (SHRM, 2010). Given that individuals form work identities based on associations with organizations or occupations (Walsh & Gordon, 2008), transitions in work memberships or roles might result in work-related identity loss (Conroy & O’Leary-Kelly, 2014; Kira & Balkin, 2014). In such transitory situations, individuals struggle to establish a “new normal” around a changed sense of self (Conroy & O’Leary-Kelly, 2014). For veterans, this includes trying to establish a new identity separated from, although not necessarily completely detached from, the military to a civilian counterpart (Zarecky, 2015).

Danish and Antonides (2013) further suggested that identity issues themselves may play a role in integration conflict. They indicated some distress is attributable to identity confusion resulting from an inability to make the transition from one environment to another. For example, a veteran who continually reflects on what she or he did in the military, i.e., overseeing millions of dollars’ worth of equipment and managing many personnel, may not be able to see the job opportunities available or may be unwilling to accept entry-level positions. Or, perhaps worse, a veteran may settle for any job available due to financial desperation. These circumstances could also have an adverse effect on a developing post-military identity (Schmaltz, 2010).

According to Petriglieri (2011), individual identity is based on group membership and roles. Petriglieri asserted that the more positive the value of a particular identity the greater the self-worth one has based on that identity. However, if a veteran experiences a job loss because of a poor fit or failure to identify with an organization, this job loss may become an identity threat (Petriglieri, 2011). Petriglieri defined an identity threat as an experience perceived as potentially harmful to the values, meanings and enactment of an identity. According to Petriglieri, individuals may face multiple identity threats simultaneously. For example, for male veterans, identity threat may involve learning what it means to be a veteran, remaining a provider for the family, and figuring out who he is becoming as a civilian.

Petriglieri (2011) asserted three possible responses to identity threat. The first response involves derogating the source of the threat and potentially reducing its severity, although not its occurrence. The second response prompts individuals to conceal their identity in a particular context. The third response initiates identity-enhancing information and aims to change the attitudes of individual(s) or group(s) that are the source of the threat. Petriglieri (2011) also mentioned that identity threats may originate in the workplace. In that case, the veteran may use one or more of the three responses to undermine the identity threat in the workplace. The third response may be the most beneficial if individuals' or groups’ opinions about veterans can be changed. The first two responses, however, are likely to result in adverse consequences for the veteran and his or her self-identity. Derogating the source of a threat would reflect poorly on the veteran based on military values (Coll et al., 2011; Reger et al., 2008; Strom et al., 2012). Concealing one’s identity as a veteran may be difficult if the individual’s narrative places great value on identification as a veteran (Dutton et al., 1994; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010; Petriglieri, 2011).

However, when work and identity misalign, negative consequences occur (Kira & Balkin, 2014). For example, Kira and Balkin (2014) suggested that misalignment can create negative self-assessments. In such instances, the authors indicated employees will avoid changing their preferred identities, and will try to change the work environment to align with the preferred identity. Only when that does not work does an employee consider changing a preferred identity and begin to develop alternate identities that match the work environment (Kira & Balkin, 2014). For veterans, however, this may not occur. Veterans may not want to change their preferred identity to align with a job or organization if that opportunity is seen as transitional, i.e., a job to just pay bills. Yet, if shame is experienced because of misalignment, it may cause the individual to simply leave the job (Kira & Balkin, 2014). This exit will be easier if the job is seen as less meaningful and as transitory but may still have an adverse impact on the veteran’s self-identity (Kira & Balkin, 2014; van Knippenberg & Sleebos, 2006).

Experts in management science, administrative science, preventative medicine, public health, sociology, epidemiology, and organizational psychology estimate that occupational stress and its relationship to causing high rates of job turnover and poor health cost the economy, healthcare system, and industries billions and billions of dollars a year in direct and indirect costs, and that organizations spend upwards of 5% of business costs or costs 10% of business profits on turnover (Khan et al. 2010:491; O’Connell and Kung 2007:15; Manning et al. 1996:740, 745, 748; Heaney et al. 1994:1431). Another estimate suggests that stress related health care utilization cost industries in the U.S. $68 billion a year (Manning et al. 1996:740), and the American Institute of Stress estimated that stress-related illnesses account for 75% to 90% of all the reasons individuals go see doctors (anxiety being the most common) (Kalia 2002:50).

Experts in management science, administrative science, preventative medicine, public health, sociology, epidemiology, and organizational psychology estimate that occupational stress and its relationship to causing high rates of job turnover and poor health cost the economy, healthcare system, and industries billions and billions of dollars a year in direct and indirect costs, and that organizations spend upwards of 5% of business costs or costs 10% of business profits on turnover (Khan et al. 2010:491; O’Connell and Kung 2007:15; Manning et al. 1996:740, 745, 748; Heaney et al. 1994:1431). Another estimate suggests that stress related health care utilization cost industries in the U.S. $68 billion a year (Manning et al. 1996:740), and the American Institute of Stress estimated that stress-related illnesses account for 75% to 90% of all the reasons individuals go see doctors (anxiety being the most common) (Kalia 2002:50). more likely they will be hospitalized than non-sufferers (Kalia 2002:50). Experts have estimated that this high degree of health care utilization for stress-related illnesses alone costs the United State upwards of $42 billion a year (Kalia 2002:50). The negative health effects of occupational stress (and stress in general) on the worker can have devastating psychological, physical, social, and behaviors outcomes that can significantly impact all aspects of the workers life and relationships. And the financial cost of occupational stress doesn’t just affect the economy and organizations by way of the cost of the consumption of healthcare. The direct and indirect costs of occupational stress are significant. Occupational stress can lead to higher voluntary turnover rates, organizational instability, greater rates of employee absenteeism, employee withdrawal from the work of environment, losses in employee productivity, losses in brand value and quality of services provided, and losses in employee social and intellectual capital.

Numerous occupational stress studies have shown that when employees experience negative sources of stress from abusive supervisors and customer incivility, entitlement, and verbal aggression, and the culture of “service with a smile” and “the customer is always right” directly affects their emotional wellbeing. This, in turn, negatively affects the employees’ health and job performance which negatively affects the organization. For example, when employees experience negative emotions from work place stressors there are numerous negative outcomes on employee job performance that include: distraction and an inability to focus; forgetfulness; impeded communication skills; inability to perform authentic ‘service with a smile’; rumination; making mistakes; reduction in reasoning and problem solving; cynical attitude towards work interactions; rude to customers; forgetfulness; absenteeism; and an overall reduced quality of work performance. These outcomes negatively affect the business in several primary ways: decrease in the quality of services provided; decrease in business reputation; decrease in market competitiveness; loss of sales and customer base; increase in business costs; and decrease in business profit.

The science behind emotions and their effect on the different functions of the mind and body is not only irrefutable, but it is also unavoidable. Replacing employees does not ‘solve’ the problem when sources of stress from the work environment negatively affect employee wellbeing, employee work performance, and the organization. Preventing these negative effects of occupational stress on the employee and organization requires identifying the negative sources of stress employees experience, how it makes the employees feel and associated employee health and performance, and organizational outcomes. It’s especially important to examine the role of the manager in creating, mitigating, or exacerbating stressful incidents for employees.

The theoretical framework that is most appropriate for studying hiring managers’ perceptions of veterans is the Model of Factors Affecting Hiring Decisions about Veterans (Stone & Stone, 2015). This model is an application of the Model of Factors Affecting the Treatment of Disabled Individuals in Organizations by Stone & Colella (1996). The Stone & Stone (2015) model (see Figure 1) suggests that the attributes of the veteran such as presence of a disability, type of military job experience, etc. interact with observer characteristics (e.g. experience working with veterans) to create stereotypes and stigmas about the veteran. Along with these stereotypes about the veteran as an individual, perceptions of transferability of skills and potential cultural differences between the military and civilian employment all interact to form perceptions of stereotype-job fit. These perceptions lead to decisions regarding job suitability and hiring outcomes.

The attributes of the veteran include presence/nature of a disability, danger/peril/disruptiveness, aesthetic qualities, origin, course, and other characteristics. Presence/nature of a disability refers to whether or not the veteran has an actual or perceived disability. Physical signs of a disability would include such things as visible burns or scars or missing limbs. These can make some individuals uncomfortable (Stone & Colella, 1996) and can signal to the hiring manager that the veteran has experienced some sort of traumatic event. Due to the emphasis placed by the media on violent acts caused by individuals with PTSD, managers may use these physical signs of trauma to make assumptions about the veteran’s mental health status. If managers assume that veterans suffer from PTSD, they may be most concerned about veteran behaviors that result in danger/peril/disruptiveness in the workplace (Harrell & Berglass, 2012).

Although a PTSD diagnosis gives applicants protected status, applicants that are perceived to pose a danger to the workplace will be rated as less suitable for employment and are less likely to be hired. Aesthetic qualities refer to not only the physical presence of a disability (e.g. loss of limb) but also the applicant’s level of attractiveness. The origin of the real or perceived disability is also thought to influence the manager’s rating of the applicant. For example, if the manager perceives that the veteran’s motivations for joining the military were patriotic managers will rate the applicant more favorably than if the veteran joined the military as a last resort (i.e., ordered by the court or because of economic hardship). The length of time the disability is thought to last is also believed to influence how veterans are perceived. If the disability is thought to be temporary, this should reduce concerns about accommodations (Lengnick-Hall et al., 2008) and any perceived risk on the part of the manager or organization. Other veteran attributes of interest include race, ethnicity, and gender (Stone & Stone, 2015). All of these factors are believed to contribute to how the veteran is viewed as a potential applicant.

The categorization and stereotyping of the veteran is thought to be the function of both the attributes of the veteran and those of the observer. Attributes of particular interest are the observer’s values, personality, and experience with military veterans. Values related to patriotism, war, or military service should influence how observers perceive the attributes of the veteran. For example, observers who have strong feelings against war should be more likely to rate veterans negatively because they may see military members as supporters of war. However observers who are patriotic or hold military service in high regard should be more likely to rate veterans positively. Personality is thought to have a similar relationship to perceptions of veterans as has been found for perceptions of individuals with disabilities. For example Cesare, Tannenbaum, & Dalessio, 1990 found that individuals with high levels of empathy felt more uncomfortable when working with individuals with disabilities than those that had lower levels of empathy. Experience with veterans is also thought to affect how observers react to veterans. Whereas intimate or frequent contact (Shelton & Richeson, 2007) should decrease the use of stereotypes when rating veterans, limited or no contact should cause observers to rely more heavily on stereotypes.

In general, civilian hiring managers do not have a good knowledge of military job types (Harrell & Berglass, 2012). Many civilian managers report being unaware of what exactly military members do in their various jobs. Because of this civilian managers have a difficult time assessing whether a veteran has the necessary experience or skills required for a particular position. This creates a perception that veterans lack transferable skills, even when this is not the case. Veterans also report being type-cast for jobs such as security guards or law enforcement (Prudential, 2012). This may preclude them from being considered for other jobs for which they are qualified.

Much like the difficulties managers report in comparing military and civilian job types, perceptions of cultural differences between military and civilian life are also a common complaint. The U.S. military is a hierarchical organization with a very clear chain of command and authority structure that heavily emphasizes discipline. The structure and values of the military stem from the nature of the work that they do. On the other hand, many civilian organizations have more relaxed and egalitarian cultures—quite different from the military. Because organizational fit is of importance to hiring managers when making selection decisions, a perceived mismatch by the observer (i.e., hiring manager) between the veteran’s preferred culture and that of the organization will negatively impact the veteran’s chances of gaining employment. In other words, if the organizational culture is perceived by the hiring manager to be dramatically different from that of the military the hiring manager may falsely assume that veterans lacks organizational fit and choose not to hire them based on that false assumption.

The lack-of-fit model, or stereotype-job fit model by Heilman (1983) suggests that when stereotypes of applicants differ from the requirements of the job, the applicant will receive unfavorable job suitability ratings. In the Stone & Stone (2015) model, the stereotypes of the veteran, the perceived transferability of skills, and the perceived differences in military and civilian culture all interact to influence perceptions of stereotype-job fit. If any of these factors are less than favorable for the veteran (e.g. lack of self-control, incompatible skills, cultural mismatch), the veteran may receive lower job suitability ratings and ultimately unfavorable hiring decisions. But as demonstrated by Hosoda, Stone, & Stone-Romero (2003), multiple group membership can have interesting and sometimes unexpected effects on employment outcomes. Just as with multiple group membership, it is reasonable to assume that varying degrees of positive and negative stereotypes associated with a job applicant’s membership in one group (e.g., veteran) may also interact in unpredictable ways to influence hiring decisions. Therefore it is not yet clear how hiring managers respond when they believe a job applicant possesses both positive and negative traits.

When faced with a complex theoretical model it is not always practical to test the entire model including all of the proposed relationships at one time or with a single study (MayoWilson, 2014). Because perceptions of hiring managers are the central component of the Stone and Stone (2015) model, this is an appropriate starting place. Although the Stone and Stone (2015) model also includes propositions as to where these perceptions originate, one cannot determine the causes or rationale that motivate these perceptions without first discovering what perceptions actually exist. The stereotypes of particular interest are perceptions of leadership skills, teamwork skills, social (or interpersonal) skills, and emotional stability. These stereotypes were chosen based on their level of importance as reported by Harrell and Berglass (2012). These four stereotypes also serve a secondary purpose of allowing for the comparison of positive and negative stereotypes simultaneously (see figure 2).

The model for this study (see Figure 2) is an application of the Stone & Stone (2015) model. This study will focus on the stereotypes associated with the veteran as an individual and the perceptions of the job applicant that may be influenced by these stereotypes.

This chapter’s review of the current literature was intended to provide a scholarly and practical standpoint for understanding the challenges veterans face when making the transition into the civilian world and especially into the workplace of non-defense-related industries. The review revealed gaps in the research that explored the process of veterans adapting their emerging self-identity when working in non-defense industries. Chapter 3 of this study addresses the specific procedures used to shed illumination on the process veterans used to adapt their self-identity. Chapter 4 summarizes the findings using veterans’ own words. Chapter 5 offers recommendations for future research and applications based on the study’s findings.

This study explored the perceptions of Army enlisted veterans in Nursing making the transition into employment with non-defense industries and the influence these experiences had on their self-identity. The current study investigates workplace strategies and coping mechanisms that could help in reducing employee stress and increases employee efficiency and productivity while specifically focusing on military veterans. The study intended to examine how hiring business and managers can assist veterans with stress issues and how the employment of veterans with stress will not negatively impact the working environment, but how the benchmark of coping mechanisms of stress within the veterans can lower stress and build efficiency and quality within the workplace and veterans. The study also intended to examine how knowing the coping mechanisms of veterans can lower environmental, work related stress and how the lower variations of the stressors can improve the quality of work and employees health. The study intended to examine how hiring business and managers can assist veterans with stress issues and how the employment of veterans with stress will not negatively impact the working environment, but how the benchmark of coping mechanisms of stress within the veterans can lower stress and build efficiency and quality within the workplace and veterans. The study also intended to examine how knowing the coping mechanisms of veterans can lower environmental, work related stress and how the lower variations of the stressors can improve the quality of work and employees health. The perceived success or failure of integrating with a non-defense-industry employer was presumed to influence the veteran’s decision to stay or leave that particular employer and how this may have shaped the veteran’s post-military self-identity. As previously mentioned, the military uses deliberate socialization processes to ensure service members identify with the military and its culture (Burke, 2004; Coll et al., 2011; Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Rausch, 2014; Redmond, et al., 2015; Schaubroeck et al., 2013). However, making the transition to a non-defense industry may require adaptation and adjustment to the veteran’s professional identity (Ibarra, 1999; Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010). This study endeavored to reveal how any adaptation to working in a non-defense industry influenced the veteran’s self-identity. The study used the grounded theory’s narrative and heuristic approaches to inquiry to address the purpose of the study.

Grounded theory focuses on individual interviews (Charmaz, 2001, 2008, 2014; Fassinger, 2005; Ponterotto, 2010). The constructivist approach involves short semi-structured interviews (Ponterotto, 2010) to capture and understand participants’ experiences. In the present study, intensive interviewing methods using open-ended semi-structured questions asked about participant military and employment experiences.

The grounded-theory approach was chosen because it offers a rigorous approach and views individual behavior as embedded in social situations (Charmaz & Henwood, 2008). Because of the military’s socialization processes (Coll et al., 2011; Haynie & Shepherd, 2011; Redmond et al., 2015; Reger et al., 2008), grounded theory provided the most appropriate methodology to uncover how those socialization processes influenced veterans’ perceptions post-military employment and their self-identity.

Narrative, although not new to the human experience, is relatively new as a methodological research approach in education, particularly music education. Humans may think narratively from infancy: “Children show signs of dramatic pre-narratory behavior in infancy, then engage in narrative language play at various levels of complexity along the developmental spectrum . . .” (Hopkins, 1994, p. 134). Trevarthen and Malloch (2012) analyzed the dialogues of mothers and infants, and noticed that their communicative sounds frequently form what they consider to be narrative, with poetic flow, a shared sense of time, and a story with an introduction, development, climax and conclusion. Humans have thought, communicated, and learned through multimodal narratives for millennia. Lyons and LaBoskey (2002) defined narrative practices as “ . . . intentional, reflective human actions, in which teachers and their students, or researchers and their colleagues, interrogate their teaching or research practices to construct meaning, interpretation, and knowledge of some aspect of teaching or learning through the creation of narrative(s)” (p. 6). Narrative practices can serve as models of inquiry and exemplars that others can potentially use in their own contexts (Lyons & LaBoskey, 2002). Five components characterize narrative practices as modes of inquiry and ways of knowing. Narrative inquiry: 1) constitutes an intentional and reflective human activity; 2) is situated in a specific social context within a given set of people; 3) involves interrogating interesting, surprising or compelling aspects of teaching and learning that brings to light new knowledge; 4) involves the sense of self and identities of all those involved; 5) involves the construction of meaning and knowledge (LaBoskey, 2002).

Narrative, heuristic inquiry is ideally suited to exploring what can happen when military veterans co-construct the ideas of coping mechanisms of stress encountered by military veterans at workplaces. Barrett (2009) stated: “A narrative inquiry approach emphasizes the relational nature of inquiry and has much to offer early research in both the methods and techniques employed and the presentational modes provided” (p. 119).

The methodology for the current study was Moustakas’ (1990) heuristic inquiry. The process started with the heuristic researcher developing a research topic, which needed to be something that she had an intense personal interest in. Moustakas’ (1990) heuristic methodology has six phases: (a) initial engagement, (b) immersion, (c) incubation, (d) illumination, (e) explication, and (f) creative synthesis. The heuristic methodology allowed the heuristic researcher to fully explore the phenomenon, to tap into the tacit dimension and the researcher’s intuition, and to creatively recreate the experiences to understand the experiences. The final product was a composite of the experiences, which included the conscious and the unconscious components.

Although it is possible to adopt more of a passive observer role while undertaking narrative inquiry, the researcher chose to continue participating actively as a research subject alongside military veterans for this dissertation research. Heuristic inquiry “requires a subjective process of reflecting, exploring, sifting, and elucidating the nature of the phenomenon under investigation” (Douglass & Moustakas, 1985, p. 40). In the context of this line of inquiry, heuristic inquiry allowed for the application of “the discovery and essence in significant human experience” (p. 40) to experiences of military veterans —co-researchers and co-constructors—of stress related situations in transition period in non-defense organizations. “Heuristic inquiry focuses on intense human experiences, intense from the point of view of the investigator and co-researchers. It is the combination of personal experience and intensity that yields an understanding of the essence of the phenomenon” (Patton, 2002, p. 107). The researcher characterize stress and coping mechanism at workplace during transition phase as “intense,” since military veterans alike were fully absorbed and engaged in such situations. During the interview process, all military veterans have been engaging in three broad processes of “immersion,” “acquisition,” and “realization” (Douglass & Moustakas, 1985, p. 50). As the researcher explored his and others shared experiences, he was also adding a heuristic lens to their narratives.

Because the study focused on veterans’ employment in non-defense industries, it was decided to narrow the inclusion criteria to Army enlisted veterans in Nursing who had voluntarily or involuntarily separated from the military for at least 1 year, which would have given the veteran an opportunity to seek and secure employment. Furthermore, to ensure the employment experience remained fresh in the veteran’s mind, the study only included Army enlisted veterans in Nursing who had been out of the military no more than seven years. The participants had to be discharged from the Army under honorable or general conditions. Veterans who were discharged under other than honorable or dishonorable conditions were excluded.

Early in the recruitment process an issue arose regarding the combat status of veterans. I argued that some veterans may be called “combat veterans” for having supported a combat unit; although they may not have seen combat. However, the inclusion and exclusion criteria did not address combat veterans who saw combat intermittently during a deployment. Therefore, the criteria were amended to include veterans who may have seen combat 25% or less time during a single deployment but no more than 75% time in a single deployment. This study relied on veterans’ self-reports regarding percentage of combat experienced. The veterans selected to participate had worked a minimum of 1 month in a non-defense industry. The range of civilian work experience included retail, public transportation, training, and production.

In grounded theory, the common understanding of data saturation is that no new or relevant information emerges from the data (Charmaz, 2014; Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006; Lawrence & Tar, 2013). Guest, Bunce and Johnson (2006) cautiously argued that data saturation can be achieved with 12 interviews if a similar set of questions is asked of all participants and the participants are relatively homogenous. However, Charmaz (2014) extended the idea of saturation to include the idea that data no longer generate new theoretical insights or reveal new properties of core categories. In terms of that definition, saturation was becoming evident by this study’s ninth interview. Based on the analysis and codes generated, this researcher believes theoretical saturation was reached in this study with its sample of 12 participants.

Grounded theory centers on individual interviews (Charmaz, 2008, 2014; Fassinger, 2005; Ponterotto, 2010). The constructivist approach involves short semi-structured interviews (Ponterotto, 2010). This study used Charmaz’s (2006, 2008, 2014) constructivist approach which recommended the development of an interview guide. However, the interview guide remained flexible so participants could elaborate on issues of importance to them as well as enabling the researcher to pursue points of interest.

When contact was initiated by potential participants, the researcher verified that the veteran met the inclusion criteria for the study. If so, then a meeting time was scheduled for the recorded interview. The informed-consent form and a copy of the interview questions were emailed to the participant prior to the scheduled meeting. When Skype interviews were scheduled, the participant emailed a signed copy of the informed consent at least 1 day before the interview was to be conducted. Charmaz (2014) indicated the propriety of communicating to participants in advance to understand their experiences in their own words. Interview questions were provided in advance to enable participants to think about their experiences prior to the scheduled interview.

While all participants were asked the questions in the interview guide, the researcher exercised flexibility in asking other questions as prompted by participant responses. The use of such flexibility during interviewing is an acceptable method in grounded theory as participants may provide new insights worth exploration (Charmaz, 2014). When such exploration occurred, the researcher was deliberate in returning to the interview guide and proceeding with the established questions.

In a few instances, participants requested additional guidance and clarification on some questions, such as the questions addressing identifying with the Army or military life and the impact the post-military transition had on their self-identity. Care was taken to explain the question’s intent without answering the question for the participants or influencing their responses. Once the interview was complete, the participant was asked if any questions remained and thanked for her or his participation.

Data were analyzed using the methods of memo-writing and coding. Following each interview, the researcher wrote a memo summarizing the interview and any ideas that seemed to be repeated. Interviews were transcribed predominantly by the researcher. All transcriptions were compared to the actual recordings by me to ensure accuracy. Following each transcription, a memo was written summarizing any key themes. Transcribed copies of interviews were analyzed using Charmaz’s (2008, 2014) coding method. Charmaz’s (2014) constructivist grounded-theory model includes the use of in-depth interviews, with initial coding followed by focused coding of data to produce an interpretive representation of the phenomenon studied. Because it aims to understand a phenomenon through the participants’ own words, the grounded-theory approach was best suited for this study. Initial coding examined each line of data looking at the actions and events represented. Although not a linear process (Charmaz, 2014), the analysis continued to focused coding which involved focusing on initial codes that provided theoretical reach and direction (Charmaz, 2014). Focused codes emerged through a comparison of data with data (Charmaz, 2104).

A strength of grounded theory involves the ability to theorize how individuals interpret their actions, meanings and social structures (Charmaz, 2014). The findings were written to support an emerging theory by providing vivid descriptions and examples from the participants’ own words. The arguments favoring the emerging theory were balanced between analytical statements and empirical examples (Charmaz, 2014).

This chapter explained the research methodology and design used to explore the research question. The chapter also addressed the participants, recruitment procedures, data collection and analysis. The next chapter will address the findings generated by the data.

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