summarize/compare/critique articles

Non-Verbal Communication across Cultures Author(s): Max S. Kirch Source: The Modern Language Journal, Vol. 63, No. 8 (Dec., 1979), pp. 416-423 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the National Federation of Modern Language Teachers Associations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/326027 Accessed: 16-08-2016 16:03 UTC

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Non- Verbal Communication A cross Cultures

MAX S. KIRCH, University of Delaware

CULTURE is a complex of communica-

tion systems, according to the anthropol- ogist E. T. Hall. Man communicates in "the way he works, plays, makes love, and defends him- self."' The purpose of this essay is to compare and contrast American non-verbal communica-

tion with those of several other West European cultures.

American non-verbal communication differs

significantly from that of other cultures. Just as transferring the phonological habits of one's own language to another language produces a "for- eign accent," so using the habits of the native non-verbal system in another culture gives one's behavior a "foreign accent." There is a differ- ence, however, in the reaction of the native speaker perceiving the two kinds of "foreign accent." Upon hearing the phonetic and phonemic errors of the foreign speaker the native listener becomes immediately aware of the fact that the speaker is a foreigner and is not sur- prised if the latter makes other linguistic errors, such as grammatical or syntactic mistakes, choice of the wrong word, etc. On the other hand, non-verbal communication occurs to a greater extent beneath the level of awareness and though mistakes often arouse feelings of uneasi- ness in the recipient he does not usually under- stand why he feels uneasy. For this reason Hayes noted the importance of non-verbal communica- tion for the teaching of foreign languages. "The speaker is free to choose his message. He is not free to choose the code of the message-this is strictly imposed by the language, and it is proper that much time and effort be expended in the efficient learning and teaching of this code. The speaker is, however, free to color his message in certain ways, and these ways are predominantly

MAX S. KIRCH (Ph.D., Pennsylvania) is Professor of Mod- ern Languages at the University of Delaware. An Officier de l'Ordre des Palmes Acadgmiques, he has taught not only French, but also German, Italian, Spanish, and Swahili.

paralinguistic and kinesic. If these signals, dif- ferently conditioned by every cultural system, are not properly received and sent, communica- tion is impeded."2 The foreign language teacher needs insights into the differences between American non-verbal communication and that

of the target culture in order that he may be more aware of them himself and that he may in- troduce them where appropriate in his teaching.

Language and culture form, according to the late Henry Lee Smith, Jr., a "seamless web."3 This means that they are in real life inseparable. Only the linguist or the anthropologist attempts to separate them for purposes of analysis. To these two indissoluble elements, language and culture, must be added a third: non-verbal com- munication. Interaction is a complex process which involves verbal and non-verbal elements;

both are inextricably bound up with culture. Poyatos suggests what he calls the Basic Triple Structure, consisting of language, paralanguage, and kinesics, i.e., non-verbal communication by body movement.4 In describing an interaction he suggests that not only the verbal interchange be noted, but also that paralinguistic and kinesic behavior be recorded. Confirmation of the indis-

solubility of verbal and non-verbal behavior is provided by Birdwhistell who noted that when a typist works with a film, "she will often type words which were never spoken."5 This means

'Hall, Edward T., Beyond Culture, Garden City, New York: Doubleday (Anchor), 1977, p. 42.

2Hayes, Alfred S., "Paralinguistics and Kinesics: Peda- gogical Perspectives," in Approaches to Semiotics, ed. by Sebeok, Thomas A. et al., The Hague/Paris: Mouton, 1972, pp. 145-172.

3Smith, Henry Lee, Jr., Language and Linguistics, a series of films made for National Educational Television, distri-

buted by the University of Indiana, 1957. 4Poyatos, Fernando, "Cross-Cultural Study of Paralin-

guistic 'Alternants' in Face-to-Face Interaction," in The Or- ganization of Behavior in Face-to-Face Interaction, The Hague: Mouton, 1975, pp. 285-314.

'Birdwhistell, Ray L., in Approaches to Semiotics (cf. note 2 above), p. 174.

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NON- VERBAL COMMUNICATION ACROSS CULTURES

that she provides words for body movements be- cause such movements are an integral part of the total communication. Other discussants cor- roborated Birdwhistell's statement and Norman

McQuown noted that even linguists made "errors comparable to those made by the typist. . . . It's hard to believe, when one plays over a tape again, that one could possibly have heard in the greatest phonetic detail something which is not there."6

There are many facets to non-verbal com- munication in different cultures. Societies vary in their clothing and the special kinds which are used for activities such as school, church, hiking, etc. People indicate their occupations by wear- ing badges or uniforms. There are differences in rituals and ceremonies, the kinds of gifts, the occasions on which they are given, and the manner of presentation.7

The most obvious form of non-verbal com-

munication is by gesture. Since gestures are largely produced and received consciously, we quickly become aware of foreign gestures and the "foreign accent" they produce. Darwin be- lieved that gestures developed along biological lines; a century later many still share this view. Others, however, point out that the same gesture may have different meanings in different cul- tures. Sticking out the tongue may be a form of mockery in the West, but in Polynesia it serves as a greeting and a sign of reverence. Clapping is our way of applauding, but in Spain and the Orient it is a means of summoning the waiter.8 Northern Europeans usually indicate agreement by nodding their heads up and down, and shak- ing the head from side to side to indicate dis- agreement. The Greeks have for at least three thousand years used the upward nod for dis- agreement and the downward nod for agree- ment. Accordingly, a tourist from the United States or Europe who nods up and down appears to the Greeks to be saying, "No, yes," frequently causing confusion in communication. The Nea- politan upward toss of the head for disagreement is obviously in keeping with the old Greek tradi- tion. Americans point with the forefinger, but in many parts of the world such pointing is taboo. The Kiowa Indian, for example, points with the lips.9 We consider laughter a sign of amusement, but in Africa the blacks use it to "express sur- prise, wonder, embarrassment and even discom- fiture."10 "The Japanese child is taught to smile as a social duty. ... he must always show an ap-

pearance of happiness to avoid inflicting his sor- row upon his friends."' In the United States and England hissing is an indication of rude and public disapproval. In Japan it is a sign of polite deference to one's superiors while the Basuto hiss to applaud. 12

A large number of European gestures seem to have originated with the Ancient Greeks and to have been brought first by their colonists to Magna Graecia, as Sicily and Southern Italy were once called. From Italy they seem to have spread northward and westward, so that they eventually turn up in France, Germany, and Spain. We can date their advent in France, be- cause "French courtiers, before the arrival of the

Italian Catherine de Medici, made few gestures and thought them vulgar."13 The Germans and the other Germanic peoples are somewhat less receptive to the use of gestures than the Ro- mance peoples. One of the earliest cross-cultural discussions of gestures in literature is the famous eighteenth chapter of Rabelais' Pantagruel which describes the contest between the English scholar Thaumastos and Panurge, whom Panta- gruel selects as his champion. The Anglo-Saxon is obviously no match for his Gallic opponents and goes down to ignominious defeat in the battle of the gestures. The most recent notable use of a gesture by an Anglo-Saxon was the use of the digitus impudicus by the late Nelson Rocke- feller a few years ago. Our former Vice-President was only following a long and ancient tradition, because the first recorded use of the "finger" was by Diogenes against Demosthenes over two thou- sand years ago.

Like linguistic morphemes gestures are mean- ingful, but the meaning may vary in different contexts. We are all aware that the English mor- pheme "well" may be (1) the adverb correspond-

6Ibid.

7Argyle, Michael, ed., Bodily Communication, London: Methuen, 1975, pp. 82ff.

'8Rhrich, Lutz, Gebarde-Metapher-Parodie (Wirkendes Wort, Brochure 4), Dusseldorf: Schwann, 1967, p. 13.

9La Barre, Weston, "The Cultural Basis of Emotions and

Gestures," inJournal of Personality 16 (1947-48), p. 51. '"Gorer, Geoffrey, Africa Dances, New York, 1935, p. 10. "Hearn, Lafcadio, Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan, New

York, 1894.

'2La Barre, op. cit., p. 56. '3La Barre, Weston, "Paralinguistics, Kinesics and Cul-

ture Anthropology," Approaches to Semiotics, ed. by Sebeok, Thomas, et al., The Hague/Paris: Mouton, 1964, p. 204.

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THE MODERN LANGUAGE JOURNAL

ing to "good," (2) a noun denoting a source of water, or (3) an interjection. We have no diffi- culty ascertaining the function and meaning of the word in a specific context. Similarly the meaning of gestures may vary. Some can be used (1) to ward off the evil eye, or (2) to express something derogatory, frequently of sexual im- port. For example, the "fig" (Fr. lafigue, Ger. die Feige, It. la manofica), which is made by in- serting the thumb between the index and middle fingers, is used to ward off the evil eye, or to indi- cate contempt of the other interactor. In some areas of the world it is used to effect an assigna- tion. The "horns" (Fr. les comes, Ger. die Horner, It. le corna, Sp. los cuernos) can also be used apotropaically, i.e., to ward off the evil eye, or to mock a cuckold. Rohrich believes that the

relationship between signs of mockery and of magic goes back into early times. 4 The relation- ship between sexual symbols and magic may pos- sibly be traced back to the fertility rites of older cults.

A similarity between gestures and language is the existence of different keys, levels, registers or styles of gestures. Joos ascertained five different levels of speech in English, from frozen to inti- mate. The use of gestures is conspicuously limited or absent in more formal levels of com-

munication, and most common in casual or inti- mate interaction. Gestures are least used by the most polished and educated, more by men than by women. In general, they are less used by adults than by children and, in many cases, gestures live on mainly because they are transmitted from one generation of children to another. A few ges- tures which have been restricted to the children's

world, at least in Germanic lands, are sticking out one's tongue and "making a long nose."15 Another childish gesture is what the Germans call Finger wetzen or Riibchen schaben. It is made by stroking the first phalanx of the right index finger on the left index finger, starting at the knuckle and going down to the tip. Ameri- cans accompany this with the words "pissma- shame," "sissmashame" or "shame on you." Kriss-Rettenback tells of a resident of the

Bavarian hinterland who knew an amazing variety of gestures which were understood by his comrades but not used by them.16 When ques- tioned, he could not account for his acquisition of the gestures. Probably he learned them in childhood, as did also his comrades, but, like

Saint Paul, they put childish things aside when they reached man's estate.

Gestures also go through historical changes which create different "dialects," different forms, obviously related, which express the same idea. Americans wave good-by by holding the hand, palm out and fingers up, in front of the face and moving it from side to side. The Italians hold the palm toward the face and move the fingers toward the other party, a movement which seems to indicate to us "Come back." The

French and the Germans hold the hand hori-

zontally, palm down, and move the fingers toward the departing person as if to speed him on his way. When we knock on a door, we clench the fist, turn the palm toward the door and knock with one or more fingers on the door. The French and the Germans also clench the fist, but

keep the palm toward the person knocking and frequently knock only one finger. Another ges- ture used in slightly varied form in different countries is the digitus impudicus, mentioned above. The common feature is clenching all the fingers on one hand except the middle finger. However, the Italians and the Americans hold the finger up vertically, whereas the French hold the finger out horizontally.

Gestures are not ordinarily used in a vacuum. They usually are produced in conjunction with other forms of communication. Very often the accompaniment is the verbalization of the mean- ing of the gesture. In many cases the gesture it- self has disappeared from active use, but its verbal description persists in the language to ex- press the same thought as the gesture itself. For example, the gesture of Daumen halten ("hold- ing one's thumb") is rarely seen in Germany, but the utterance ich halte den Daumen ("I'll hold my thumb for you") occurs very often.17 The same is true in the United States for "I'll keep my fingers crossed for you." The utterance is much more common than the gesture. Other verbal

4Rohrich, Lutz, op. cit., p. 22. "The latter, produced by putting the thumb to the nose

with the five fingers spread out toward the interactor, is also described as "thumbing one's nose," "the Japanese fan," "coffee-grinding," Fr. faire un pied de nez, jouer de la clari- nette sur le bout de son nez, Ger. eine lange Nase machen.

6Kriss-Rettenbeck, Lenz "Probleme der volkstiimlichen Gebardenforschung," BayerischesJahrbuchfiir Volkskunde, 1964-65, p. 31.

'Rohrich, Lutz, op. cit., p. 34.

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NON-VERBAL COMMUNICATION ACROSS CULTURES

substitutes for gestures mentioned by R6hrich are durch die Finger sehen ("to look through one's fingers") and ein A uge zutun ("to close one eye") to express leniency. Other German verbal descriptions of gestures are den Kopf hiingen lassen ("to hang one's head"), Hirner tragen ("to wear horns"), eine lange Nase machen ("to thumb one's nose"), die Zdhne fletschen ("to bare one's teeth"), die Faust in der Tasche ballen ("to clench one's fist in one's pocket"). For French we find aller la tete levee ("to carry one's head high"), s'arracher les cheveux ("to tear one's hair out"), faire la figue ("to make the fig"), faire un pied de nez ("to thumb one's nose"), montrer les dents ("to show one's teeth"); for Italianfar lefiche ("to make the fig"), far le corna ("to make the horns"), ristringerse nelle spalle ("to shrug one's shoulders"); for Spanish arrancarse los cabellos ("to tear one's hair"), mostrar los dientes ("to show one's teeth"), encogerse de hombros ("to shrug one's shoul- ders").

English surrogates for gestures are "turn up one's nose," "hold one's head high," "tear one's hair," "pull a long face," "prick up one's ears," "keep a stiff upper lip," "bare one's teeth," "keep one's chin up," and "grasp at the wind."'8 In a United Press International dispatch of January 6, 1979 then Deputy Attorney General Benjamin Civiletti was quoted in reference to Patty Hearst's plea for parole. He said neither his agency nor the FBI "has any idea of kind of shrugging its shoulders and closing the file" (italics mine, M.S.K.). When a speaker finds it difficult to use the gesture itself because of the social level in which he is interacting, he may verbally describe the gesture as an acceptable substitute for the gesture. On the other hand, many people use the verbal surrogate as a purely linguistic device in total ignorance of the gesture it describes, having learned the phrase and the meaning it expresses without ever having seen the gesture.

Some authorities include gestures under kinesics, but here I use kinesics to describe those

corporal communications which are produced for the most part unconsciously, beneath the level of awareness. Moreover, these body move- ments are more deeply imbedded in the context of the communicational situation. Gestures are quite often holophrastic, i.e., complete messages in themselves, especially those expressing

mockery or contempt, such as thumbing one's nose, the fig, the finger, the horns, etc. Body language is more subtle, whereas gestures are blatant and unavoidable: the message is trumpeted forth loudly and clearly. The gesture may make verbal communication superfluous. If there is verbal communication, the gesture will emphasize and reinforce it. Kinesic messages are less obvious. They may reinforce the verbal message or contradict it. That is why we prefer a tete-d-tete to a telephone call. We want to see our partner to verify whether his body language confirms his verbal utterances. I am reminded of

a song popular in my youth, part of the lyrics being: "Your lips tell me 'No, no,' but there's 'Yes, yes' in your eyes." Kinesics includes gait, posture-sitting and standing, gaze, facial movements, etc. White Americans usually bounce when they walk with swinging arms and a rolling pelvis.19 Norman Mailer says that white American males walk like bears from the shoul-

ders, whereas blacks walk from the hips like cats. To the Spanish, the Anglo has an uptight, authoritative walk unless he is just ambling. To the Anglo, the Spanish American male walk looks more like a swagger than a purposeful walk.20 Almost fifty years ago Bogen and Lipp- man pointed out that one's walk is determined by his culture. They compared the springy step of the negro with the comfortable saunter of the Englishman.21 In addition to differences be- tween cultures there are also differences between the sexes in the same culture. American females, for example, do not swing their arms as men do. American women also distinguish themselves from American males in their posture. "The American male tends to carry his pelvis rolled slightly back as contrasted with the female ante- rior roll."22

There are differences in the way members of different cultures sit. American males usually sit with legs crossed at the knees when they are in

'8Hayes, Francis C., "Gesture," in Encyclopedia Ameri- cana, 1947, vol. XII, pp. 627ff.

'9Wylie, Laurence and Rick Stafford, Beaux Gestes, Cam- bridge, Massachusetts: Undergraduate Press, 1977, p. xii.

2Hall, op. cit., p. 248. "Bogen, Hellmuth and Otto Lippman, "Gang und

Charakter," Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur angewandte Psychologie, Beiheft 58, 1931, p. 32.

2Birdwhistell, Ray L., Kinesics and Context, Philadel- phia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970, p. 44.

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THE MODERN LANGUAGE JOURNAL

the presence of a superior. Hispanic males sit erect on the base of the spine with legs together. Relaxed, the latter sprawl, whereas the Ameri- cans put their feet up on a table.

Gaze varies with culture. An American pass- ing another, male or female, on the street or in public transportation, looks at him or her only fleetingly, just long enough to determine whether he or she is an acquaintance who must be recognized, or a stranger. According to Fast, "In Paris women are closely examined visually on the streets. In fact many American women re- turning from Paris feel suddenly unappre- ciated."23 Americans claim that one should look

an interactional partner right in the eye, but psychologists have determined that the time of eye contact varies from 75 percent to 25 percent in a typical tete-d-tete. On the other hand, "Arabs look each other in the eye when talking with an intensity that makes most Americans highly uncomfortable."24 This is only one indica- tion that Arabs tend to be much more involved with one another than Americans are. While

Americans gaze at each other less than Arabs, they maintain much more eye contact than many Africans, who consider averting the gaze a mark of respect to superiors. This behavior crops up in other parts of the world, too. Fast tells of an incident in a New York City public school.25 The Vice-Principal summoned a Puerto Rican girl to his office and, because she averted her gaze during the entire conversation, he assumed that she was not telling the truth. Only later did he learn from an Hispanic colleague that her un- willingness to look him in the eye was a mark of deference rather than falsehood.

Ray L. Birdwhistell has probably investigated body movement more than any other kinesiolo- gist. He has determined that facial movements, nods, and other body movements have a struc- ture similar to that of verbal language. For Americans he has been able to isolate fifty to sixty kinemes, which roughly approximate lin- guistic phonemes, and "these kinemes combine to form kinemorphs, which are further analyz- able into kinemorphemic classes which behave like linguistic morphemes."26 That these kinesic movements are tied to culture is illustrated by films of the late Fiorello La Guardia. La

Guardia was trilingual, speaking English, Italian and Yiddish with equal fluency. What is even more remarkable, he was equally fluent in the

three body languages. Any one familiar with the three cultures viewing a film of La Guardia with the sound turned off can tell by his body lan- guage which tongue he was using.27

Another facet of non-verbal communication is

proxemics, the use of space. Hall has ascertained the various acceptable distances for personal in- teraction in our American culture.28 The inti- mate distance extends to one-and-one half feet

and is restricted to the spouse or lover. The per- sonal distance (one-and-one half to four feet) is used by relatives and friends. The social distance (four to twelve feet) is used by strangers. The public distance (over twelve feet) is used by large groups. The distances at which Latins feel com- fortable are much smaller. Hall tells about the

typical behavior of an American businessman in Latin America, who will usually barricade him- self behind a large desk to keep strangers at the social distance. The Latin American feels un-

comfortably far away and ends up climbing over the desk, with the North American retreating to a safer distance.29

Watson reports on empirical research on the proxemic behavior of 122 subjects: 20 from Arab countries, 20 Latin Americans, 10 Southern Europeans, 32 Northern Europeans, 12 Indians and Pakistanis, 12 other Asians, and 16 from the United States. The experiments investigated di- rectness, closeness, touching, visual contact and loudness of voice in personal interaction.30 The Northern Europeans, among whom were in- cluded the British and Germans, and the Ameri- cans lined up with the Far Easterners as the "non-contact group," receiving, in general, low scores in facing the partner in interaction di- rectly, in closeness, in touching, in maintaining visual contact, and in loudness. The Southern Europeans, among whom were included the French and the Italians, lined up with the Latin

23Fast, Julius, Body Language, New York: Pocket Books, 1971, p. 33.

24Hall, Edward T., The Hidden Dimension, Garden City, New York: Doubleday (Anchor), 1969, p. 161.

2"Fast, Julius, op. cit., pp. 136ff. 26Birdwhistell, Ray L., op. cit., p. 101. 2Birdwhistell, Ray L., op. cit., p. 102. 28Hall, Edward T., op. cit., pp. 116ff. 29Hall, Edward T., The Silent Language, Garden City,

New York: Doubleday, 1959, p. 209. 30Watson, O. Michael, Proxemic Behavior: A Cross-Cul-

tural Study, The Hague/Paris: Mouton, 1970, pp. 74ff.

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NON- VERBAL COMMUNICATION A CROSS CULTURES

Americans and the Arabs as the "contact

group," receiving, in general, high scores in the various categories. The Americans were the most consistent low scorers. The British differed only in maintaining high eye contact. The Germans maintained less eye contact than the British, but more than the Americans. The French received

high scores on four counts, but the lowest score of all in loudness. The Italians were in the

middle on loudness, about at the same level as

the Northern Europeans. Interesting comments were made by members

of the two groups, "contact" and "non-contact," about the effect of different proxemic behavior on their feelings. Southern Europeans felt that, if you do not face your partner in interaction di- rectly, you indicate indifference. "More distance means, as one French subject put it, a 'lack of harmony.' Another Frenchman commented that Americans always backed up when he talked to them. Southern Europeans felt they touch each other more than Americans did, and not to do so

would be unfriendly.. ... Raising the level of the voice means excitement or the expression of emotion. .."'. The Northern Europeans, on the other hand, felt nervous when approached too closely and tried to back away. "An English subject said that not to touch other people 'is bred in you.' . . . Raising the voice seems char- acteristically to convey anger among Northern Europeans."32 Both groups agreed that less eye contact conveys a feeling of insincerity.

Proxemic behavior in public places differs sig- nificantly from culture to culture, too. French culture is characterized by centralization. To get by train from the eastern part of Southern France to the western part, or vice versa, one must usually travel first to Paris, which is situated in the North and change trains there. The streets of Paris all radiate out from the

center like the spokes of a wheel. The only American city laid out this way is Washington, because the city plan was designed by a French- man. Most American cities are laid out in the

form of a grid with north-south streets perpen- dicular to east-west streets. The educational sys- tem is centrally controlled from Paris. It used to be said that at a given hour every class in Ele- mentary German throughout France would be reciting the same paradigm. Centralization is also found in business enterprises. The boss sits at a large desk in the center of the room and his

immediate subordinates sit near him. A new em-

ployee gets a desk in the corner facing the wall.33 An American boss has his desk in the corner near

a window. If the enterprise is large enough for each executive to have his own office, the big boss has his office on the top floor in the corner with the best view. The French use public space to socialize in to a much greater extent than Americans. Frenchmen love to congregate in public squares and parks. They enjoy eating in open air restaurants. Even the French small car is designed not simply to save money, but also to provide for closer contact with the other occu- pants of the car. "The American behemoths give bulk to the ego and prevent overlapping of per- sonal spheres inside the car so that each passenger is only marginally involved with the other."34

The Germans stand at the opposite end of the spectrum from the French, being even more aloof than the Americans. The American busi-

nessman usually keeps his door open; the German keeps it closed. Germans appear to be more jealous of their spatial privacy than Ameri- cans. Even opening the door and poking one's head in is considered an intrusion.35 Property is more often fenced off than in the United States, but even when not fenced off, each German con- siders his property sacred.

Although Latins in general enjoy close per- sonal contact with one another, they strive for visual privacy in their homes. The Latin Ameri- can house is often built around a courtyard which is concealed from the outside by the walls. Even though Americans appear more aloof and reserved in the distances they maintain from others in personal interaction, they are more re- ceptive to strangers than most Europeans and Latin Americans. Propinquity does not confer special status on neighbors in other countries, but in the United States being a neighbor in- volves both rights and responsibilities.36 We feel that we may call on our neighbors for help and borrow food or tools, and we are ready to recip-

3'Watson, 0. Michael, op. cit., p. 108. 32Ibid.

33Hall, Edward T., The Silent Language, Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1959, p. 200.

34Hall, Edward T., The Hidden Dimension, p. 145. 35Hall, Edward T., op. cit., p. 133. 36Hall, Edward T., op. cit., p. 141.

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THE MODERN LANGUAGE JOURNAL

rocate. In England, on the other hand, social status means more than propinquity. American children automatically play with the neighbor's children. In other countries they may have to go all the way across town to find playmates.

Yet another aspect of non-verbal communica- tion is chronemics: the way one handles time. The American attitude towards time is reflected

in the saying, "Time is money." We share with the Germans, the Swiss and the Scandinavians

great subservience to the clock. The promptness of trains in Germany and Switzerland is legendary. A few years ago I had to travel from Hamburg in North Germany to Strasbourg in France, just across the Rhine from Germany. Checking at the information window in the Hamburg railroad station, I learned that I had to make one change of trains for which the schedule provided only four minutes. When I ex- pressed my doubts, the clerk reassured me "Sie werden es schaffen." ("You'll make it.") When I got out of the first train, I found out that I had to walk with two heavy suitcases about one hun- dred yards along the platform, down one flight of stairs, up another, and then along another platform about one hundred yards more to get on the second train. I succeeded because the first

train arrived exactly on time and some efficiency expert must have calculated with a stopwatch that it takes the average tourist a little less than four minutes to negotiate the distance.

Hall has ascertained the meaningful time in- tervals of lateness for an appointment in the U.S.A.37 When one arrives four minutes late,

one begins to mutter something. When five min- utes late, an apology is in order. To arrive fifty minutes late is an insult. The Latin American,

on the other hand, does not arrive until forty-five minutes after the appointed time. He begins to mutter at fifty minutes and apologizes only when he is a whole hour late. When an American busi-

nessman in Mexico City invites a native to dinner, the latter usually asks "<Hora americana o hora mexicana?" to make sure which "clock" he should observe. Hall relates all kinds of diffi-

culties American businessmen and government officials encounter in Latin American countries

on account of different temporal attitudes. An- other chronemic difference involves the number

of activities carried on by one individual at a particular time. Americans believe one should do one thing at a time. Therefore an American

will have one client in his office at a time. The

Latin, on the other hand, may have several people in the office simultaneously and go round and round from one to the other. The Latin

American businessman prefers therefore the settee to a desk as a place of transacting business. The Italian piazza and the Spanish plaza are means of involving large numbers of people with one another at the same time.38

The last aspect of non-verbal communication to be discussed here is paralanguage. Of all the non-verbal facets of communication paralan- guage is the closest to language because it too in- volves sounds. The sounds of paralanguage, however, differ from those of language in that they are not phonemes. Phonemes do not as a rule have meaning in and of themselves. The smallest meaningful units of language are mor- phemes which are usually combinations of phonemes. The morphemes in turn combine to form larger units, such as words, phrases, clauses and sentences. Paralinguistic signals are usually holophrastic, that is, they usually have a mean- ing equivalent to a whole sentence. For example, the English dental click we write down as tsk often means "That's a shame." Americans ex-

press affirmation with "Uhhih" and negation with "Uh-uh." We use a palatal click to get a horse in motion or else say "Giddyap." To stop a horse in motion we say "Ho-o-o," the Frenchman says "O-o-o," the Spaniard "So-o-o," the Ger- man "Hii-ii-ii." Clapping the hands is used for applause in the United States, but it may be utilized to summon a waiter in Spain. German students traditionally scuffle their feet to ap- plaud a professor. Poyatos has made some com- parisons of American and Spanish paralan- guage, but few other cross-cultural studies have been carried out.39 Some of the items which need

to be investigated from a cross-cultural view- point are pauses, silence, signals such as "hmm," "mmm," "phew," etc.

The various aspects of non-verbal communi- cation share certain characteristics with lan-

guage. Non-verbal communication demon- strates variation of different kinds just as verbal communication does. Language shows historical

37Hall, Edward T., The Silent Language, pp. 175ff. 38Hall, Edward T., The Hidden Dimension, p. 174. 39Poyatos, Fernando, op. cit.

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TEACHING HEBREW AS A SECOND LANGUAGE TEACHING HEBREW AS A SECOND LANGUAGE

change in pronunciation, grammar, and vocabulary. Sounds change over the centuries and grammatical paradigms are altered. New words appear, old words change their meanings or disappear altogether. Words are borrowed by one language from another. Similar things are observed with respect to gestures. Many of the gestures have changed their forms and/or their meanings over the centuries. Gestures which were primarily apotropaic assume meanings of mockery and contempt. Just as Latin broke up into various dialects which eventually became separate languages through geographic varia- tion, just so the same gestures appear in slightly altered form in France, Italy, and Spain.

Sociological variation is also apparent in non- verbal communications. Just as there are dif- ferent keys, levels, registers or styles of language, similar differences are apparent in gestures, too. Most gestures are restricted to intimate or casual levels rather than more formal ones. In kinesics

certain postures are used in consultative interac- tion, and others in intimate or casual relation-

ships. In proxemics the various distances for per- sonal interaction are closely linked to the levels of the relationships. Moreover, non-verbal sig- nals in general may have multiple meanings just as linguistic homonyms do. In both cases we de- pend on the context to resolve the ambiguity and determine which meaning is appropriate.

Teaching Hebrew as

change in pronunciation, grammar, and vocabulary. Sounds change over the centuries and grammatical paradigms are altered. New words appear, old words change their meanings or disappear altogether. Words are borrowed by one language from another. Similar things are observed with respect to gestures. Many of the gestures have changed their forms and/or their meanings over the centuries. Gestures which were primarily apotropaic assume meanings of mockery and contempt. Just as Latin broke up into various dialects which eventually became separate languages through geographic varia- tion, just so the same gestures appear in slightly altered form in France, Italy, and Spain.

Sociological variation is also apparent in non- verbal communications. Just as there are dif- ferent keys, levels, registers or styles of language, similar differences are apparent in gestures, too. Most gestures are restricted to intimate or casual levels rather than more formal ones. In kinesics

certain postures are used in consultative interac- tion, and others in intimate or casual relation-

ships. In proxemics the various distances for per- sonal interaction are closely linked to the levels of the relationships. Moreover, non-verbal sig- nals in general may have multiple meanings just as linguistic homonyms do. In both cases we de- pend on the context to resolve the ambiguity and determine which meaning is appropriate.

Teaching Hebrew as

Not only does non-verbal communication share various characteristics with language, but the two are complementary constituents of the whole process of interaction. Culture is a net- work of verbal and non-verbal communication

processes and, according to Birdwhistell, "prob- ably no more than 30 to 35 percent of the social meaning of a conversation or an interaction is carried by the words."40 If our objective is to teach communication in a foreign language, we cannot restrict ourselves to the verbal system alone, but we must also pay attention to the non- verbal systems of the foreign culture, too.

Knowledge of non-verbal signals can be used in the foreign language classroom to help the students reach a fuller stage of communication in the target language. In presenting dialogues and in guiding conversation the teacher can bring out the gestures, the body movements, the paralanguage and the proximities which are ap- propriate to the situation in the foreign culture. It may be too much to expect that our students will be able to function just as native speakers do, but at least we can sensitize them to the fact

that interaction may differ in the foreign culture so that, when they are abroad, they will make their own observations and try to modify their own behavior accordingly. "When in Rome, do as the Romans do."

40Birdwhistell, Ray L., op. cit., p. 158.

a Second Language:

Not only does non-verbal communication share various characteristics with language, but the two are complementary constituents of the whole process of interaction. Culture is a net- work of verbal and non-verbal communication

processes and, according to Birdwhistell, "prob- ably no more than 30 to 35 percent of the social meaning of a conversation or an interaction is carried by the words."40 If our objective is to teach communication in a foreign language, we cannot restrict ourselves to the verbal system alone, but we must also pay attention to the non- verbal systems of the foreign culture, too.

Knowledge of non-verbal signals can be used in the foreign language classroom to help the students reach a fuller stage of communication in the target language. In presenting dialogues and in guiding conversation the teacher can bring out the gestures, the body movements, the paralanguage and the proximities which are ap- propriate to the situation in the foreign culture. It may be too much to expect that our students will be able to function just as native speakers do, but at least we can sensitize them to the fact

that interaction may differ in the foreign culture so that, when they are abroad, they will make their own observations and try to modify their own behavior accordingly. "When in Rome, do as the Romans do."

40Birdwhistell, Ray L., op. cit., p. 158.

a Second Language: The State of the Art* The State of the Art*

MOSHE NAHIR, University of Manitoba MOSHE NAHIR, University of Manitoba

Introduction

T HREE CONSECUTIVE though somewhat overlapping trends in the field of second

language instruction since World War II may be

MOSHE NAHIR (Ph.D., University of Pittsburgh) is Asso- ciate Professor of Hebrew and Linguistics at the University of Manitoba. His publications include a Hebrew textbook and articles in The InternationalJournal of the Sociology of Lan- guage, Language Problems and Language Planning, The Canadian Modern Language Review, and Hebrew A bstracts.

Introduction

T HREE CONSECUTIVE though somewhat overlapping trends in the field of second

language instruction since World War II may be

MOSHE NAHIR (Ph.D., University of Pittsburgh) is Asso- ciate Professor of Hebrew and Linguistics at the University of Manitoba. His publications include a Hebrew textbook and articles in The InternationalJournal of the Sociology of Lan- guage, Language Problems and Language Planning, The Canadian Modern Language Review, and Hebrew A bstracts.

roughly delineated, although a close observation may reveal in the literature the beginnings of new, future movements. These trends - the post- World War II audiolingualism, the mentalisti- cally oriented cognitivism, and the most recent compromise labeled as eclecticism-have been reflected in the way Hebrew has been taught in North American Hebrew schools and universi-

roughly delineated, although a close observation may reveal in the literature the beginnings of new, future movements. These trends - the post- World War II audiolingualism, the mentalisti- cally oriented cognitivism, and the most recent compromise labeled as eclecticism-have been reflected in the way Hebrew has been taught in North American Hebrew schools and universi-

*I wish to thank my wife, Tsipora Haya Nahir, for her in- valuable critical comments.

*I wish to thank my wife, Tsipora Haya Nahir, for her in- valuable critical comments.

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