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Kid Crosby or Golden Boy: Sidney Crosby, Canadian national identity, and the policing of hockey masculinity

Kristi A Allain Trent University, Canada

Abstract In this article, I will explore how Canadian national identity is constructed with regard to ice hockey. National Hockey League (NHL) star, Sidney Crosby has been positioned as an important symbol of Canadian national identity. Given Crosby’s perceived importance, particularly within the Canadian media, I will examine how he is constructed as an appropriate model of Canadian masculinity and Canadian national identity. Crosby’s expressions of masculinity are not to be left to chance and for that reason there has been constant surveillance and critique of his expressions of masculinity. Interestingly, although the media tends to construct Crosby as a model of Canadian masculine identity, fans of the game (as well as some players and others in the media) frequently challenge this construction.

Keywords Canada, Crosby, hockey, masculinity, national identity

Sidney Crosby entered the National Hockey League (NHL) in 2005 at the age of 18 years. His entry was both celebrated and highly publicized. The media focus on Crosby began long before his professional career. At the age of 13, Crosby was scouted by the media and labeled the successor to Wayne Gretzky. Since his entrance into the NHL, media coverage has been even more abundant. Crosby has been the spokesperson for Reebok athletic apparel. He has offered workout advice in men’s fitness magazines. He has graced the pages of both men’s and women’s fashion magazines. He has appeared in Tim Hortons advertisements and there have been numerous books published about his budding hockey career (see Richer, 2006). In a magazine article for Vanity Fair, Forrest (2005) discussed the challenges faced by the NHL after coming off a one year shut down due to a labor dispute. He stated, ‘Into the identity breach skates teenager Sidney Crosby, from Cole

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Corresponding author: Kristi A Allain, 2–87 London St., Peterborough, Ontario, Canada K9H 2Y2 Email: [email protected]

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4 International Review for the Sociology of Sport 46(1)

Harbour, Nova Scotia, who is now charged with hefting hockey back to relevance. The game’s best prospect in 20 years . . .’ (Forrest, 2005: 306–7).

According to the media, Crosby has an indisputable relevance to both hockey and Canadian national identity. He has been burdened with bringing the NHL to a place of prominence within the North American sporting world. Sports commentators and jour- nalists have discussed the void left by players like Wayne Gretzky. There is a perception that there is a hole in the NHL that only a superstar player like Sidney Crosby is capable of filling (Forrest, 2005). The fact that Crosby is Canadian, plays an important role in his perceived value as the savior of the game. Forrest (2005) states that Crosby, ‘. . . has the requisite aw-shucks Canadian temperament to help him straddle that tricky divide between winning everyone over and kicking everyone’s ass’ (pp. 306–07).

Forrest’s (2005) description of Crosby draws on a widely circulated and romanticized notion of Canadian hockey identity and more specifically, an idea of how appropriate masculinity should be expressed by Canadian hockey players. These players are to be polite, humble, gentlemen off the ice, and warriors who are willing to battle on the ice. This construction of Canadian identity plays on a combination of two images of Canada prevalent within the literature – first, of Canada as a northern nation, surrounded by harsh weather and wilderness, and second, of Canada as a Victorian British colony whose citizens are well mannered and in control (Rutherford, 1993).

Although Crosby is constructed as both a civilized and tough model of Canadian mas- culinity, his role as the redeemer of professional hockey has not been without challenges. Hockey commentators, and fans, have called Crosby’s commitment and determination into question. He has been perceived by many as a whiner and a child, and has faced sharp criticism for his ‘penchant for embellishing plays, so as to draw penalties’ (CBCSports. ca., 2008). Within hockey, these acts are lacking the requisite masculine character required by those men and boys who play the game. Further, within the hierarchical structure of elite level hockey, understanding one’s place is important. Notable hockey personalities have critiqued Crosby for not understanding his role within the league, specifically as a young player. Don Cherry comments, ‘No kid should have as much to say as he’s got to say, yapping at the referees, doing the whole thing’ (Elliott, 2005).

It is not just Crosby’s masculine conduct that makes his position within the league and the Canadian imagination difficult. The idea that Crosby is a savior of the game may appear to be under threat by other superstar players, particularly Alexander Ovechkin. This Russian player entered the league in the same year as Crosby and beat him for the Calder Memorial Trophy, given to the top player in his rookie season. There has been fierce debate among fans, the media, and hockey commentators regarding who is the better player. Ovechkin’s status as a superstar player has never been in doubt. He has been characterized both by the fans and the media as an exciting, albeit dirty player, who competes fiercely and offers more candid and honest interviews than Crosby.1 They have been constructed as opposites – Ovechkin outgoing and wild, Crosby shy and controlled.2 However, Ovechkin’s significance in the Canadian press has always been second to Crosby’s. Sports journalists have noticed this anomaly, with Brunt (2009) commenting that, ‘. . . [Crosby] was marketed as the one true heir to Gretzky and Mario Lemieux (although apparently this year (2008–2009 season) he wasn’t any better than the fourth best player in the NHL,3 something never said of either of those guys in

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their prime)’ (p. S1). I will explore this issue in detail in a forthcoming work. However, it is important here to note, that Crosby’s construction as a savior of the game and a model of Canadian masculinity is not under threat by Ovechkin. Given Canadian hockey history, specifically, the fact that Russian hockey has been constructed as the other to Canadian hockey since the early 1950s (see Cantelon, 2006), Ovechkin’s status and construction as a Russian helps to solidify the place of Crosby as a Canadian star and model of national identity.

What is particularly interesting about Crosby, is the way his identity has been con- structed by the public, and by the various media that report on him in contradictory ways. He has been ambivalently positioned as the rough, tough, Canadian hockey superstar who can save professional hockey. His superhero identity is humbly entitled ‘Sid the Kid’. He has also been positioned as a whiney, emasculated character who is dependant on his paternalistic relationship with Mario Lemieux.4 The latter characterization is accompa- nied by the moniker ‘Cindi Crysby’5 or ‘Golden Boy’.6 In this article, I will explore the two competing notions of Crosby as a model of Canadian national identity and masculin- ity. I will explore the importance placed on molding Crosby into an appropriate model of Canadian masculinity and national identity. Given Crosby’s perceived significance to Canadian national identity, his expressions of masculinity are not to be left to chance. In this regard, the media, corporate sponsor and advertisers have been careful to construct Crosby as a model of Canadian masculinity. However, others, particularly some fans of the game and to a lesser extent some in the media, have argued that this construction does not hold up to Crosby’s actual on-ice conduct. As a result, requests for adjustments in his expressions of masculine style and character have been widespread.

The ambivalence around Crosby’s masculine identity helps us to understand the ways identities are constructed, particularly within a Canadian context. Given that there has been much debate around his expressions of masculinity, understanding how Crosby comes to be taken up variously by the press and fans of the game, helps us to see that identity construction happens in interesting and unpredictable ways. Prescribed identi- ties, particularly those forwarded by the media and corporate advertisers may not (and in this case, frequently are not) taken up in the ways intended. In the case of Crosby, there is significant resistance by some fans of the game and a few members of the media who contest the various ways Crosby has been constructed as a model of Canadian national identity. They reinterpret Crosby’s identity as something else entirely – that is, as a sus- pect and frequently effeminate model of masculinity. Through the analysis of Crosby’s construction within the media and by fans of the game, we can come to better understand how identity constructions operate, particularly as it pertains to national identities.

Method This article originates from research conducted for a larger project examining the con- struction of Canadian national identity, masculinities and ice hockey from several differ- ent perspectives – including player interviews, an examination of CBC’s Hockey Night in Canada broadcasts, particularly its featured segment, Coach’s Corner, and an exami- nation of the Globe and Mail for the 2008–09 hockey season. When examining the aforementioned sources, I was particularly interested in the ways national identity and

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masculinities were constructed in Canada around men’s ice hockey. Although the notion of hockey as a ‘Canadian game’ is often implied in the way Canadian newspaper articles and television shows are constructed, there are times when issues of national identity are discussed more explicitly than others. Through my observations of the Globe and Mail, it became apparent that the Pittsburg-Washington playoff series was a significant time for discussing ideas related to Canadian national identity and masculinities.

Given the important positions of Crosby and Ovechkin within the NHL, this playoff series was constructed in the press, and by other observers, as a contest that pitted Crosby (the Canadian) against Ovechkin (the Russian). As stated earlier, this construction builds on a Canadian hockey identity that is often constructed against a Russian other. The construction of Crosby and Ovechkin as symbols of their respective nations is an impor- tant site for analysis and helps us to understand how Canadian hockey identity is con- structed after the Cold War. However, it is beyond the scope of this article. Instead, as stated above, the coverage of the Washington-Pittsburg playoff series is significant, as it was the most overt time, during the period of analysis, that issues of Canadian national identity and masculinities, as they relate to men’s ice hockey, were discussed.7 For this article, I have decided to narrow the focus of my analysis to examine specifically how the press and fans who commented on online news reports worked to construct and monitor Sidney Crosby’s masculine conduct.

In order to address whether the coverage in the Globe and Mail represented a unique feature of this particular newspaper or a general way of understanding Sidney Crosby, the analysis was opened up to include other newspapers across Canada. Specifically, I followed the media coverage of the playoff hockey series between the Pittsburg Penguins and the Washington Capitals in several Canadian newspapers and online cov- erage from CBC Sports. The media coverage was examined between the dates of 29 April 2009 and 15 May 2009. Coverage was specifically examined from the following newspapers – the National Post, the Globe and Mail, the Halifax Chronicle Herald, the Ottawa Citizen, the Toronto Star, and the Calgary Herald. The newspapers, along with online coverage, were selected to offer a broad sample of coverage across the country. CBC’s sports coverage was examined for content written by CBC staff writers, as well as user comments on the articles. CBC’s online coverage offers readers a space to make comments on CBC’s posted articles and other readers’ comments on these articles. This forum allowed readers to not only engage with hockey topics and the posted articles, but also to engage with other hockey fans.

Given the anonymity associated with online posts, I recognize that they may be viewed as problematic. It is impossible to know who is posting to online forums and their under- lying motivations for posting. In fact, there are several indications that many of the people who posted online comments used in this study were cheering for a particular NHL team. However, most of these people were clear about their own biases and frequently stated these ahead of an admonishment or celebratory comment about a team or player. Researchers who examine online media posts supported the finding that those who post online tend to be transparent about their motivations for doing so. Dahlberg (2001) for instance, stated that participants are frequently self-reflexive, and that their opinions are flexible. Dahlberg characterized online discussions as ‘vibrant exchanges of opinion’ (p. 9). Papacharissi (2004) stated that online discussion forums are important spaces for people

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to express strong emotions. He found that although online discussions may be frequently rude or impolite, they are rarely undemocratic. Canadian research supports the findings of Papacharissi (2004). Brandon (2007) examined online reactions to a controversial art exhibit at the Canadian War Museum. She found that, ‘The internet facilitated outrage, encouraged debate, and ultimately accommodated balanced response’ (p. 15).

The decision to include online comments was important for this project. Given fund- ing limitations and time restraints, an in-person survey or interview of fan opinions regarding Sidney Crosby was not feasible. Those people who posted online comments to CBC’s website both reiterated and contradicted many of the sentiments expressed by the media and advertisers. Further, comments made by reporters were not generally expressed as candidly as those stated by fans. As stated above, understanding how fans of the game interpret the identity of Sidney Crosby helps us to understand how nation identity is constructed.

All articles were read and coded for relevant information pertaining to issues of Canadian national identity, masculinity and Sidney Crosby. Relevant sections of text were then transcribed verbatim and loaded into the qualitative data analysis system, Nvivo 8. Several themes began to emerge within the data. Themes that arose from CBC user forums included references to Crosby’s whining; Crosby’s character traits includ- ing, work ethic, leadership potential, ‘heart’; toughness; and propensity for disappearing during important games. The newspaper reports of the playoff series were also analyzed for themes related to Crosby’s style of play and his attitude. This analysis yielded similar themes. In order to add data richness, this information was then supplemented with an examination of other media sources that spanned a larger time frame. Specifically, Crosby has been used in television advertising to market a variety of products since the year he entered the league. Further, comments from CBC’s Coach’s Corner were also used. These television ads and commentary were used to complement the data obtained in the newspapers and CBC online news reports.

Hockey, masculinity, and the myth of Canadian national identity Anderson (1983) explains that nationalism operates through the construction of imag- ined communities. Through these imagined communities, the nation is constructed as a limited entity where those who share membership are linked together through various encounters with the media and other official purveyors of national discourse. This con- struction of nationalism is important, as one’s identification with the nation cannot hap- pen through face-to-face contact or kinship bonds. He states that given the expansive size of the nation, its members cannot actually know one another. Through the media and other places where nationalist discourse is disseminated, members of the nation come to understand what it means to be, in this case, Canadian. Further, the notion of belonging to a particular nation is tied to various stories circulated within nations about itself. Gellner (1983) states that nationalism is about the advent of shared culture on a mass scale. However, as Hobsbawn (1983) points out, there is nothing natural about the inven- tion of national cultures. He states that the creation of nationalism is centered on the generation of stories about the nation that may or may not be located in any historical

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facts. He explains that nations go through a process he calls inventing traditions. Invented traditions work to create communities through common stories, to justify existing power relationships and bring people together through shared moral understandings. Through the repetition of national mythologies, or invented traditions, certain ways of understand- ing the nation, its history and its cultural practices become taken for granted.

As Maguire (1993) states, nations use sport to celebrate themselves and national sports are thought to ‘embody all the qualities of national character’ (p. 297). Sports are used to disseminate ideas about what it means to be Canadian. As well, national victo- ries are used to bolster the spirit of the nation’s inhabitants. Sporting nationalisms work to invent traditions in the style discussed by Hobsbawn (1983). In this way, sports can work to reproduce particular operations of power within a national context. In the case of Canadian understandings of ice hockey, certain notions of what it means to be Canadian come to be legitimized within public discourse. To be a nation who plays hockey, means to understand what it means to be Canadian as being raced (namely white), classed (namely middle-class), gendered (namely boys and men) and sexualized (namely straight) in very particular ways (see Robidoux, 2002).

Billig (1995) explains the insidious ways in which nationalism works in Western nations. He shows that looking for nationalism elsewhere – that is, in countries with separatist movements or places who have gone to war to protect the idea of the nation – allows us to overlook the subtle ways that nationalism operates in the West. For Billig, it is important to unpack the ways that nationalism works in order to understand the ways that power operates within national contexts. Sport is a place where what Billig calls ‘banal nationalism’ operates. Sports operate to reaffirm national sentiments, draw people together (mainly men) and celebrate national identities. Through this operation ‘men are encouraged to emulate the national heroes, (and) women are invited to love them’ (p. 126). For these reasons, it is important that icons, especially those linked to national sporting practices, be interrogated. It is critical to both examine how these symbols of the nation are constructed, and how these constructions work to build and/or contradict an under- standing of national character and identity. Further, it is important to understand the vari- ous ways these constructions are taken up or rejected by the public.

In Canada, hockey has been linked to a sense of national identity since confederation (Robidoux, 2002). Robidoux (2002) states that hockey played a significant role in estab- lishing Canada as a nation – especially one that was separate and distinct from Britain. Hockey’s construction as a sporting pastime that is/was quintessentially Canadian, works to establish Canada as its own nation with its own national mythology. Hockey itself is important in this construction due to its link to the historical landscape (i.e. the ice and cold), and the fact that it was invented within the country itself. The fierce nature of hockey is also central in marking Canada as distinct from Britain and America (Robidoux, 2002). Robidoux recognizes the contradictions involved in understanding a violent game like ice hockey as Canada’s game. He wonders:

Since World War II, Canadians have been internationally perceived more as peacekeepers and, perhaps, even as being unreasonably polite . . . [this] makes it difficult to comprehend why a game such as hockey, known for its ferocity, speed, and violence, would come to serve as Canada’s primary national symbol. (p. 209)

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This musing is significant, as both Canada’s position as ‘unreasonably polite’ and our relationship to the sometimes violent and aggressive sport of elite level men’s ice hockey seems to be contradictory. However, as Rutherford (1993) points out, both con- structions operate within the mythological framework that is Canadian national identity. As Forrest (2005) states above, Crosby straddles these two notions of Canadian national identity – the first, the polite, unassuming, nice Canadian boy and the second the rugged pioneer, forced to overcome the harsh Canadian landscape (or hockey rink) by whatever means required.

Don Cherry articulates this contradiction. He has an understanding that hockey players (good ol’ Canadian boys) are to be humble and well-dressed men off the ice and vicious competitors on the ice. For Cherry, hockey players should be polite and unassuming, especially in their dealings with the public, but also be willing to take action by dropping their gloves and defending their teammates while on the ice. From week-to-week on his hockey program, Coach’s Corner, Cherry praises Canadian boys and men who are well dressed, modest and show respect for the game. In reference to the 2006/07 Canadian Junior Hockey Team, Cherry states, ‘They are the most politest boys you’ll ever see in your life’ (Darling, 2007b). In another instance, Cherry celebrates well-dressed Canadian hockey players, ‘Now first of all, Phaneuf and Giordano, now they look like good Canadian boys’ (Darling, 2007a). Without any sense of irony, Cherry sings the praises of tough Canadian hockey players who are willing to fight and pay a physical toll for their sport. He comments, ‘Watch this guy. This is the kind of guy you win with . . . He’s a beauty! He just takes the body and he’s ready for anything’ (Sherali, 2009).

Rutherford’s (1993) work helps us to understand the question posed by Robidoux (2002) above. Rutherford unpacks various historical understandings of Canadian national identity. He states that within popular culture there are three representations of Canada – Canada as a victim that lacks its own cultural identity, Canada as a peaceful nation, and Canada as a natural space. All three of these understandings prove to be important when attempting to unpack the relationship between Canadian identity and ice hockey. The first representation comes from Canada’s geographical proximity to the United States. This representation draws on the notion that Canadians feel there is little unique about their cultural identity. What limited distinctiveness Canadian culture has is considered less important than American culture practice or it is under threat due to the imposing pres- ence and proximity of the United States. Jackson and Ponic (2001) explain how the trade of Wayne Gretzky in 1988 perpetuated anxiety around Canadian cultural autonomy. Canadians came to understand the loss of Wayne Gretzky from the Edmonton Oilers to the LA Kings as one more act in a long line of American cultural imperialism.8 The second representation comes from Canada’s colonial history, and specifically, its relation- ship to Victorian Britain. It positions ‘Canada as a peaceable kingdom, devoted to the hallowed goals of peace, order, and good government . . . a country that is less aggressive and more humane than its American neighbour’ (p. 278). This image of Canada builds on a notion of Canadians as polite and civilized. This impression is important to Canadian models of the nation like Sidney Crosby. The third image of Canadian identity draws on Canada’s position as a northern nation. Canada’s distinct national image is often times centered on romantic (and inaccurate) depictions of Canada as a barren uninhabited North – something that Canadians must push themselves to overcome.

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Hulan (2002) states that the North (like ice hockey) has been a defining feature of national identity since confederation. Within the Canadian psyche, the North works to mythologically define the entire nation. Interestingly, this construction is linked to a particularly gendered way of viewing the nation. When Canadian national identity is premised on being a northern nation, appropriate expressions of Canadian national identity come to privilege expressions that are characterized as masculine. For instance, this link between geography and character is often expressed as an adventurous spirit, made up of strength and courage, used to overcome the harsh physical landscape (Grace, 1997). Those who cannot overcome the North are constructed as feminine – a label within this context that has no redeeming qualities.

The positioning of hockey as central to Canadian national identity, privileges an understanding of this identity as unequivocally masculine in character. As Adams states, ‘. . . (H)ockey produces a very ordinary but pernicious sense of male entitle- ment: to space, to status, to national belonging’ (2006: 71). Gruneau and Whitson (1993) work to challenge romanticized notions of Canadian hockey as natural to the northern environment and a cultural identity that can be shared by all. They state that although hockey represents an important piece of Canadian national identity, through its exclu- sions, it speaks to particular ways of understanding how Canada is constructed. Given that the majority of hockey played today, and specifically the hockey that matters (i.e. elite level, professional and semi-professional hockey), is played mostly by white men, we come to understand who is constructing the nation and in whose image that construc- tion is modeled. Understanding how Canadian national identity is constructed around ice hockey (and the north), as well as a particular style of expression both on the ice and off, allows us to further understand how a figure like Sidney Crosby can become constructed by the media and various advertisers as a significant (albeit contested) symbol of Canadian national identity.

‘Sid the Kid’: The construction of superhero masculinity I will now explore the construction of Sidney Crosby in the media as a model of Canadian hockey masculinity. I will examine the ways he has been constructed in the press, through CBC’s online user forms, and in advertising as a model of both Canadian national iden- tity and Canadian hockey masculinity. I will examine the way these constructions have been contested by the press and the public. Hockey experts, the media and fans of the game, have frequently called Crosby’s masculinity into question, contradicting institu- tionally sanctioned views. Given the significance placed on this player as a model of national identity, Crosby’s expressions of masculine character are not to be left to chance. I will demonstrate that Crosby has been variously constructed as a model of dominant masculinity and Canadian national identity, as well as a model of suspect effeminate masculinity that requires attention and molding – and who ultimately may be disregarded as a symbol of the nation.

There is an attempt by the media to construct Crosby as a model of appropriate masculinity. Within Canadian newspapers, Crosby is presented as humble and polite. He is constructed as a character who does not revel in the limelight. He is portrayed as an introverted and respectful individual who is embarrassed and shocked by his own

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fame. For instance, the Calgary Herald focused on Crosby’s shyness and his failure to gloat after winning an important playoff series. With regards to Crosby, the Herald writes, ‘For a guy who supposedly shies from the limelight, Sidney Crosby was as good as could be’ (Calgary Herald, 2009: F1). Later the Herald describes his humble attitude toward the significant playoff win, stating, ‘. . . Crosby took no outward pleasure in coming out ahead in the second-round series . . .’ (p. F1). A fan of the game sums this up commenting that, ‘. . . I like the Canadian way of modesty . . .’ (CBCSports.ca, 2009b). Salutin, from the Globe and Mail, comments that Crosby ‘. . . seems burdened by a sense of greatness’ (2009: A15).

Given Canada’s self-appointed position as a nation of good conduct, and self- deprecating character, it is not surprising that the Canadian media works to present Crosby in such a light. Nationality theorists, such as Billig (1995) and Hobsbawn (1992), stress the importance of national sports and their coverage in local media as a significant part of modern nation building, particularly after the Second World War. For Hobsbawn, sports are a way for the nation to identify itself. First, he states that the athlete and his/ her sport become symbolic of the nation-state. Second, Hobsbawn claims that sport rep- resents an important point of identification for those belonging to the nation as sport fans and further, those participating in the various contests become symbols of the nation. It should not be surprising therefore, that the representations of Crosby, particularly in the media, work to solidify him as the symbolic embodiment of national character.

The media also works to represent Crosby as a hardworking, team player. Bruce Arthur makes a link between Crosby’s determination and his hometown: ‘That post game hustle and focus was emblematic of Crosby’s entire series, in which the Kid from Cole Harbour, N.S., added a two-goal, one assist tour de force in Game 7 to his gold-plated resume’ (2009b: S1). He continues, ‘It was impossible, however, not to watch this series and come away deeply impressed by the depth of Crosby’s commitment, and by the gritty and subtle magic in his game’ (p. S1). Hunter quotes Crosby’s coach, Dan Bylsma, ‘(Crosby) works tirelessly on his game and I think he really enjoys the competition of putting it all out there – of laying it on the line’ (2009: S1).

The notions of hard work, team commitment and dedication to the game are impor- tant attributes for an individual presented as the embodiment of national character. Whannel’s (2002) work on sport celebrities states that popular athletes are presented in the media in one of two lights – either as exemplars of good moral standing (i.e. some- one children should look up to) or as bad role models. There has been an effort to present Crosby as a positive role model for children. The print media frequently uses positive themes to describe his on-ice play. Fans of the game have picked up on these themes, canuck67 comments, ‘(Sidney) is a great role model for kids too, low key, clean cut and hard working’ (CBCSports.ca, 2009b). This theme is carried forward in television advertising where Crosby is presented as a role model for children, embodying the spirit of fair play and a love of the game.

In 2006, during his first year in the NHL, Crosby was announced as the spokesperson for the Timbits Minor Hockey Program, a program he participated in as a child. Timbits Hockey is sponsored by Canadian cultural icon Tim Hortons, and works to promote an amateur sports model based on fair play. Through its advertising campaigns and its link to hockey,9 Tim Hortons has become symbolic of Canadianness. Cormack (2008)

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explains that Tim Hortons has drawn on prevalent notions of what it means to be Canadian, to brand its company. This strategy has been used extensively through its marketing campaigns. These include opening a Tim Hortons coffee chain in Afghanistan to serve Canadian troops, and the use of the franchise to dine important foreign dignitar- ies. Given its link to national identity, it is not surprising that Tim Hortons has looked to capitalize on Crosby’s fame, and position him as a role model for children, to market both its products and its sports programs. A marketing director for the company com- ments, ‘Sidney is an ideal ambassador for Timbits Hockey . . . As a role model Sidney inspires with his positive attitude and fun approach while still being grounded in family and community. Sidney Crosby embodies the philosophy of Timbits Hockey’ (Timhortons. com., 2006).

Crosby’s construction as a humble and unassuming Canadian is marketed by Tim Hortons in a series of television advertisements. These advertisements have continued to air since 2006, with the most recent aired for the 2010 Olympic Games. These ads work to sell both Tim Hortons’s products and the Timbits Minor Hockey Program. One ad shows a hockey team bus descending down a snow-covered road. The bus driver slows the bus to a stop and announces, ‘Sorry guys, this is going to take a while’. The camera pans to Crosby who is looking out the window gazing on a game of shinny taking place on a small pond. Young children, decked out in Tim Hortons’s hockey jerseys, play the game. The surrounding environment is picturesque – a forest, thickly wooded, the trees heavy with snow. Crosby exits the bus, hockey stick and skates in hand, and walks slowly toward the game. He approaches the children and modestly asks, ‘Can I play?’ The chil- dren nod eagerly. The commercial continues to show Crosby skating with the young players until he is called back to his repaired bus. The ad’s narrator tells us that, ‘When you start with fun it can last a lifetime’.

Tim Hortons’s use of Crosby works to construct him as embodying appropriate Canadian social values. The ad, similarly to other Tim Hortons’s advertising using Crosby, works to demonstrate that Crosby is a role model, who understands the value of sport and fun for Canadian children. Crosby’s heroic status is temporarily displaced (while at the same time reified) by his inability to understand himself as a celebrity. The ad constructs Crosby as a young man who gives his time to help others – a feature that is promoted as quintessentially Canadian (just like Tim Hortons). At the level of national mythology, this ad suggests that like all Canadians, Crosby just wants to play hockey for the sheer fun of the game. Crosby, and his image as a professional hockey player, are displaced from the interests of capital and self-interested promotion. Although it is unreasonable to suggest that Crosby promotes Tim Hortons, or any of his other commer- cial enterprises for a love of the game or product, this is the image that is presented in the advertisements and in the media coverage of this player.

Holt’s (2006) examination of the branding of Jack Daniels in the United States can help us to understand the relationship between corporate branding, celebrity culture and national identity, particularly as it pertains to Tim Hortons’s use of Sidney Crosby as a spokesperson for their brand. Holt explains that brands become iconic when they work to establish collective national identities. These iconic products are frequently linked to pre-existing national identities in mythic ways that have little to do with the intrinsic properties of the product itself. According to Holt (2006), when products are tied

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to national identities the consumer is able to ‘experience the myth via consumption’ (p. 375) – that is, one is able to reaffirm their identity as Canadian by purchasing Tim Hortons coffee. He cautions however, that corporate brands can rarely generate new identity myths. According to Holt (2006) as corporations do little to shape national myths, they tend to be conservative in their presentation of the nation, doing little more than ‘naturaliz(ing) the status quo’ (p. 375). In the case of Sidney Crosby and his link to Tim Hortons, the nation is reaffirmed as one of good conduct full of unassuming heroes who are either oblivious or at least unchanged by their celebrity status. Although this is the image forwarded by Tim Hortons, it does not mean that the public readily accepts it (nor does it mean that this is the image forwarded by Crosby himself). In fact, as demonstrated below, there are substantial challenges (and contradictory understanding) of the corporate portrayal of Crosby.

Turner (2004) comments that within celebrity culture, sport celebrities are held to a higher standard than other types of celebrities, namely movie stars. He reasons that it is the sport star’s link to the nation, through his engagement with national sports, which explains the expectations of a heightened standard of conduct. However, the notion of the sports star as a hero is relatively new. Whannel (2002) states that it is only during the 20th century that athletes have been framed in this way. Prior to this, the title of hero was reserved for those who demonstrated extraordinary ‘courage and self-sacrifice’ (p. 40), for example those who fought in battle. This movement towards understanding the sports star as a hero is not surprising, given the increased importance placed on sport as a rep- resentation of the nation (Hobsbawn, 1992). For Whannel (2002), the issue of sports stars as heroic has important implications for the way both masculinity and femininity come to be understood. He argues that when sports and athletes are reified as models of the nation, then certain ways of being (specifically those linked to models of desirable masculine conduct) come to be exemplified within the nation as appropriate. Conversely, given the extraordinary focus on boys’ and men’s sports as exemplifiers of the nation, girls’ and women’s sports cannot contribute to this myth making in the same way. Adams (2006) provides an example of this phenomenon. She points out that the coverage of Canada’s men’s and women’s gold medal wins in ice hockey at the Salt Lake City Olympic Games contribute to an understanding of Canadian national culture in very dif- ferent ways. She states that, ‘While the women’s win added to Canada’s gold medal tally, the men’s victory propped up the national psyche’ (p. 73).10 Men and women contribute differently to the Canadian nation when we come to understand national identity through ice hockey.

As Canadian national identity is tied to men’s ice hockey, it is not surprising that particu- lar styles of masculinity – that is, hard hitting, fearless and aggressive play – are privileged over what is considered to be more effeminate ways of expressing masculinity – that is, skating, passing and other skilled maneuvers (Allain, 2008). Within the print media, by advertisers, and among some fans, Crosby is presented as not only having the requisite skill of a superstar player, but he is also constructed as a hardworking, gritty, no nonsense tough guy who is not afraid to go into the corners. This notion of appropriate hockey masculinity is frequently tied to class. Less talented players are thought to com- pensate for a lack of skill by working hard. These players are often referred to as ‘lunch pail’ players, a reference that suggests a working-class aesthetic. For ‘lunch pail’ players,

14 International Review for the Sociology of Sport 46(1)

there is no question that they express an appropriate style of masculine conduct on the ice. Like their working-class equivalents, these players are thought to do ‘dirty’ and unglamorous jobs on the ice. A ‘lunch pail’ player is known for his hard work and grit. With the exception of Crosby, the work of these players is generally thought to go unnoticed.

Given the link between Canadian hockey masculinity and Crosby’s relation to Canadian national identity, it is not surprising that he is constructed as a ‘lunch pail’ superstar. National Post reporter Bruce Arthur comments that Crosby is, ‘. . . less about beauty, and more about grit’. He later cites hockey analyst Darren Elliott who calls Crosby ‘the most gifted grinder in the game’ (2009a: S1). Arthur suggests that Crosby’s style of play should see him in a hardhat instead of a hockey helmet (2009a: S1). The Globe and Mail focuses on Crosby’s work ethic commenting that, ‘. . . Sidney Crosby never takes a shift off’ (Macgregor, 2009a: S1). It also states, ‘. . . there may well be no more intense and driven player in the game these days then the 21 year-old captain of the Pittsburg Penguins’ (Macgregor, 2009b: S5).

Some fans of the game echo the ideas discussed above about grit, determination and hard work. One fan remarks on Crosby, ‘(H)is tenacity and grinding in the corners fur- ther boots my gradually increasing respect for him’ (YourUserNameMustBeUnique, CBCSports.ca., 2009d). Another CBC forum user notes, ‘You needn’t worry about Crosby, he’ll be there in the corners, in front of the net, doing what needs to be done . . .’ (CNilan, CBCSports.ca., 2009a). The focus on Crosby’s play in the corners is signifi- cant. The corners are considered to be the most dangerous part of the ice. It is here that one receives grueling physical punishment in the way of body-checking. Only the tough- est players compete in the corners and those who will not go into the corners to retrieve pucks are generally thought to be less masculine. Interestingly, Crosby’s notable on-ice skills have to do with his playmaking and goal scoring abilities, not his ability to grind in the corners and take physical punishment.

Through the media, advertisers and some hockey fans, Crosby is touted as a model of Canadian national identity. He is presented as a noble character who has no sense of his celebrity status. He is further presented as a role model for children and a model of Canadian hockey masculinity. However, these sentiments are not universally accepted. The media and hockey fans have variously called Crosby’s masculinity into question. They have presented him as a whiner, whose sense of entitlement has made him a ques- tionable model of Canadian national identity. I will now explore these ideas in detail.

‘Golden Boy’: The contestation of superhero masculinity For the first years that Crosby played in the National Hockey League, he was referred to almost exclusively as ‘Golden Boy’ by hockey commentator and Canadian icon Don Cherry. Cherry’s critique of Crosby stemmed from what he perceived as preferential treatment by the league, and his hockey team, for the young star. Cherry, who is gener- ally considered to be an advocate of ‘old time hockey’ – a rough and tumble game, where players are expected to play their dues – believed that Crosby’s preferential treat- ment would ultimately hinder his ability to be successful. His critique of Crosby comes from a notion of hockey masculinity that is premised on hockey players being stand up men, who do not embellish, dive or ‘hotdog’,11 and who are willing to take a hit as well

Allain 15

as dish one out. For Cherry, a proper hockey player is a man who plays a physical game and who understands his position on a hockey team. As mentioned above, Cherry’s cri- tique of Crosby arose from his perception that Crosby did not embody these character- istics. This appraisal was always framed as ‘good advice’ for the player. There was an expectation that once Crosby heeded such advice, he would become a better hockey player and closer to the dominant model of both Canadian national identity and Canadian hockey masculinity.

Cherry’s desire to shape Crosby into an appropriate model of masculine character began early in his career. Using his platform on CBC’s Hockey Night in Canada, Cherry frequently attacked Crosby’s style of play, particularly his tendency to embellish penal- ties and ‘hotdog’. Cherry made a point of stating that these rants were in the player’s best interest. According to Cherry, if Crosby learned how to conduct himself appropriately this would benefit both Crosby and his team. Recently Cherry’s opinion of the star player has changed. Cherry comments that:

When Crosby started out, he was, and he’s still a kid, but I tried to warn him about, you know, yapping at the referees and taking dives and slamming his head back and jumping on the glass . . . And if you look now, he’s a complete hockey player . . . He takes draws, he drops the gloves [fights], he blocks shots, he hits, he doesn’t whine to the referees anymore, he doesn’t jump on the glass. (CBCSports.ca, 2009b)

In Cherry’s mind, his guidance, supervision and ongoing critique of Crosby helped to mold him into a model Canadian hockey player and a model of Canadian hockey mascu- linity. However, any real change in Crosby’s game is debatable. For instance, Crosby’s fighting record does not actually show a dramatic change in Crosby’s willingness to ‘drop the gloves’.12 Further, an examination of his hits percentage does not show a dramatic improvement during his time in the league.13

Not all those invested in hockey share Cherry’s perception that Crosby has been ‘reformed’. Reporters and hockey fans still frequently refer to Crosby as a whiner. During the 2008/09 playoffs, The Ottawa Citizen directed their readers to, ‘(a) sign in the arena (that) said: “I Whine Less Than Crosby”, held by a baby’ (Wilbon, 2009). While ESPN reported that in an NHL players’ survey, Crosby was voted the player who ‘complains the most on the ice’ (ESPN.com., 2009). Further, whining was the most frequently discussed and debated topic among CBC’s online forum users. One fan com- ments, ‘Sidney Crosby will not gain the respect of many BECAUSE of his incessant whining. It needs to stop’ (HockeyCrazy, CBCSports.ca., 2009c). While another fan jokes, ‘If Cindy [sic] Crosby keeps on whining, crying and wimping out, he’ll get a good talking to by Don (Cherry)’ (11iamright, CBCSports.ca., 2009b).

Like Cherry, some fans contests the fact that Crosby is a whiner and suggest that what appears to be whining actually stems from his competitive nature. Others com- ment that it was jealousy and a lack of understanding of the game that works to sustain the view that Crosby is a whiner. Specifically, ‘Crosby is a wimp, cry baby and whines all the time. Crosby only does the above in between hitting, setting up his line mates for the one-timer, fighting, winning face offs, drawing all the opposing D [defense- men] to himself, and of course finding the twine [scoring goals]’ (FrankFinnigan, CBCSports.ca., 2009a).

16 International Review for the Sociology of Sport 46(1)

Hockey fans often frame their opinions of Crosby in nationalistic terms. Some fans call out Crosby’s critics as un-Canadian for not understanding his importance to Canadian national identity and specifically his role on Team Canada at the Vancouver Olympics. In one instance, a fan calls another forum user a ‘sub par Canadian’ for his criticism of the player (ithrowpoopatu, CBCSports.ca., 2009a). While another fan asks critics to con- sider the following:

Being that you obviously are from Canada, in your opinion since Crosby is a Wimp and should ‘Grow Up’ is he worthy of a place on Team Canada for the Olympics next year [Vancouver 2010]? Being that the games are going to be in Canada . . . do you feel that Sidney Crosby should make the team? If he is all what you say he is, that would be a real EMBARASSMENT TO TEAM CANADA and the country to have such a WIMP AND CRYBABY representing your country don’t you think? (Howardsmith, CBCSports.ca., 2009a)

Some fans believe that the lack of support Canadians had for Crosby represents a quint- essentially Canadian characteristic of not recognizing ‘our own’ talent – or simply put, ignoring Canadian talent was the ‘Canadian way’ (Mavryek, CBCSports.ca., 2009c). Those who did not support Crosby, spoke of him as a detriment to Canadian national identity. A fan comments, ‘For shame he is representing Canada and Canadians actually like this guy’ (Kanadiankid, CBCSports.ca., 2009c).

Concluding thoughts The contradictory portrayal and debate around Sidney Crosby and his expressions of Canadian style hockey masculinity did not end with the Washington-Pittsburg playoff series. In spite of the fact that Crosby and his Pittsburg Penguins went on to win the Stanley Cup (an act one might think would exonerate Crosby from debate about his mas- culinity, and in particular, his leadership abilities), journalists and forum users continued to celebrate, critique and reach contradictory conclusions about his expressions of mas- culinity. One journalist for instance claimed Crosby (being the youngest player in NHL history to captain a championship team) should no longer be viewed as a child and that monikers like ‘Kid Crosby’ should be traded for others that would be more fitting. In the words of Roy Macgregor, ‘Sid the Kid no longer makes sense’ (2009c: S1). Journalists also focus on Crosby’s drive and determination over the course of the NHL playoffs. Macgregor again comments, ‘He finished hurt, but he finished what he set out to do. What some would even say he had to do’ (2009c: S1). Duhatschek focuses on Crosby’s game play during his run to the Stanley Cup. He states that Crosby brings a ‘relentless determination . . . on virtually every shift’ (2009b: S1). While another journalist com- ments that the playoffs made him rethink his opinion of Crosby. Blair states, ‘Frankly, I think Our Sidney acquitted himself just fine during these playoffs, and I find him infi- nitely less annoying now than I did going in’ (2009: S2, italics added). Drawing on the link between Crosby and Canadian national identity (as Blair did above), Macgregor speaks of Crosby, ‘. . . speaking so quietly every day this spring from the cover of a frayed Penguins cap – has also demonstrated that, at only 21, he has inherited that curi- ous quiet mantle that is the makings of the truly great Canadian players’ (2009c: S1).

Allain 17

Some journalists and forum users, as well as NHL players, were not convinced that Crosby’s comportment during the NHL playoffs was in keeping with the appropriate expressions of masculinity, specifically those dictated by the traditions of the NHL and relentlessly forwarded by advertisers and some in the press. For example, it is against NHL tradition to miss the team handshake after a series has been completed. Crosby was widely criticized after winning the Stanley Cup for failing to shake hands with all the members of the opposing team. Some believe that this action marks Crosby as immature. One player describes these actions as ‘disrespectful’ (Globe and Mail, 2009b: S4). Another player is quoted as saying, ‘That’s ridiculous, especially as their captain’ (Globe and Mail, 2009: S2). Some in the media also question the attention paid to Crosby over the course of the playoffs. Like Brunt’s (2009) comments earlier, Dowbiggin (2009) wonders the following:

If it was ‘Sidney Crosby and the Pittsburg Penguins’ winning the Stanley Cup – as Jim Hughson14 and the NHL in general asserted – why did Evgeni Malkin win the Conn Smythe as playoff MVP? And outscore Sid in the regular season? How did the Pens play half of Game 7 without him – and still win? Just asking. (p. S4)

Fans who post comments to CBC’s online forum over final playoff series against the Detroit Red Wings, echo the concerns stated earlier. There is a preoccupation with Crosby’s level of maturity and on-ice comportment. Even en route to winning the Stanley Cup, some fans of the game call Crosby’s masculinity into question. CatherineF states of Crosby, ‘His brain just needs to catch up with his body and skill, he’s no longer a kid, he’s a man, someone needs to tell him that . . .’ (CBCSports.ca., 2009f). Another fan jokes about an unfortunate goal that was attributed to ‘lively’ boards – ‘if they were made of something soft, like, cindy [sic] crosby for example or cotton batting, than those pits [Pittsburg Penguins] would have taken it by a large margin’ (Boondock Saint, CBCSports. ca., 2009e). Some people who post to the forums believe that Crosby is part of an overall marketing campaign, directed by the NHL, that did not reflect reality. Knotalone com- ments, ‘It is difficult to make a man/woman out of a spoiled child. Crosby will never be anything but the spoiled kid the NHL picked to try and build their fortunes around’ (CBCSports.ca., 2009e). Kilowatt echoes these comments, ‘Let the lovefest with the CryBaby [Crosby] & CBC begin! Couldn’t stand it when it was all about Gretzky, now it’ll be all about this guy. CryBaby was shut down in the series, the gritty role players & Fleury stepped up period!’ (CBCSports.ca., 2009g).

As stated above, there is debate within the media and among fans of the game about the position of Sidney Crosby. This debate has continued right up to the Vancouver Olympic Games and there appears to be no sign of this stopping. Those Canadians invested in the game of hockey have opened up Crosby to both celebration and ridicule – sometimes even by the same people. The meanings of Canadian style hockey masculinity imposed on this young superstar are contentious and challenging. Interestingly, it appears that players, and fans of the game and even some in the press do not always easily accept the notions of masculinity transposed on Crosby by others in the media and corporate advertisers. The contention and debate around this player helps us to understand that identity construction does not happen in a top-down model – where identities are constructed and forwarded by

18 International Review for the Sociology of Sport 46(1)

the media and other institutions and absorbed by the public. Instead, identity construction is fluid and open for debate, resistance and various ways of understanding. Hockey fans, players and some in the media have shown that they both embrace and reject the popularly circulated notions of Crosby and his constructed expressions of masculinity. That said, it remains clear that issues around national identity and masculinity are not to be left to chance. As this article demonstrates, Crosby, and his expressions of masculinity, have been the subject of observation, debate and critique since before he even entered the National Hockey League. This analysis calls into question any sort of essentialized under- standing of masculinity, the notion that masculinity is a natural quality and that masculini- ties are constructed from institutional sources and readily absorbed by the public. Instead, it shows that masculinity must be cultivated within national celebrities, like Crosby and even then, it may not withstand public re-interpretation.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers from the IRSS whose thoughtful editorial suggestions were tremendously helpful in shaping this article.

Notes

1. During the 2008–09 NHL playoffs, one Globe and Mail reporter comments that Crosby, ‘has never met a cliché he didn’t embrace’ (Duhatschek, 2009a: S3).

2. A dramatic example of this was CTV’s two, one-hour Olympic television specials on the players, Sid the Kid vs Alexander the Great (MacAskill, 2009) and Sid the Kid vs Alexander the Great: The Olympians (MacAskill, 2010). The specials showed the two players as opposites. Crosby was constructed as the shy, polite, small town hero. Ovechkin was constructed as the out-of-control Muscovite. The players’ national identities were positioned as significant, with the opening graphic showing the two players standing in front of their national flags.

3. Evgeni Malkin and Alexander Ovechkin (Russian players) both had more points than Crosby during the 2008–09 season. Crosby was also overlooked for the 2009 Hart Memorial Trophy, awarded to the player considered to be the most valuable to his team.

4. Lemieux is a superstar hockey player and part-owner of the Pittsburg Penguins. Since Crosby entered the league, he lived with Lemieux at his home (Anderson and Molinari, 2010).

5. Within CBC fan forums this is the most common way Sidney Crosby has been referred to by fans who are critical of his style of play and on-ice conduct.

6. Canadian hockey commentator Don Cherry has called Sidney Crosby ‘Golden Boy’ as a result of his preferential treatment by the league and his team.

7. This is probably the result of the newspaper generally covering Canadian games in detail dur- ing the regular season, while offering minimum or no coverage to American teams. As stated earlier, Crosby plays for the Pittsburg (Pennsylvania) Penguins.

8. The fact that Crosby plays hockey in Pittsburg instead of a Canadian city is no doubt sig- nificant to Canadians, particularly in terms of their feelings of American cultural hegemony over what is widely considered a Canadian game. When Crosby was drafted into the NHL there was hopeful thinking (at least in Ontario, where I live) that he might end up in Toronto or another Canadian city. Further, there was much debate among fans and Canadian

Allain 19

commentators about NHL scheduling. This debate was often framed as a concern over Canadians being able to see the biggest stars in the league (Crosby in particular and Ovechkin to a lesser extent) in their own Canadian cities. A thorough examination of American influ- ence in Canadian hockey, and Canadian reactions to this, is important (see Gruneau and Whitson, 1993; Mason, 2002). However, it is beyond the scope of this article.

9. Tim Horton was a prominent Toronto Maple Leaf in the 1950s and 1960s. He cofounded the Tim Hortons coffee shop in 1964 in Hamilton, ON.

10. This phenomenon was duplicated during the Vancouver Games. 11. ‘Hotdogging’ is a term that usually refers to over-celebration of goals or making elaborate or

flashy plays to score a goal. Within hockey culture it is not appropriate for a player to over- celebrate his successes or to make an opponent feel badly or embarrassed. A player is supposed to handle goal scoring with grace.

12. To date, Crosby has had no more than two fights in any given NHL season and he did not fight at all during his first two years in the league (Hockeyfights.com., n.d.).

13. Crosby has averaged approximately 1.02 hits per game since his entry into the league. Contrary to Don Cherry’s suggestion, Crosby does not show a steady increase in hits per game. Evgeni Malkin, another superstar player for the Pittsburg Penguins, has averaged .748 hits per game since his entry into the league in 2006. Malkin’s numbers have tended to show an incline in hits per game. Given that Malkin is Russian, it is reasonable that during his first two years in the league he was adjusting to the increased hitting in the North American game (see Allain, 2008). In his most recent two years in the league, Malkin has average .940 hits per game, while Crosby has averaged .919 over the same period. Malkin is widely characterized in the press as a finesse player.

14. Jim Hughson is a play-by-play announcer for CBC’s Hockey Night in Canada.

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