SOC 305 Crime & Society week 5 finial paper

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Learning Objectives

• Analyze unique issues related to stranger crime.

• Study theories of victimization by strangers.

• Explore common reasons for violent crimes committed by strangers.

• Examine reasons for nonviolent crimes committed by strangers.

• Analyze the effects of stranger violence on society.

Crimes Against Strangers

8

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Section 8.1 Overview of Stranger Crime CHAPTER 8

In the early hours of July 30, 2007, 15-year-old Shea McDonough was awakened by a knife pressed to her throat by a masked man at her bedside in her Massachusetts home. “I just tried to make as much noise out of my mouth as I could,” Shea later said in an interview that aired on August 3, 2009, on NBC’s Dateline. “Just like screaming but it didn’t sound like screams at all because of how hard he was pushing down on my mouth.” The noise woke her parents who were able to overpower and restrain the intruder until the police arrived.

The man who attacked Shea was a long-haul truck driver from North Carolina named Adam Leroy Lane. In the 2 weeks before attacking Shea in Massachusetts, Lane murdered Darlene Ewalt in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and Monica Mossaro in Bloomsbury, New Jersey. Ewalt was on her back porch, talking on the phone with her friend in the early morning hours of July 13, 2007, when Lane sneaked up behind her and slashed her throat while her friend listened helplessly on the phone. Lane’s other victim, Monica Mossaro, was asleep in her bed when she was brutally stabbed and her throat slashed during the weekend of July 28, 2007. Each of the three random attacks took place in highway adjacent towns with nearby on- and off-ramps.

After Lane was apprehended for attacking Shea, the FBI and the police connected Lane to the other attacks when they found a receipt from a truck stop shop near Monica Mossaro’s New Jersey home in the cab of Lane’s truck. Lane confessed to Monica Mossaro’s murder, and weeks after Lane’s confession, test results on his weapons came back positive for the blood of Darlene Ewalt. Police were unable to determine motives to connect the crimes until they found in the truck an assortment of knives and other weapons, and a DVD player with a movie inside about a serial killer who murders without motive.

8.1 Overview of Stranger Crime

Crime between strangers presents a unique set of characteristics and consequences, making the stranger crime profiles distinct from interpersonal crimes. Unlike interpersonal crimes that take place between people who know each other, crime between strangers tends to perplex law enforcement and community members because of the seem- ing random nature of the act. Because victims do not know their perpetrators, stranger crime can lead to delayed arrests, misidentification of suspects, wrongful arrests and convictions, and even wrongful execution in capital punishment cases. Further complications stem from the fact that there are different types of strangers:

Keith Brofsky/Thinkstock

A relative stranger is a person one does not know well but has had brief encounters with.

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Section 8.1 Overview of Stranger Crime CHAPTER 8

absolute and relative. An absolute stranger is a person who has no relationship with the victim, whereas a relative stranger usually has some type of prior relationship with the person targeted. Relative strangers may have had brief encounters with the victim, such as those between cashier and customer or delivery person and tenant. Identifying which type of stranger perpetrated a given crime is important because the information col- lected can provide valuable data used for crime prevention campaigns. Indeed, in 2010, the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) reported that strangers were the offenders in 39% of all violent crimes. Additionally, the relationship of offender to victim was unknown in approximately 9% of all violent victimizations.

This chapter examines the dynamics of stranger crime and explores possible explanations for crime committed by and against strangers and the circumstances under which they tend to occur. By the end of the chapter, students will have an overview of the most com- mon types of crimes committed against strangers, while also learning about the effects of stranger violence on society.

Victimization Theories

Most crime theories focus on the offender, but it is also important to analyze the actions or role of the victim in stranger crimes. Since stranger crime often involves random acts of violence, other parts of the crime (i.e., the victim or location) may contribute to the crimi- nal event. Looking at the actions and habits of victims can lead to recommendations for decreasing the risk of victimization.

Victimization theories propose that certain identified behaviors or activities may increase a person’s chances of becoming a victim of stranger crime. In addition, these theories look at the victim-offender interaction before and during the criminal event to try to explain how victimization occurs. It is worth noting that these theories do not blame the victim, but rather they focus on how certain actions intersect with other aspects of a criminal event, many of which are beyond the victim’s control.

Victim Precipitation Theory

Victim precipitation theory examines the role an individual’s actions play in victim- ization. The individual’s actions are described as active precipitation or passive pre- cipitation. This theory was developed by Marvin Wolfgang (1958) as he was examining homicides in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Wolfgang discovered that nearly one fourth of homicides resulted from actions of the victim. Wolfgang described active participation as behaviors or actions where a person acts provocatively, uses threats, fighting words, or attacks first. These actions consequently led to the aggressor’s eventual victimization —sometimes even death. For example, a person may chase a burglar from his home only to have the criminal turn and shoot to kill. In contrast, passive precipitation happens when victims exhibit a characteristic that threatens or encourages the attacker. For example, a person may be in a relationship with someone with a homicidally jealous ex-spouse. Because of this anger, the person may attack the partner to hurt the former spouse. There is nothing the victim did to provoke the attacker, making the behavior (i.e., dating the aggressor’s ex-spouse) completely innocuous. While potential victims in active precipita- tion have more control over preventing their victimization, unconscious or passive pre- cipitation is harder to avoid, leaving little the victim can do to prevent victimization.

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Section 8.1 Overview of Stranger Crime CHAPTER 8

This theory has been criticized for its use in blaming people for their own victimization. However, Fattah (1991) stated that while victim blaming is a valid criticism of victim pre- cipitation theory, the criticism “should not lie in the concept itself, but in the way the con- cept has been operationalized in some studies” (p. 293). Muftic, Bouffard, and Bouffard (2007) noted previous researchers who have stated that the definition of victim precipita- tion should focus only on the actions of the victim that were a “necessary part of the event” (Polk, 1997 as cited in Muftic et al., 2007).

Lifestyle Theory

According to lifestyle theory, certain lifestyles expose people to a higher risk of stranger crime than others. Examples of groups who live high-risk lifestyles include runaways, prostitutes, drug users, and people who engage in criminal activities. In other words, certain types of lifestyles may create different levels of opportunity to become a victim of crime. Lifestyles can vary across a number of different aspects including age, race, sex, marital status, and family income as these characteristics influence a person’s daily activi- ties, movements, and interactions (Kennedy & Forde, 1990). Different lifestyles can also influence a person’s exposure to places and times with varying risks of victimization and interactions with persons who are likely (or unlikely) to commit crime (Robinson, 1999).

Lifestyle theory explains crimes against strangers by pointing out that lifestyle choices include actions that will influence the likelihood of victimization by creating opportuni- ties to interact with potential offenders. An example would be the case in which a person tries to buy drugs but instead is physically assaulted and robbed of his drug money.

Deviant Place Theory

According to deviant place theory, likelihood of victimization increases in socially disor- ganized areas, in densely populated neighborhoods, in areas with high rates of unemploy- ment and low rates of high school graduation, and where there are high rates of population turnover. American sociologist Rodney Stark (1987) recognized it wasn’t neighborhood factors alone that contributed to deviant places but also how people responded to these environmental characteristics.

Another aspect of this theory is related to the consequences of high crime areas. Stark noted that high crime or deviant places could actually attract deviant people to the area; that these areas might encourage those who are not prone to criminal behavior to leave the area; and, that deviant places actually contribute to a reduction in social control. Because this theory focuses on the environment, it suggests that neighborhood crime levels are more important than individual characteristics in determining the opportunity for victimiza- tion. In other words, social disorganization encourages stranger crime because residents and nonresidents alike are potential victims due to their mere presence in a particular area. Further, these communities tend to promote behaviors that lead to spontaneous acts of crime that may result in stranger victimization.

Routine Activities Theory

According to routine activities theory, crime is related to everyday activities that allow criminals to predict their victim’s schedules. This theory, like lifestyle theory, focuses on

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Section 8.2 Violent Crime Against Strangers CHAPTER 8

the opportunities for victimization that are created by individuals. It differs from life- style theory in that routine activities theory does not focus solely on high-risk lifestyles. Rather, routine activities theory analyzes criminal motivation by linking the environment with daily activities as the determining factors in victimization. According to the theory, anyone with a discernible routine can become the victim of crime, regardless of lifestyle or other characteristics. Routine activity theory predicts crime will occur when three vari- ables come together:

1. The availability of suitable targets, which includes items that are valuable, can be easily transported, and/or easily accessible—for example, a cell phone or empty home.

2. The absence of capable guardians, which includes people such as the police, homeowners, and neighbors, but also things such as fences, locks, and alarms.

3. The presence of motivated offenders, which is people who are willing to commit crimes, such as unemployed teens or gang members.

The routine activity approach seeks to understand stranger crime by explaining how indi- vidual routines expose people to situations conducive to crime. For example, this theory might explain why the homes of people who work 9:00 a.m.–5:00 p.m., Monday–Friday would be more susceptible to property crime than homes with multiple residents who have varied work schedules. According to this theory, predictable patterns of behavior increase the likelihood of victimization.

8.2 Violent Crime Against Strangers

Crimes against strangers are one of the most frightening forms of victimization. Indeed, stranger crime disproportionately causes more fear and public concern than crimes committed by family and acquaintances, in part, because the media gives more attention to stranger crime than nonstranger violence (Hessick, 2007). Some- thing unique about the effects of stranger crime is that a person does not have had to be the direct victim of a crime to become fearful. According to research, people who learn about other people’s victimizations are nearly as afraid of becoming a victim of stranger crime as the actual victims (Hessick, 2007).

Murder Committed by Strangers

While many use the terms homicide and murder interchangeably, they are different terms. Homicide is the willful killing of one human being by another, while mur- der is an unlawful form of homicide, intentionally killing a human being by another human being without legal justification. The Uniform Crime Reports estimates that 14,748 people were murdered in the United States in 2010 (FBI, 2011). Among homicides where law enforcement knew the nature of the victim-offender relationship, approxi- mately 12% of victims were killed by strangers (Federal Bureau of Investigation [FBI], 2011b) (see Figure 8.1). Investigating murder committed by someone known to the victim is easier for law enforcement than when the offender is a stranger. This is because when the perpetrator is a stranger to the victim, homicide law enforcement often strug- gles to gather information beyond what is directly available to them at the crime scene.

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Section 8.2 Violent Crime Against Strangers CHAPTER 8

Figure 8.1: Homicide data by victim-offender relationship status

Based on data from the U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation. Retrieved from http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/crime-in-the-u.s/2010/crime-in-the-u.s.-2010/

offenses-known-to-law-enforcement/expanded/expandhomicidemain

The relationship status of the victim and the offender is unknown for many of the reported cases in 2010. But approximately 43% of victims were murdered by someone they knew.

0 100 200 300 400 500 600

Husband

Wife

Mother

Daughter

Son

Father

Sister

Brother

Other family

Acquaintance

Friend

Boyfriend

Emplooyee

Neighbor

Girlfriend

Employer

Percent Distribution

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rd e r

b y R

e la

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n s h

ip 1

2

110

603

107

135

256

197

88

19

287

396

492

131

92

8

13

2,723

Family

Other known

Unknown Family

Stranger Other known

44.0%

13.9%

12.4%

29.7%

5,724 vicitims

1,802 victims

3,855 victims

1,615 victims

Relationship is that of victime to offender

Due to rounding, the percentages may not add to 100.0.

NOTE: Figures are based on 12,996 murder victims for whom supplemental homicide data were received, and includes the 5,724 victims for which the relationship was unknown.

1

2

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Though serial murders, spree murders, and mass murders are relatively rare, they capture the attention of the media and subsequently the attention of the public. Because these murders are more likely to involve victims and offenders who are strangers, this compli- cates the efforts of law enforcement to solve these crimes, while also adding an additional sense of insecurity for the communities affected because of the seemingly random nature of the offenses.

Types of Murder Committed by Strangers At its most basic level, serial murder is often defined as killing more than three victims, one at a time, over a period of time. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), there are several types of serial killers. Visionary killers hear voices or see visions that tell them to kill. Mission-oriented killers target people who they believe are infe- rior or worthless. They are motivated by the need to cleanse society of undesirables such as prostitutes and the homeless. Hedonistic killers are motivated by excitement, sex, or money and murder for thrills. Power-oriented killers are motivated by power and con- trol. They tend to kidnap victims who they torture and humiliate before killing them.

In a study of 21 serial killers, Pakhomou (2004) found that of the 97 victims (76 were deceased), 68 had no established relationship with the offender. Pakhomou noted that previous research and law enforcement efforts made no real attempt to distinguish the nature of the relationship between victim and serial murderer. As Pakhomou examined the various cases of serial killers in the continental United States, what emerged was a profile of victims who were primarily unknown to their offenders. When the stranger cat- egory was further examined, it was discovered that the largest number of victims in this category (23/68 = 33%) were solicited for sex or lured by an offer for drugs and sex, while 18 stranger victims were abducted by surprise attack or threat. It may be that these serial murderers targeted a population such as prostitutes because of the status of prostitutes in society. Because street prostitutes are a vulnerable population unlikely to seek voluntary contact with law enforcement, these serial killers were not fearful of anyone reporting a victim missing or if they were unsuccessful, reporting their violent encounter with a cus- tomer to police.

Previous interactions with law enforcement may have provided prostitutes (or similar populations) with the understanding that their concerns would be taken less seriously than other groups. Once this knowledge becomes widely known by the public, a group like prostitutes becomes a target for crimes such as murder. In addition, because street prostitution is likely to be tolerated only in certain communities (i.e., high crime areas or communities), it often takes longer for law enforcement to become aware that a crime has been committed.

The number of murders, usually four or more, that occur during the same event, gener- ally defines mass murder. With mass murder, the killings typically take place in a single location, compared with a serial killer who murders victims over time. Some research on the victim-offender relationship in mass murders has found that in some cases the victim and offender are strangers, while in other cases they know each other. In research comparing adolescent and adult mass murderers, Meloy and associates (2004) noted that for the 30 adults who committed mass murders for their time period of interest, all of the victims were known in 50% of the incidents. Of the remaining 50% of incidents, one

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Section 8.2 Violent Crime Against Strangers CHAPTER 8

quarter of the victims (25%) were strangers to the perpetrator. In contrast, Meloy and associates (2004) found that in 19% of the cases involving the 34 adolescent murderers there was some mix of known and unknown victims to the perpetrators. It appears from this research that adult offenders of mass murder are more likely to murder strangers than adolescent mass murderers.

Contributing to the fear of stranger crime are television and newspaper accounts of mass murders. Duwe (2000) found that widely publicized mass killings were more likely to involve stranger victims. By widely publicizing such incidents, the media becomes central in creating knowledge for the public about these types of offenses. Not only can this create knowledge, this publicity can also create fear and panic. In addition, the media has high- lighted the variety in situations, characteristics, and offenders for mass killings. Examples of mass murder can be as varied as the incident in 1984 involving James Huberty where he killed 21 strangers at a McDonald’s restaurant, to the actions of Timothy McVeigh in 1995 where 168 people were killed in Oklahoma City when he detonated a truck filled with explosives outside the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building.

Similar to mass murder is spree murder. Spree murders are those murders that involve multiple victims: however, the timeframe for which these murders are completed is longer than that of mass murder. DeLisi, Hochstetler, Scherer, Purhmann, and Berg (2008) noted that Eric Hickey identified several characteristics of spree murderers and killings. Hickey stated that there was a great deal of randomness to victim selection in these killings and that they were often “impulsive and spontaneous” (Hickey, 1991, as cited in DeLisi et al., 2008, p. 39). DeLisi and associates also noted that spree murders, not unlike mass mur- ders, generate a great deal of fear because of the violence these murders produce.

Robbery

According to research, the typical robbery is a spontaneous act of violence that occurs as the opportunity presents itself, with little planning and no thought about how to avoid getting caught. The Uniform Crime Report (UCR) noted in 2010 that there were a reported 367,832 robberies in the United States. Interestingly, the Bureau of Justice Statistics National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) reported approximately 480,000 robberies were committed in the United States in 2010, translating to a rate of 160 per 100,000 persons. The NCVS reported that of the 480,000 victims of robbery for 2010, 216,330 were male victims who were unknown to the offender, and 93,760 were female victims unknown to the offender. This translates to 72% of male victims of robbery being strangers to their offenders and 53% of female victims being strangers to their offenders in robberies. What the data from the UCR and NCVS demonstrate is that most victims of robberies had no relationship with their offenders in 2010.

Robbery is the most common violent crime committed against strangers, of the violent crimes included in the NCVS. Furthermore, other circumstances of robberies may explain why most people who are victims are strangers to their offenders. The most common loca- tion for a robbery in 2010 (approximately 65%) was on a street or highway, convenience store, gas or service station, or bank (FBI, 2011) (see Figure 8.2). The location of most robberies indicates that the victims are in contact with people likely to be strangers and therefore suggests that their offenders are likely unknown to them. In addition, it seems

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as though people become victims of robbery as they are engaging in routine activities. Participating in activities that bring people in contact with strangers (e.g., stopping at a retail store to shop, getting gas, going to a grocery store) may increase a person’s likeli- hood to be the victim of a robbery by placing them in contact with a motivated offender who perceives this as an opportunity to commit this particular crime.

Figure 8.2: Location of robberies

Based on data from the U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation. Retrieved from http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ ucr/crime-in-the-u.s/2010/crime-in-the-u.s.-2010/violent-crime/robberymain

A majority of robberies in 2010 occurred on a street or highway.

The consequences of robbery can extend beyond property loss or damage. Because rob- bery is a face-to-face interaction, it may cause victims to experience more interpersonal and long-term consequences such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Victims may have repetitive and intrusive thoughts or dreams about the crime. In addition, victims of robbery may experience changes in eating and sleeping habits after they have been vic- timized. While victims of random violence often try to analyze reasons for why they were targeted at random, other victims who are selected for their membership in a particular social, racial, or ethnic group face different challenges when their offender is a stranger.

Hate Crimes

Hate crimes are acts that target a specific category of individuals and are motivated by a bias against physical or social characteristics unique to the group. The definition of a hate

Bank

Gas or service station

Convenience store2.2%

BankBank

2.3%

5.2%5.2%

Miscellaneous

Street/highway 43.2%

16.6%

Commercial house 13.2%

Residence 17.3%

*Due to rounding, the percentages may not add up to 100.0.

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crime has evolved from one that included only protected classes such as race, religion, sexual orientation, and ethnicity to include physical and mental disabilities. In addition, hate crimes are acts committed based on the victim’s real or perceived membership in a group. This means that when a person is a victim of a hate crime, he or she may not even be a member of the group targeted by the offender. These crimes can cause fear and intimidation among entire social groups. Research reveals that the psychological effects suffered by hate crime victims are more intense and last longer than for victims of nonhate crimes (Levin, 1999). The unique vulnerability of hate crime victims causes them to expe- rience distinct trauma related to the suffering they experienced because of a characteristic that is central to their identity. Indeed, hate crimes are disruptive and threatening to the entire community.

Ignaski (2001) noted that harm caused by hate crimes tends to come in waves, creating multiple victims in a hate crime, each experiencing a unique set of consequences. The ini- tial victim is the individual victim of the hate crime who experiences various detrimental side effects. The “harm” wave then spreads out to groups that most resemble the initial victim in the neighborhood where the crime happened. For example, if the initial victim is Black, this second wave of harm would include all Blacks in the community. From there, Ignaski explains the harm moves to the initial victim’s group beyond the neighborhood. There is some concern that the harm can spread beyond the initial victim’s group to target other groups (e.g., gays/lesbians). In other words, people both in and out of the commu- nity may fear they will become the next target of a hate crime, and this increases the ten- sion in the initial and surrounding communities. Finally, Ignaski found that hate crimes can “offend the collective moral code” (p. 631). This last point speaks to how hate crimes

impact the societal understanding and apprecia- tion of diversity. Specifically, hate crimes can pull communities apart and damage the societal cohe- sion of a given community.

One of the additional groups that may be tar- geted for hate crimes are immigrants—legal and illegal. Similar to the selection of prostitutes for victimization by serial killers, persons may target immigrants due to the belief that these persons would be less likely to contact law enforcement officials, making the investigation of their crimi- nal victimization less likely. Consequently, entire populations of persons who experience this type of victimization fail to report their victimiza- tions, making it impossible for law enforcement officials to respond and assist in making this group of persons feel welcomed and safe in their own communities.

Research suggests that there are four major cat- egories of motivation or offender typologies with respect to hate crime offenses (McDevitt, Levin, & Bennett, 2002):

Robert Ginn/Photolibrary/Getty Images

Groups such as the Ku Klux Klan perpetrate hate crimes based on race.

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1. Thrill Seeking: Offenders who commit the crime for excitement and power. 2. Defensive: Offenders who believe they are protecting their turf or resources in a

situation they consider threatening. 3. Retaliatory: Offenders are motivated by a desire to avenge a perceived insult or

assault on their group. 4. Mission: Offenders are strongly committed to ridding the world of groups they

consider evil or inferior.

Some of these typologies may be more connected to the stranger crime than others. McDevitt et al. (2001) found that thrill seeking and mission hate crimes had no victim offender history. In other words, these hate crimes are more likely to involve a victim and offender who are strangers. A reason for this is that thrill-seeking hate crimes often result in offenders leaving their neighborhood in order to engage in the crime. Additionally, the offenders of these hate crimes are most frequently teenagers (66%), likely making these crimes ones of impulse and convenience, not a well-conceived plan. McDevitt et al. also found there was often no victim offender history in retaliatory hate crimes. One possible explanation to this finding is that these offenses are impersonal, only requiring that the victim be a member of the initial offending group, not that they be anyone in particular.

Web Field Trip: Hate Groups and the Legal Protection of Free Speech Freedom of speech is not just for those who have nice things to say. Indeed, there are more than 1,000 active hate groups in the United States including neo-Nazis, Holocaust deniers, and the Ku Klux Klan. Each of these hate groups has beliefs or practices that target various social groups. Their activities, which include hate speeches, leaflets, rallies, and marches, are often protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution.

Hate groups exist in every state in the nation. Go to http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed /hate-map and click on your state to see the active hate groups in your area. Next, read the First Amendment to the Constitution http://www.senate.gov/civics/constitution_item/constitu- tion.htm#amendments, and then view laws that exist regarding hate crimes in your state and others at the Anti-Defamation League site: http://www.adl.org/learn/hate_crimes_laws/map _frameset.html.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. How does the number of hate groups in your state compare to other states? Had you ever heard of any of the groups near you before?

2. What may contribute to some states protecting the free speech of hate groups versus having hate crime laws?

3. Should there be stricter federal regulations against hate crimes and hate groups? If so, how would they violate constitutional rights to freedom of speech?

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Facts About Hate Crimes In 2010, the FBI reported approximately 6,600 hate crime incidents and almost 7,700 offenses (FBI, 2011). Each of these incidents and offenses corresponded to 8,200 victims for the same year. Most of these victims were selected for the offender’s racial bias (3,949 or 48% of all victims), specifically anti-Black bias (33%) followed by antireligion bias (approximately 19%). Victims of antigay bias comprised the third highest number of vic- tims in 2010, with approximately 1,528 victims in 2010. Of these 1,528 victims based on sexual orientation, most were antimale homosexual bias victims. Interestingly, the Hate Crime Statistics Program included almost 15,000 law enforcement agencies who could report hate crime data for 1–12 months; however, approximately 87% of these 15,000 agen- cies reported that no hate crimes occurred in their jurisdiction for the year 2010 (FBI, 2011). It needs to be reiterated that this information is collected in the same method as other UCR data—through voluntary police reporting of the offenses made aware to them. As demonstrated in the statistics earlier regarding the number of participating agencies, the voluntary nature of police reporting hate crime data can have a significant and negative impact on what is known about these offenses, how law enforcement respond to these offenses, and how communities are impacted by these offenses.

Unlike the UCR, which relies on police to voluntarily report hate crime offenses into the database, the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) relies on reports collected from actual victims of offenses to make their estimates of the number of victims and vic- timizations that took place in the United States for a particular period of time. In 2009 there were 148,000 hate crime victimizations estimated to have occurred in the United States (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2011b). A Bureau of Justice Statistics (2011b) report on hate crime victimization from 2003 to 2009 found almost 90% of the victims believed the offender was motivated by racial or ethnic bias. In addition, this report found that more than 80% of the incidents involved violence, but victims reported fewer than half of the incidents to law enforcement.

The Bureau of Justice Statistics report on hate crimes from 2003 to 2009 found that these crimes are more likely than conventional crimes to be committed by strangers. Victims in about 54% of violent hate crime victimizations reported that the offender was a stranger, compared to 42% of nonhate crime victims (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2011b). Similarly, the Bureau of Justice Statistics (2005b) reported the NCVS data (2000–2003) stated that strangers committed 52% of violent hate crimes, compared to 45% of violent crimes that are not hate crimes.

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An additional issue related to hate crimes involves state-by-state variations in hate crime legislation that can make it difficult to calculate the precise number of hate crimes com- mitted. Indeed, the differences in the specific protected classes that are included in indi- vidual state-level legislation highlight that criterion for hate crimes varies from state to state making direct comparisons difficult.

Hate Crimes and Police Response Wilson and Ruback (2003) found there are certain circumstances or characteristics of a hate crime that make law enforcement response more likely. They include severity of offense and victim characteristics. Wilson and Ruback found that police are more likely to respond to a hate crime that involved a property or personal crime over one that involved noncriminal behavior (e.g., rallies, handing out literature). In addition, they found that in Pennsylvania an incident involving a White victim rather than a Black victim was more likely to gain a police response. Police were also more likely to respond to incidents in counties with a large Jewish population than incidents that took place in counties with large Black populations.

Further, research shows several variables that affect whether police agencies and police officers record a hate crime. Nolan and Akiyama (1999) identified several variables that encourage and discourage an agency to report hate crimes as seen in the following samples:

Agency Encouragers

Desire to give support to communities

Belief that hate crime reporting will improve police/community relations

Lets community know that depart- ment takes hate crimes seriously

Will help maintain department’s good relationship with diverse groups

A belief that identifying problem will keep others safe

Agency Discouragers

Not deemed important by department

Perceived as not being real police work

Not a priority of local government

A belief that hate crime reporting will result in negative publicity for the community

Hate crimes are not as serious as other crimes (i.e., a lower priority)

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Human Trafficking

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) defines human trafficking as recruiting, transporting, transferring, harboring, or receiving of a person using threat, force, abduction, fraud, or deception for the purpose of exploitation (2006). Victims of human trafficking are forced, coerced, or defrauded into sexual exploitation or unpaid labor and can be women, men, and children. The exact number of human trafficking victims is unknown because a great deal of trafficking takes place underground, and some actions that are actually trafficking are misidentified as some other offense (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2009). Because of this, much of the information on human trafficking regarding extent has to be estimated. For example, the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime estimated in 2006 that 600,000 to 800,000 persons were traf- ficked across international borders each year. However, the most recent information from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, (2010) estimates that human trafficking has 2.5 million victims at any one time. According to the State Department, up to 2 million people are trafficked worldwide every year, and an estimated 15,000 to 18,000 brought to the United States (Department of State Trafficking in Persons Report, 2010). Adult women are the most likely victims of human trafficking, followed by girls, adult men, and boys (UNODC, 2009).

Researchers have identified several common characteristics among victims of human traf- ficking making them attractive targets for traffickers, in part due to their vulnerability (Cicero-Dominguez, 2005). These characteristics include

• living in poverty, or lack economic opportunities; • being responsible for economic dependents and children; • having low levels of education, often with the inability to read and write; • being victims of physical and sexual abuse; • lacking adequate housing; and • lacking information regarding safety and legal immigration procedures.

Even though every human trafficking case is unique, most follow the same pattern: People are abducted or recruited in their country of origin, transported through transit regions,

Individual Encouragers

Belief that early identification of prob- lem is key to effective solution

Belief it is an important part of the job

It benefits victims and communities

Belief it will help prevent problems

Individual Discouragers

Belief that hate crimes are not serious

Sometimes run counter to officer’s personal beliefs

Victims do not want to assist in prosecution

Too much additional work

Nolan and Akiyama also identified several variables specifically devoted to the individual police officers. The researchers found the following with respect to individual encourag- ers and discouragers regarding reporting:

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and then exploited in the destination country. Recruiting victims of human trafficking occurs in origin countries where victims are recruited by deception or physical or psy- chological coercion. Countries in Central and South Eastern Europe and Asia are the most common countries of origin of human trafficking victims. Other places from where people are trafficked include Western Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2006). Transit countries make up the international route vic- tims are transported through to the destination country. Traffickers manipulate immigra- tion and border-control laws, bribe corrupt officials, forge documents, and withhold the identity papers of victims to transport them through these countries.

Once they reach the destination country, victims are forced to perform both legal and illegal work in a variety of fields. Some victims work in the sex industry, while other victims work in domestic labor (e.g., housekeepers, child care workers), construction, or landscaping. In addition, some victims are forced to work in restaurants and factories, and some are forced to engage in various criminal activities. The most common destina- tion countries include five in Western Europe: Belgium, Germany, Greece, Italy, and the Netherlands; two Asian countries: Japan and Thailand; and the United States.

Once discovered, victims may receive support and permission to remain in the destination country. However, victims may also be returned to their home country, or in some cases, relocated to a third country. Frequently, however, victims are considered illegal immi- grants and returned to their origin countries (Bernish, 2010). When the victims return to their origin countries, many suffer the lasting effects of the physical and psychological violence during the trafficking process. In addition, some of these victims may experience other consequences (e.g., cultural consequences) based on their experience in the destina- tion country.

Human trafficking is a broad term for a range of activities that involve holding a person in compelled service (U.S. Department of State, 2009). The United States Department of State 2009 Trafficking in Person Report identified several major forms of human trafficking:

Table 8.1: Forms of human trafficking

Forced labor Sometimes referred to as involuntary servitude, forced labor occurs when dishonest employers take advantage of workers. Immigrants and females, who may also be sexually abused, are especially vulnerable.

Sex trafficking Victims are forced or tricked into prostitution or other sex work in dance clubs.

Bonded labor Also known as debt bondage, workers are forced to work off money they owe to their employer or the person who transported them into the country.

Involuntary domestic servitude

Domestic workers are often isolated because they work in places that are not formal businesses, such as in a person’s home, and they do not share the work with others.

Forced child labor A child who involuntarily works in order for a nonfamily member to profit is kept as forced labor. (continued)

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Table 8.1: Forms of human trafficking

Child soldiers While not common in the United States, children can be forced to work for military forces. Boys and girls who are taken as child soldiers are often sexually abused.

Child sex trafficking Millions of children work as prostitutes in what has grown into a global commercial sex trade.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2009) found that a disproportionate num- ber of human trafficking perpetrators were female. In some cases, female perpetrators were once forced into human trafficking themselves and so know best how to ensnare vic- tims. Victims of human trafficking are overwhelmingly women from developing nations. Some are sold by their parents or kidnapped, but most victims are recruited by traffickers who lie to them about opportunities available in the destination country. According to the FBI, traffickers in the United States are often of the same ethnicity or from the same country as their victims, and victims tend to trust traffickers because they have higher political or social standing. Traffickers usually live in the destination country legally but have close ties with people in the origin country. Also to their advantage, traffickers can usually speak English as well as their native languages (FBI, 2006).

In response to the issue of human trafficking, the United States adopted the Traffick- ing Victims Protection Act (TVPA) in 2000, and the United Nations enacted the Proto- col to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children—also known as the Palermo Protocol. The Palermo Protocol is designed to focus the global community’s attention on the increasing amount of human trafficking and the need for countries to cooperate as a way of prevention. According to the Protocol, gov- ernments should respond using the “3P’s paradigm: Prevention, Criminal Prosecution and Victim Protection” (United States Department of State, 2011).

Countries outside of the United States have attempted to deal with the issue of human trafficking through the passage of legislation; however, effective enforcement has been difficult. In fact, one of the major issues with preventing human trafficking is the lack of enforcement by those charged with upholding antitrafficking laws.

Web Field Trip: Women Forced into Human Trafficking Human trafficking is a worldwide industry that makes approximately $40 billion every year and forces thousands of people into modern-day slavery. Between 15,000 and 18,000 victims of human traffick- ing are brought to America every year. Women account for around 77% of victims, many of whom are forced into prostitution after being tricked into leaving home for childcare or housekeeping jobs.

(continued)

(continued)

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Section 8.2 Violent Crime Against Strangers CHAPTER 8

Terrorism

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, had profound effects on domestic and global society. Indeed, the impact of these events has significantly changed American society—from those who lost family members in the attacks, to civilians who were injured, to first responders who experienced long-term and life-threatening injuries, to members of the armed forces. In a larger context, 9/11 significantly undermined the sense of invin- cibility to domestic attack, which led the U.S. government to create new law enforcement agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security. Along with the need for added security came a new level of suspicion that took hold in society. People who were perceived to be Muslim quickly became the focus of concern, hostility, distrust, and fear. Hate crimes against Muslims and people thought to be Muslim saw a dramatic increase in the days, weeks, and months after the attacks, as strangers randomly targeted them out of misplaced anger, fear, and desire for revenge. The Southern Poverty Law Center tracks such crimes (http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/news/splc-testifies-about-increase-in-anti -muslim-bias/anti-muslim-incidents-since-9-11) and brought a list of reported incidents before the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights and Human Rights Committee on the Judiciary in March 2011 for policy review.

Yet, according to an FBI report on terrorism from 2002 to 2005 domestic extremists carried out 23 of the 24 recorded terrorist incidents during this time. With the exception of white suprema- cists firebombing a synagogue in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, special interest extremists—not Muslims—active in the animal rights and environmental movements committed all of the domestic terrorist incidents. The acts committed by these extremists typically targeted materials and facilities rather than persons. The only international terrorist incident in the United States recorded from 2002 to 2005 involved an attack at the El Al ticket counter at Los Angeles International Airport, which claimed the lives of two people.

Web Field Trip: Women Forced into Human Trafficking (continued) For an original and artistic look at the human trafficking issue that offers some solutions to this serious global issue, watch this short video: http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player _detailpage&v=77UUBjNf-1A.

One possibility for preventing human trafficking, and prostitution specifically, is to provide resources for the sexual abuse survivors and runaways who often find themselves without other options. Visit http://www.wellspringliving.org/about-us.php to read about the organization Wellspring Living, which provides programs for survivors of sexual abuse and prostitution or sex trafficking.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. Are certain people more likely to be victims of human trafficking? 2. Do you see any flaws in the solutions offered at the end of the video? Which ones sound the

most likely to work? 3. Why do you think lawmakers have not done more to protect and help victims of human traf-

ficking? What political agendas could be in the way? 4. What global efforts are being made to address trafficking? 5. Could the resources provided by Wellspring Living be the solution to prostitution? Why don’t

more places like this exist?

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Terrorism Defined Terrorism is defined in the Code of Federal Regu- lations as “the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any seg- ment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives that result in mass violence and often involves more than one victim (U.S. Department of Justice [USDOJ], 2005). Additionally, terrorism is the deliberate creation and exploitation of fear, through violence or threat of violence, in the pur- suit of political change (Jerin & Moriarty, 2010). There are generally two types of terrorism: domes- tic and international. Domestic terrorism includes all aspects of terrorism; however, the offenders are affiliated with the country of interest. This issue was explored (and further defined) by the United States PATRIOT Act of 2001, in which the United States Code defined domestic terrorism as activities that

A. involve acts dangerous to human life that are violations of the criminal laws of the United States or of any State;

B. appear to be intended to i. intimidate or coerce a civilian population; ii. influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; or iii. affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination,

or kidnapping; and C. occur primarily within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States.

(http://codes.lp.findlaw.com/uscode/18/I/113B/2331)

It should be noted that this is the definition for domestic terrorism as it is defined in the United States, and other countries may have different definitions of domestic terrorism specific to their countries.

Impact of Terrorism While terrorism can occur anywhere at any time, there are certain parts of the world more likely to experience attacks than other parts of the world. The National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC) (2011) reported that in 2010 most terrorist attacks (approximately 9,000 of the almost 12,000 attacks recorded) took place in the countries of the Near East and South Asia. These attacks were responsible for nearly 10,000 deaths in that same year. While police accounted for more than 2,000 victims, more than half of those killed in 2010 were civilians, including 600 children (NCTC, 2011). Approximately one quarter of these deaths took place in Iraq, with another quarter taking place in Afghanistan (NCTC, 2011). In con- trast, the fewest terrorist attacks were recorded in the Western Hemisphere.

Jim Collins/Associated Press

Terrorist attacks such as those that occurred on September 11, 2001, are meant to instill fear through violence.

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The objective of terrorists, whether domestic or international, is to instill fear through violence, usually against strangers, or by destroying property. Targets of terrorism are often people, groups, or property unrelated to the political or ideological agenda of the perpetrators. While terrorist attacks are rare, the public is fearful of them due to often large-scale attacks, media attention, and the aftermath and consequences of terrorism, which all heighten public awareness and fear. Terrorism, regardless of type, is a crime that generally targets strangers and interferes with people’s freedom and liberty.

Acts of terrorism affect society in a number of ways. For some, the effects of terrorism are the immediate physical consequences (e.g., injury, death). For everyone involved, though, the effects are emotional or psychological. Terrorism may lead those who are under constant threat of attack to alter their daily life plans and fear the stability of their home lives and/or their financial livelihood. The National Counterterrorism Center (2011) reported that in 2010, 1,754 facilities targeted for terrorist attacks were residences or public/retail places.

Acts of terrorism are costly in terms of medical fees and property damage, but they can also have devastating economic consequences for neighborhoods, cities, and even entire countries. When terrorist attacks target business districts or tourist areas, it makes it diffi- cult if not impossible for the community to function normally. Research shows that victims of terrorism in Pakistan were primarily family breadwinners who suffered devastating financial losses that affected entire communities (Waheed & Ahmad, 2012). Research also notes loss of family income has serious consequences for academic achievement among children (Waheed & Ahmad, 2012). Poverty and lack of education is, in fact, often to blame for young people being indoctrinated into the terrorist mindset.

Web Field Trip: Al-Qaeda’s Young Recruits Terrorist groups like al-Qaeda begin training boys as young as 7 to use weapons and fight enemies. Parents allow this because al-Qaeda offers food, shelter, and education to their children as well as protection for the family. The repercussions of using children to carry out terrorist attacks, however, often have devastating consequences for the kids involved.

Watch a short video on child victims of al-Qaeda attacks as well as those who are recruited as sol- diers: http://www.cbsnews.com/video/watch/?id=5387434n.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. What motivates families to allow their children to become al-Qaeda recruits? 2. How do socioeconomic factors play into this practice?

Ecoterrorism In addition to domestic and international terrorism, more specific types and targets of ter- rorism exist. Some of these types are focused on a certain cause or aspect of society, such as the environment. As with the definition of terrorism, attempting to define ecoterrorism

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is difficult and complex. An ecological terrorist organization can mean two or more persons organized for the purpose of supporting any politically motivated activity intended to obstruct or deter any person from participating in any activity involving animals or an activity involving natural resources (Best & Nocella, 2004). The FBI (2002) defines ecoterrorism as “the use or threatened use of violence of a criminal nature against innocent victims or property by an environmentally-oriented, sub-national group for environmental-political reasons, or aimed at an audience beyond the target, often of a symbolic nature.”

The Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and the Earth Liberation Front (ELF) are two well- known groups that have been labeled as ecoterrorists, using violence or intimidation to protect animals and the environment. These groups, who have claimed credit for more than 1,200 crimes since 1990, are responsible for millions of dollars in damage to homes, equipment, and research facilities (Frieden, 2005). They use a variety of tactics against their targets ranging from arson, stalking, vandalism, assaults, and personal threats. The victims of these types of attacks can be individuals, corporations, lumber companies, ani- mal testing facilities, generic research firms, and/or college and university laboratories (FBI, 2008).

In Senate testimony in 2005, it was reported that these two groups were responsible for more than $100 million in damages and over 1,000 different acts. In an effort to address these acts, Congress passed (and President George W. Bush signed into law) a revision to the Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act, which strengthened penalties against offenders while at the same time creating additional protections for people. The original law did not cover property damage or secondary targets such as companies that do business with the primary target.

8.3 Nonviolent Crimes Committed Against Strangers

So far, a great deal of attention in this chapter has focused on violent crimes against strangers. However, nonviolent crimes committed against strangers also require sociological exploration. Just as with violent crimes, nonviolent criminals may rely on the vulnerability (real or perceived) of their victims. In addition, perpetrators may feel their risk of detection, apprehension, and sanction is low because there is no prior rela- tionship linking them to their victims.

Financial Crime and Fraud

The elderly face a greater risk of victimization of financial crime by strangers due to real and perceived vulnerability. Though the elderly experiences high rates of poverty, they often have access to money from retirement accounts, investments, or other property that could be sold and turned into cash. Perpetrators who target the elderly often know the routines of their victims, when and if they have frequent visitors, and then strike when the person is left alone. If no family or other people regularly check on an elderly per- son’s welfare, offenders expect to get away with stealing. Certainly, the elderly are not the only victims of financial crimes and fraud; however, research shows that nearly 11% of the victims of fraud are likely to be those who are over the age of 55 (Federal Trade Commission, 2006).

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Fraud is defined as an intentional deception made for personal gain or damage to another individual, where this deception is deliberately practiced in order to secure an unfair or unlawful gain (Jerin & Moriarty, 2010). It is also an offense most often perpetrated against strangers that includes an array of criminal actions. For example, fraud can include vic- tims who have lost money or property, as well as those who have been the victim of get- rich quick schemes. Many examples of fraud deal with businesses and their actions and include actions such as failure to provide services or goods that were part of a contract, in addition to the misrepresentation of products (Jerin & Moriarty, 2010). Fraud can also include credit card theft and forging checks. One of the most widely discussed, reported on, and investigated types of fraud, however, is identity theft.

Identity Theft

The United States Department of Justice defines identity theft as crimes in which some- one illegally obtains and uses another person’s personal information in a fraudulent or deceptive way, usually for economic gain. The Internet provides would-be-thieves with access to personal information about potential victims as well as anonymity, which facili- tates identity theft. People can be victimized in many ways and often learn they have been victimized only after they receive a telephone call or letter from a creditor or collection agency. Secondary costs of identity theft include lost time and resources spent tracking and fixing financial and credit problems caused by the theft. This can mean a decrease in credit score that affects one’s ability to obtain house and car loans as well as the ability to pass employment background checks.

Time plays a large role in identity theft crimes because it can take victims months or even years to discover their identity has been stolen. Evidence suggests that the longer it takes to discover a theft, the more thorough the victimization. Additionally, victims of identity theft can spend hundreds of hours repairing damages caused by identity theft (Federal Trade Commission [FTC], n.d.). The amount of time it can take to fix the damage depends on the severity of the crime. For example, losing a credit card will require less time to repair than if someone stole a person’s Social Security number. In fact, about 30% of vic- tims spend 4 to 6 months trying to fix the damage caused by identity theft, while about 20% of victims will spend 7 months or more to repair and resolve the consequences of their particular case (FTC, 2006).

The possible outcomes and consequences of identity theft increase the fear of this crime by the public. Identity theft highlights fear of being victimized by strangers. The idea that an unknown person can, at anytime and without your knowledge, commit a crime against you is frightening. In 2006, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) reported that almost 60% of identity theft victims did not know the person who stole their identity. A recent study revealed that 64% of Americans are very or extremely concerned about being a victim of identity theft (Unisys Security Index, 2009).

Identity theft affects all people regardless of their income, race, gender, or age. According to the FTC (n.d.), as many as 9 million Americans have their identities stolen each year. A 2010 Bureau of Justice Statistics report noted that 11.7 million people over the age of 16 (5.5% of U.S. population) had experienced at least one identify theft incident over a 2-year

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period, resulting in a loss of approximately $17 billion. For this same 2-year period, the BJS found that more than 8% of victims of identity theft were:

• aged 50 or older • in households led by a couple • in households with an income of $75,000 or more

Just as the victims of identity theft can vary, so can the forms of identity theft a victim can experience. Identity thieves may open a credit card in the victim’s name or use his or her identity to get a driver’s license. Thieves target personal information, such as full or maiden names, Social Security numbers, credit card numbers, or bank account information. Iden- tity thieves use a range of methods to get their victims’ information. For example, they may go through trashcans looking for bills or documents with identifying information or

send spam e-mail asking people to verify account passwords.

Identity theft is a difficult crime for law enforcement to control, because perpetrators have sev- eral advantages. The crime is anonymous and can occur from a physical distance, making it difficult for both victims and authorities to bring offenders to justice. In addition, because the offender can commit the crime in a country across the globe from the victim, jurisdictional issues arise. Coordinating law enforcement efforts to report, investigate, and prosecute these cases is often impossible.

Cyber Crime

Thought to be directly connected to identity theft, cyber crime is a type of crime commit- ted using the tools of the Internet. Therefore, identity theft is a type of cyber crime, but cyber crime can encompass a variety of illegal actions. Gordon and Ford (2006) proposed two different types of cyber crime in an effort to increase and improve the understanding of these offenses. The following are details of Type I and Type II cyber crime as described by Gordon and Ford:

Mike Clarke/Getty Images

Identity thieves may send spam e-mails in an attempt to learn personal information about a potential victim.

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Type I

Single, discrete event

Often facilitated by introduction of crimeware programs into the com- puter system (keystroke loggers, viruses)

May be result of vulnerabilities in computer protection

Type II

Repeated contacts, events

Facilitated by programs that are not considered crimeware

To further understand the differences between what Gordon and Ford (2006) identified in terms of cyber crime, consider the following. In Type I cyber crime, the user may go online to perform a particular task such as replying to an e-mail, access online stores and make purchases, or pay a bill using an online system. The user is accessing sites that require them to enter personal information, giving the criminal the opportunity to access this information through the use of key stroke loggers or viruses. This is often done through the use of crimeware, or malicious software that is covertly installed on computers allow- ing the user to steal important information (Kaspersky Lab, 2012). After obtaining this information, the criminal is able to make purchases somewhat anonymously under the safety of the Internet. Because the Internet needs only specific types of information to verify and authenticate the identity of a person, this information is unlikely to be any type of photo identification or information that cannot be easily falsified through the Internet. Because of the nature of this type of cyber crime, the victim is likely to be made aware of the crime and take the necessary steps to prevent it from continuing. However, at the point the victim becomes aware of the crime, the offender is likely to have had one month (if not more) to make purchases using the stolen information.

Type II cyber crime relies primarily on the criminal getting to know the eventual victim through the use of tools such as instant messaging. This type of cyber crime involves the offender accessing a forum and beginning an electronic conversation with another mem- ber of the forum on their mutual interest. Gordon and Ford (2006) noted that during this process the offender will steer the conversation toward more and more personal topics, eventually getting the victim to reveal information such as his or her real name, location, phone number, financial status, and/or financial holdings. This will evolve to the offender eventually beginning to impersonate the victim in the same forum where they initially “met.” This type of cyber activity could lead to cyber stalking and possibly violence. Ulti- mately, Gordon and Ford identified a continuum of cyber crime, where on one end it is highly technical (Type I), and on the other end it can begin online and move to something that is more interpersonal (Type II).

More specifically, cyber crimes can involve crimes such as theft, vandalism, and terror- ism that all take place on or through the Internet (Siegel, 2011). In addition, computer fraud, illegal copyright infringement, and identity theft are also types of cyber crime (Siegel, 2011). Because of the nature of cyber crime, countries throughout the world have attempted to increase their understanding and response to this activity. In response to the continued and expanding threat of cyber crime, the United States Department of Justice has a criminal division devoted to computer crime and intellectual property. The Com- puter Crime & Intellectual Property Section (CCIPS) works to prevent, investigate, and

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prosecute computer crimes by working with a variety of agencies or groups including those in the private sector, government agencies, academic institutions, and even other countries (USDOJ, n.d.).

Using the Sociological Lens: The Digital Criminal

Social media allows us to connect with friends and family; however, it also gives criminals insight to our lives.

The explosion of social media use has offered criminals a new and vast supply of victims with whom they never need come face-to-face. People’s desire to share and connect leads them to post ever-revealing details of their lives online, which increasingly sophisticated technology has helped criminals exploit. Together this has constituted a new class of stranger crime, one that continues to evolve with technology.

Savvy criminals can scrutinize people’s social media pages and put together fairly accurate profiles of their routines, schedules, habits, location, and assets—all of which may be used to vic- timize them. What may seem to be innocent posts about daily life—the purchase of a new car or television, news of an upcom- ing vacation, musings about weekly errands or events that take one out of the house for predictable periods of time—offer criminals a reliable timetable within which to work, and even a preview of items to steal, that provide a veritable blueprint for a crime.

Other advances in technology—such as tagging features that embed the name, time, or place a photo was taken, or “check in” websites like Foursquare, which allow users to register their loca- tion—make a criminal’s work even easier, helping them ensure their victim will be away from their home at a specific time, and even for how long (posts about an event like a wedding, for example, might make criminals assume they have a four-hour window in which to work—longer if a person posts about an upcoming vacation).

Finally, criminals “cybercase” their targets using online tools like Google Earth and Street View, which offer detailed photos through which they can establish points of entry, possible escape routes, whether their victim owns a pet, and other highly specific information useful to committing a crime. “Using Street View, I can see if a door has two locks, or just one,” explains Michael Fraser, a former burglar who was interviewed in a high-profile study on digital criminal activity. “I can probably tell if the lock is a dead bolt or not, and so assess how easy the door will be able to break. I can see if there are bars on the windows and if there are bushes or trees covering entrance points to facilitate a well- hidden break-in” (quoted in Legal & General, 2009).

Criminals who conduct “sofa stake-outs,” as Fraser calls them, have many potential victims. The Pew Research Center reports that about 65% of adults who use the Internet keep a social media profile, and about 14% of social media users set their accounts up to automatically tag their location in their posts (Zickuhr & Smith, 2011). A 2009 survey of British social media users found that about 38% post vacation plans online; 33% post details of an upcoming weekend away. When coupled with people’s willingness to “friend” strangers (which the study found that 13% of Facebook users and 92% of Twit- ter users do), it is clear that people’s online profiles contain a plethora of sensitive information that can be used against them (Legal & General, 2009).

Newscast/Associated Press

Criminals can use seemingly harmless information posted on social media to profile victims.

(continued)

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Section 8.3 Nonviolent Crimes Committed Against Strangers CHAPTER 8

Using the Sociological Lens: The Digital Criminal (continued)

Using Social Media to Victimize

In September 2010, New Hampshire police infiltrated a burglary ring that selected victims based on their Facebook status posts and pictures. They used Facebook to determine when people would be away from their homes and what property they could expect to find in their house. After committing upwards of 50 robberies, Victor Rodriguez, Mario Rojas, and Leonardo Barroso were finally appre- hended by police, who recovered as much as $200,000 in stolen property. The New Hampshire group is not an isolated example: The British newspaper The Daily Mail reported that Facebook-related crime in the United Kingdom rose 540% in a 5-year period, with more than 100,000 crimes (including terrorism, burglary, firearm offenses, sex crimes, fraud, and hate crimes) originating from use of the site (Gill, 2010).

Although the majority of Facebook’s 800 million users will not be criminalized as a result of their social media use, such crime is on the rise as increasingly sensitive technology reveals more about their lives, possessions, and whereabouts. Compounding the problem is that people feel overwhelm- ingly safe online: Most would not compare the experience of posting pictures of a party in their home to walking alone down a street in a dangerous neighborhood or leaving their doors unlocked at night.

In addition, people typically view themselves as operating at the helm of their devices and view their online interactions as one-directional, going outward away from themselves. Rarely do they conceive of their Internet use as a tool used by strangers to target them. If they do consider the exposed nature of their online use, it is usually from a professional perspective. “People are more concerned about ‘will my boss see this,’” says sociologist Art Jipson, about why people censor their online behavior. “The idea that you might have criminal trolling is distant” (quoted in Wendell, 2011). The following perspective details the ways in which social media has helped facilitate crime between strangers and considers how they might better protect themselves.

Legal & General, The Digital Criminal Report, August 2009. http://files.shareholder.com/downloads /LGEN/711603193x0x314247/f6b2ccd3-9b53-485d-8558-2c65923767d9/DigitalCriminal.pdf

Using Social Media to Incarcerate

Although criminals are increasingly using social media to find and exploit victims, police are also using the same outlets to catch perpetrators. In January 2011, for example, Rodney Knight Jr. broke into the home of a Washington Post journalist and stole money, a computer, and a coat. He was arrested by police after he posted a photo of himself on Facebook wearing the stolen coat and hold- ing the bills. A year earlier, a similar fate befell Michele Grasso, who was suspected by police of deal- ing drugs in Italy. Authorities monitored Grasso’s Facebook page, on which Grasso uploaded photos of himself in and around London, where he was eventually arrested. In similar fashion, in 2012, police arrested Benjamin Rutkowski and Kai Christensen after they talked on Facebook about potentially deadly traps they had set along a popular hiking trail in Utah.

Many journalists and social commentators regard Knight, Grasso, and others as common, dumb criminals; yet there is likely more to the story. Interestingly, such criminals post about their illegal activities online largely for the same reasons victims post about legal ones: because they crave atten- tion and want their actions validated by their community. Indeed, criminals have a need for respect, attention, and power that is met by broadcasting their actions over social media. “Perhaps it’s more important to get the attention and respect they crave than the risk of being captured,” suggests Christopher Carpenter, a professor at Western Illinois University. “And what better (continued)

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Chapter Summary CHAPTER 8

Chapter Summary

Many crimes in the United States and across the world are committed by persons known to their victims. However, a number of crimes take place each year that are committed by and experienced by strangers. In addition, these crimes are of two forms—violent and nonviolent. Many violent crimes against strangers take place through the exposure and opportunity provided through residence, lifestyle, or everyday activities, and even through the actions of the victim. Theories of victimization address each of these situations in an attempt to explain how and why people become victims of crime. These theories of victimization can provide an interesting insight into understand- ing how strangers can become victims of crime.

While the violent crimes that strangers can experience are great and varied, the examples provided in this chapter highlight some of the most severe and those that receive the most attention by communities, law enforcement, and/or media. These violent crimes include acts such as murder, robbery, hate crimes, human trafficking, and terrorism. Although these offenses can be experienced between nonstrangers, there are certainly types or cir- cumstances of these offenses more likely to take place between strangers than nonstrang- ers. There are certain types of homicide, such as serial murder, where the offender likely does not know the victim. This type of victim-offender relationship offers advantages to the offender in terms of likely avoiding detection and capture by law enforcement, while at the same time making the job of law enforcement in capturing the perpetrator much more difficult.

outlet than Facebook?” (quoted in Ross, 2012). In the following perspective, Winston Ross explores the “self-destructive combination of ignorance, narcissism, and generation-specific disregard for their own privacy” that has helped police apprehend many criminals over social media.

Winston Ross, “Fugitives Who Love Facebook: The Next Big Crime Wave,” Daily Beast.com, April 15, 2012. http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/04/15/fugitives-who-love-facebook-the -next-big-crime-wave.html

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions

1. In what ways does social media-related crime fall under the victim precipitation theory of crime discussed in the text?

2. In what ways does social media-related crime fall under the routine activities theory of crime discussed in the text?

3. Explore the ways in which the dissipation of privacy has affected stranger crime. 4. As with most instances of cyber crime, it is typically impossible for victims of social media-

related crime to contribute to an investigation into the matter, because they have never inter- acted with their perpetrator. What psychological effect do you imagine this has on a victim of this type of crime?

5. What is your opinion of Winston Ross’s assessment that criminals caught over Facebook are not merely stupid, but a product of their generation?

6. Knowing that people are victimized as a result of the comments and photos they post to sites like Facebook, are you inclined to change the nature of what you post? Why or why not? In your opinion, is there a “safe” way to use social media sites?

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Chapter Summary CHAPTER 8

Among the violent crimes between strangers included in this chapter, some are relatively new in their recognition and identification as crimes. This is particularly true of hate crimes, human trafficking, and some forms of terrorism. Research has found that in the typology of hate crimes, most involve no prior relationship between victims and offend- ers. Human trafficking is an issue that has gained prominence within the last decade. With its newfound standing as an international crime of importance, more attention is being paid to its forms, patterns, victims, and offenders. With many forms of human trafficking, the victims are unknown to the offenders; however, many offenders are likely to be from the same area as many of the victims. Acts of terrorism have taken place for centuries; however, acts of terrorism such as ecoterrorism are relatively new. These acts do not nec- essarily target civilians or attempt to affect the policy or conduct of a government. Much of the focus of these types of terrorist acts target specific entities or representations of groups thought to harm the environment. Very similar to the acts of terrorism that target persons, these acts of ecoterrorism target strangers.

In addition, when the offender and victim are strangers it can lead to a higher fear of crime, more feelings of uneasiness, and greater uncertainty on the part of the people who reside in the community. When the victim and offender are known to each other there are reasons and explanations that can be offered and determined as to why the victimization and offense took place—history of domestic violence, cheating in a relationship, misun- derstanding or miscommunication are all possible explanations that could be offered as a start to understanding the crime. However, when there is no prior relationship between victim and offender, people are left with the feeling that it could happen to anyone, and there is little to nothing they can do to avoid being the random victim of a crime.

Nonviolent crimes that can take place between strangers raise the same issues. While offenses such as pickpocketing, financial crime, fraud, identity theft, and some forms of environmental crime can impact victims and offenders who are nonstrangers, the circum- stances of these offenses make it far more likely that the victim and offenders are not known to one another. Pickpockets thrive on situations in which large numbers of people will be together in spaces, making it easier for them to move about these people and take wallets or items from handbags. It is not necessary that the victim and offender ever formally meet, as the nature of the offense only requires that the victim have goods the pickpocket wants, and the pickpocket have the skills to attain those goods undetected. Broadly speaking, financial crime can encompass a wide range of activities including fraud and identity theft. Many of these crimes rely on the anonymity between victim and offender to be successful and to be executed properly.

Key Terms

absolute stranger A person who has no relationship with the victim.

active precipitation Part of the criminal victimization theory victim precipitation; includes behaviors or actions where a per- son acts provocatively, uses threats, fight- ing words, or attacks first. These actions consequently lead to the aggressor’s even- tual victimization.

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Chapter Summary CHAPTER 8

destination countries Final point of travel for victims of human trafficking.

deviant place theory Likelihood of victim- ization increases in socially disorganized areas, in densely populated neighbor- hoods, in areas with high rates of unem- ployment and low rates of high school graduation, and where there is high rates of population turnover.

ecoterrorists Use violence or intimidation to protect animals and the environment.

fraud An intentional deception made for personal gain or damage to another indi- vidual, where this deception is deliberately practiced in order to secure an unfair or unlawful gain.

hate crimes Acts that target a specific category of individuals and are motivated by a bias against physical or social charac- teristics unique to the group.

hedonistic killers A form of serial killing motivated by excitement, sex, or money and murder for thrills.

human trafficking Recruiting, transport- ing, transferring, harboring, or receiving of a person using threat, force, abduction, fraud, or deception for the purpose of labor or sexual exploitation.

identity theft Crimes where someone illegally obtains and uses another person’s personal information in a fraudulent or deceptive way, usually for economic gain.

lifestyle theory A criminal victimization theory focusing on the lifestyle of the victim and how that lifestyle might create oppor- tunities or exposure to criminal offenders.

mass murder Usually four or more mur- ders that occur during the same event.

mission-oriented killers Type of serial killer who targets people who they believe are inferior or worthless.

National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) A victimization survey where data is collected from households by inter- viewing its occupants aged 12 and older.

origin countries Usually the home coun- tries where human trafficking victims are recruited.

passive precipitation Part of the criminal victimization theory victim precipitation; victims have a characteristic that threatens or encourages the attacker.

power-oriented killers Type of serial killers who are motivated by power and control.

relative stranger Usually has some type of prior relationship with the person targeted for a crime.

serial murder Killing more than three vic- tims one at a time over a period of time.

terrorism Defined in the Code of Federal Regulations as “the unlawful use of force and violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives that result in mass violence and often involves more than one victim (U.S. Department of Justice, 2005).

transit countries Countries that make up the international route human traf- ficking victims are transported through from country of origin to the destination country.

victim precipitation theory Theory of criminal victimization that focuses on any possible role victims may play in their own victimization.

visionary killers Type of serial killers who hear voices or see visions that tell them to kill.

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Chapter Summary CHAPTER 8

Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions

1. Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the victim precipitation theory. 2. In what way does the success of certain financial crimes rely on anonymity

between offender and victim? 3. Explain how the definition and prosecution of hate crimes has evolved. 4. Why do you think the media gives more attention to stranger crime than to non-

stranger crime? 5. In your opinion, what best explains the lack of police response to, or recording of,

certain hate crimes? 6. What aspects of identity theft make it so difficult for law enforcement to pursue?

In the Field: Experts Weigh in on Crime and Strangers The definition of crime changes as society changes its norms and values. Such changes also impact social responses to crimes. Experts comment on the study of crime, how crime impacts groups they work with, and different crime response and intervention methods.

Jake Finney

The L.A. Gay & Lesbian Center’s Anti-Violence Project is one of the largest victims’ service programs in Southern California. Can you please tell us more about the program and the services it offers? The Anti-Violence Project provides a wide array of victim services for the entire LGBT community; including crisis counseling, advocacy with law enforcement, restraining order preparation, attorney consultations and referrals, and referrals to long-term counseling and other social services. In addition, we provide transgender cultural competency trainings for law

enforcement, schools and community organizations and regularly provide “Know Your Rights” train- ings for the transgender community and LGBT youth.

Hate crime victims often experience distinct effects because hate crimes target life choices or char- acteristics central to their identities. How does this type of crime differ from other types of crimes? A hate crime is not only against the individual victim(s), it is against an entire community. It sends a message that members of the targeted group are not welcome, and hate crimes are more likely than any other kind of personal attack to cause serious injury or death. Victims tend to be visible members of the targeted group and are also vulnerable to repeat attacks. LGBT people are consistently among the top three groups to be targeted for hate violence in the United States, and hate crimes against transgender individuals tend to be the most vicious and violent.

Those who commit hate crimes might intend to intimidate or incite fear. What can organizations such as the L.A. Gay & Lesbian Center do to prevent hate crimes? Raising awareness and educating our community about violence against LGBT individuals is an important first step. We also must continue advocating for full LGBT equality in order to be accepted by mainstream society.

What intervention efforts might be used to raise awareness about hate crimes and to educate the community about such crimes? We provide workshops and trainings on hate violence in the LGBT community. We also participate in organizing community vigils and engage the media to discuss the impact of hate crimes in LGBT lives.

Courtesy of Jake Finney

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In the Field: Experts Weigh in on Crime and Strangers (continued) Can you please give an example of one such workshop or training? In response to tensions between the transgender community and local law enforcement agencies, one of the Anti-Violence Project’s main objectives has been to facilitate a relationship between police and transgender individuals so that we can be assured that hate crimes against transgender people are being properly investigated, and transgender people can feel comfortable seeking police assistance when needed.

We have worked closely with the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) over the past 3 years to deliver trainings to officers about interactions with transgender individuals and how to identify anti- transgender hate crimes. We also provide “Know Your Rights” trainings to the transgender commu- nity and LGBTQ youth, under the premise that knowledge gives them power and confidence when interacting with police. Recently, the LAPD adopted new policies pertaining to interactions with transgender detainees and, to counter sexual assaults and violence against transgender inmates, LAPD also established the nation’s first “transgender exclusive” cell module inside a female-only jail facility.

Can you please give an example of a community outreach effort? Each year on November 20th, LGBTQ communities around the world observe the Transgender Day of Remembrance, an event that memorializes people who have been murdered because of antitrans- gender hatred. The inaugural event was held in 1999 to honor Rita Hester, a transgender woman found dead in her apartment after a brutal assault. Like many, if not most antitransgender murders, Rita’s case has yet to be solved.

The high rate of hate violence against transgender people, including murder, is unacceptable. Trans- gender Day of Remembrance raises public awareness of hate crimes against transgender people and publicly honors the lives of those who might otherwise be forgotten. Day of Remembrance remains an important event because it provides a space for transgender people, including those who have faced hatred and violence themselves, to heal and ultimately become empowered. We are also see- ing more and more nontransgender individuals attend Day of Remembrance either because they have had a loved one that has become a victim of antitransgender violence or because their con- science calls them to come and show solidarity with us. Whether or not you are part of the LGBTQ, all are welcome to come, as any one of us could be your son, daughter, parent, friend, or partner. We are everywhere.

Noah Fritz

Can you explain how crime analysis applies theory and criminal justice practices? Routine activity theory leads to crime pattern theory, which basically takes routine activities theory to the next level. We all operate in this routine model—we continually travel between where we work or go to school and where we live and play. That triangulation of these types of locations sets up routines and the paths that we travel. If the criminal or prospective criminal takes similar paths and we cross paths in that process, then this is where crime can happen—where victims and targets are vulnerable. All of this we can study and better understand. Where these activity spaces overlap is where there’s a higher prob- ability that more crimes will occur. There is another body of literature that addresses dangerous per- sons or dangerous places. For example, if someone hangs around with a gang, then their likelihood of becoming a victim of violent crime [increases]. This is even true for offenders. The world in which you live—the sociology of everyday life—has a major impact on such interactions.

Courtesy of Noah Fritz

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