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Final Exam Question #1

In 850 words or less:

Explain just  one of the following:

1. Why does Kamm think that issues surrounding a desire for mastery do not make human enhancement impermissible?

2. According to Kamm, what role should the difference between treatment and enhancement play in deciding whether enhancement is permissible? Why?

3. Why does Kamm think that human enhancement is not necessarily incompatible compatible with treating children well?

Then, do just  one of the following :

1. Explain one objection to Kamm's argument that you have summarized, and describe how Kamm could respond. Then, evaluate this response. Do you think it is effective at addressing the objection? Why or why not?

2. Explain one extension of Kamm's argument that you have summarized, and describe how someone might object to this extension. Then, evaluate the objection. Do you think it is effective at objecting to the extension? Why or why not?

Final Exam Question #2

In 850 words or less:

Explain just  one of the following:

1. Why does Kukathas think the principle of freedom supports open borders?

2. Why does Kukathas think the principle of humanity supports open borders?

3. Why does Kukathas think that economic arguments against open borders do not succeed?

Then, do just  one of the following:

1. Explain one objection to Kukathas's argument that you have summarized, and describe how Kukathas could respond. Then, evaluate this response. Do you think it is effective at addressing the objection? Why or why not?

2. Explain one extension of Kukathas's argument that you have summarized, and describe how someone might object to this extension. Then, evaluate the objection. Do you think it is effective at objecting to the extension? Why or why not?

Final Exam Question #3

In 850 words or less:

Explain just  one of the following:

1. According to Warren, what does it mean to be a member of the moral community, and why aren't all humans automatically members?

2. According to Warren, how should we treat beings that aren't full members of the moral community?

3. According to Warren, why does being a potential person not grant a fetus the right to life?

Then, do just  one of the following:

1. Explain one objection to Warren's argument that you have summarized, and describe how Warren could respond. Then, evaluate this response. Do you think it is effective at addressing the objection? Why or why not?

2. Explain one extension of Warren's argument that you have summarized, and describe how someone might object to this extension. Then, evaluate the objection. Do you think it is effective at objecting to the extension? Why or why not?

Final Exam Question #4

In 850 words or less:

Explain just  one of the following:

1. Pick one of the two principles Singer discusses on page 231. Explain what this principle means and what it tells us about our duties to others.

2. Explain why Singer does not think distance is relevant to whether we ought to help others.

Then, do just  one of the following:

1. Explain one objection to Singer's argument that you have summarized, and describe how Singer could respond. Then, evaluate this response. Do you think it is effective at addressing the objection? Why or why not?

2. Explain one extension of Singer's argument that you have summarized, and describe how someone might object to this extension. Then, evaluate the objection. Do you think it is effective at objecting to the extension? Why or why not?

Kamm - Is There a Problem With Enhancement (1).pdf

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The American Journal of Bioethics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/uajb20

Is There a Problem With Enhancement? Frances M. Kamm a a Harvard University Published online: 20 Aug 2006.

To cite this article: Frances M. Kamm (2005) Is There a Problem With Enhancement?, The American Journal of Bioethics, 5:3, 5-14, DOI: 10.1080/15265160590945101

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15265160590945101

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Target Article

Is There a Problem With

Enhancement? Frances M. Kamm, Harvard University

This article examines arguments concerning enhancement of human persons recently pre- sented by Michael Sandel (2004). In the first section, I briefly describe some of his arguments. In section two, I consider whether, as Sandel claims, the desire for mastery motivates en- hancement and whether such a desire could be grounds for its impermissibility. Section three considers how Sandel draws the distinction between treatment and enhancement, and the relation to nature that he thinks each expresses. The fourth section examines Sandel’s views about parent/child relations and also how enhancement would affect distributive justice and the duty to aid. In conclusion, I briefly offer an alternative suggestion as to why enhancement may be troubling and consider what we could safely enhance.

Keywords

designer babies

distributive justice

duty to aid

enhancement

genetic engineering

intention

nature

parental love

responsibility

Open Peer

Commentaries

Franklin G. Miller and Howard Brody, p. 15

Peter H. Schwartz, p. 17

Richard E. Ashcroft and Karen P. Gui, p. 19

Marilyn E. Coors and Lawrence Hunter, p. 21

S. Matthew Liao, p. 23

Adrienne M. Martin and Jehanna Peerzada, p. 25

Jason Scott Robert, p. 27

Carson Strong, p. 29

Howard Trachtman, p. 31

Should we enhance human performance? There are at least two types of enhancement. In the first, we in- crease above the norm so that more people are above the norm in ways that many people are already quite naturally. For example, we might increase intelli- gence so that people who would otherwise be only normally intelligent function as well as those few who are geniuses. In the second form of enhance- ment, we introduce improvements that no human being has yet evidenced—for example, living to be two hundred years old and healthy. The question of whether we should engage in either type of en- hancement has arisen recently within the context of human genetics. Here one generation would prob- ably modify the next. However, enhancement can also occur by way of drugs or intensive training and be done by a person to himself or to another.

Michael Sandel has recently argued that there is a moral problem with both types of enhancement re- gardless of the way in which they would be brought about, even if there were agreement (which there often is not) that the changes would be improve- ments, that they were safe, and they were fairly distributed among socioeconomic groups (Sandel 2004). Sandel’s discussion is worth significant at- tention both because he is a member of the Presi- dent’s Council on Bioethics and because it expresses in compact form, readily available to the general public, some of the themes of the longer work on this subject produced by the President’s Council. In this essay, I will present what seem to me to be the important components of Sandel’s argument and then evaluate it.

I. SANDEL’S VIEWS

Sandel thinks that the deepest objection to enhance- ment is the desire for mastery that it expresses. He focuses especially (but not exclusively) on the at- tempt of parents to enhance their children, whether by genetic manipulation, drugs, or extensive train- ing. He says:

the deepest moral objection to enhancement lies less in the perfection it seeks than the human disposi- tion it expresses and promotes. The problem is not that parents usurp the autonomy of a child they de- sign. The problem is in the hubris of the design- ing parents, in their drive to master the mystery of birth . . . it would disfigure the relation between par- ent and child, and deprive the parent of the humility and enlarged human sympathies that an openness to the unbidden can cultivate. (Sandel 2004, 57)

And he thinks:

. . . the promise of mastery is flawed. It threatens to banish our appreciation of life as a gift, and to leave us with nothing to affirm or behold outside our own will. (62)

However, he believes this objection is consis- tent with the permissibility and even the obligation to treat illnesses by genetic modification, drugs, or training. He is, therefore, arguing for a moral dis- tinction between treatment and enhancement. He says, (Sandel 2004, 57): “Medical intervention to cure or prevent illness or restore the injured to health does not desecrate nature but honors it.”

The American Journal of Bioethics, 5(3): 5–14, 2005 ajob 5 Copyright c© Taylor & Francis, Inc. ISSN: 1526-5161 print / 1536-0075 online DOI: 10.1080/15265160590945101

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He also thinks parents must “shape and direct the development of their children . . . ,” but he thinks there must be an equilibrium between “accepting love” and “transforming love.”

Among the bad effects of mastery, he identifies the increasing responsibility that we must bear for the presence or absence of characteristics in ourselves and others and the effects this may have on human solidarity. The first point is concerned with the fact that we will no longer be able to say that our lacking a perfection is a matter of luck, something outside our control. We might be blamed for not improving ourselves or others. The second point is (supposedly) related to this. Sandel believes that the more our characteristics are a matter of chance rather than choice, “the more reason we have to share our fate with others” (Sandel 2004, 60). He goes on:

Consider insurance. Since people do not know whether or when various ills will befall them, they pool their risk . . . insurance markets mimic solidar- ity only insofar as people do not know or control their own risk factors. . . . Why, after all, do the successful owe anything to the least-advantaged members of society? The best answer to this leans heavily on the idea of giftedness. . . . A lively sense . . . that none of us is wholly responsible for his or her success makes us willing to share the fruits of our talents with the less successful. (Sandel 2004, 60)

II. DESIRE FOR MASTERY

Let us clarify the nature of Sandel’s objection to en- hancement based on the desire for mastery over life processes. First, note that it implies that if (both types of) enhancements were occurring quite nat- urally, without our intervention, Sandel’s objection to enhancement would not be pertinent. Indeed, in- terfering with the natural enhancing changes would itself require mastery over life processes, and so Sandel’s objection might pertain to this. It is also important to keep in mind several distinctions. Ac- tual mastery is different from the desire for it. We could achieve and exercise mastery over nature as a side effect of doing other things, without desiring it. This might be acceptable to Sandel. Suppose we did desire mastery, however. We could desire it as a means to some other end (e.g., achieving such good aims as health, beauty, virtue) or we could desire it as an end in itself. So long as we desire it as a means to other things considered good, it is clearly wrong for Sandel to conclude that desire for mas- tery will “leave us with nothing to affirm or behold outside our own will” (Sandel 2004, 62). Even if mastery were desired as an end in itself, this need

not mean that it is our only end, and so we could still continue to affirm other good aims (such as virtue, health, etc.) as ends. I shall assume that if we desire mastery, it is as a means to good ends, as this seems most reasonable.

Such a desire for mastery is not inconsistent with an openness to the unbidden that Sandel empha- sizes (Sandel 2004, 56), if the unbidden means just “those things that come without our deliberately calling for or causing them.”1 For if many good things were to come without our deliberately inter- vening to bring them about, presumably we would be happy to have them and not regret that they did not come about just because we deliberately brought them about. Such a form of openness to the unbidden does not, however, necessarily imply a willingness to accept whatever comes even if it is bad. Sometimes people are also unwilling to ac- cept things that merely differ from their preferences, though the things are not necessarily bad. One or both of the latter forms of being closed to the un- bidden may be what Sandel is concerned with, as he speaks of enlarged human sympathies resulting from an openness to the unbidden.

So far, I have been distinguishing various atti- tudes and states of mind that might be involved in a desire for mastery. Suppose some form of the de- sire for mastery and nonopenness to the unbidden is bad. The further question is whether there is any re- lation between having even a bad attitude and the impermissibility of enhancing conduct. As noted above, even Sandel supports the efforts to find cer- tain treatments for illnesses. But seeking treatments for illnesses by manipulating the genome typically involves desiring mastery as a means, not being open to all things unbidden, and attempting to master the mystery of birth. Hence, Sandel may think that while there is something bad per se about desir- ing mastery even as a means, not being open to the unbidden, and attempting to master the mystery of birth, these bad aims can be outweighed by the good of curing diseases (if not by the pursuit of enhancements). Alternatively, he may believe that

1. Notice that not deliberately causing something is not the same as not causing it. For example, a parent may cause his child’s IQ to move down from 160 to 140 by inadvertently eating improperly during pregnancy. This reduction is unbidden, though caused by the parent. It is in part because we might be causally responsible for making things worse than they could naturally be, that some may think that we have a duty to achieve at least the knowledge of life processes that prevents our interfering with naturally occurring goods.

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when the unbidden is very horrible—not a gift, even in disguise—not being open to the unbidden is not bad at all. If he believes these things, the question becomes why enhancements cannot out- weigh or transform what Sandel believes are bads in the same way he thinks that treatments outweigh or transform them.2

There is a further, deeper problem about the relation between having bad dispositions and the impermissibility of conduct. For suppose that de- siring mastery as one’s sole end in life is a bad desire to have. Suppose a scientist who works on finding a cure for congenital blindness is motivated only by such a bad desire for mastery. Does this make his conduct impermissible? Presumably not. The good of treating diseases still justifies the work of the scientist even when his primary aim is not that there be no disease, but rather to achieve mastery. This is a case where there may be a duty to do the work. However, even when the act we would do would produce a good it is not our duty to produce, I think the act can be permissible independent of our intentions or disposition in doing it. So sup- pose several people could be saved only if you do an act that has a high probability of killing you. It is not typically your duty to do such an act, though it could be morally outstanding to do it. If the only reason you do it is to make those who care about you worry, this alone will not make saving the people impermissible. More generally, it has been argued, the intentions and attitudes of an agent reflect on the agent’s character but not on the permissibility of his act (Scanlon 2002; Thomson 1990).3

Perhaps, however, this is not true. Sometimes we think an act is permissible only if it is satisfying a certain desire in an agent who does the act. For example, suppose we set aside scarce resources for a musical performance in order that those who desire pleasure from music shall have some. If someone’s only aim in going to a concert is to mingle with other people, this is an indication he has no desire for music per se. Hence, it is an indication that an end which justified the use of scarce resources for musical performances will not be achieved. Hence, this agent should not go to the concert not because of his intention per se, but only because it is an indication that some justifying effect will not come about. Now, suppose someone has a bad aim (e.g., to show off) in doing something otherwise permissible,

2. I shall return to this point below. 3. Judith Thomson (1990, 1999) has argued that inten- tion never matters to the permissibility of action. Thomas Scanlon (2000) makes a somewhat more limited claim.

such as chewing gum. It might be appropriate for him to, in a sense, be punished for the bad aim with which he would chew the gum, by making it impermissible for him to chew the gum. This, of course, is not just any punishment. It specifically makes it the case that his bad aim is not efficacious. But if the achievement of an important good for others or the performance of a dutiful act (e.g., not harming someone) is at stake and this can justify the act, it would not be appropriate to require someone to forgo an act as a way of making his bad aim inefficacious. That would be to punish others for the agent’s bad attitude.

It seems, then, that if Sandel is right and “the deepest moral problem with enhancement. . . ” is “the human disposition it expresses,” then the deep- est moral problem may provide no grounds at all for thinking that acts seeking enhancement are morally impermissible (Sandel 2004, 57). We will have to decide whether particular changes are permissible independently of the aims, attitudes, and disposi- tions of agents who act. Among the factors we might consider are the good ends to be brought about and the bad effects that might also occur. It is true that if the good outweighs the bad, then it is possible for a rational agent to have as his aim the pursuit of the good, rather than the (supposedly) bad aim of seek- ing mastery above all else. But it is the evaluation of objective goods and bads, rather than the agent’s aims or desires that play a role in accounting for the permissibility of acting. If the only possible aim of a rational agent in seeking a particular change were to seek mastery as an end in itself, then presumably the good ends achieved in the change would not them- selves be able to justify the act. But we need not be restricted to a consequentialist weighing of goods and bads in accounting for the permissibility of an act. Individual rights may be at stake. Furthermore, the causal role of bad effects (e.g., whether they are side effects or necessary means to good aims) can be crucial in a nonconsequentialist analysis of permis- sibility, even if agent’s intention and disposition are not.

In connection with the effects of enhancing, there is a further point that Sandel makes, for he is concerned not only with the disposition that en- hancement expresses but with “the human dispo- sition it . . . promotes.” Promoting that disposition to seek mastery could be an effect of seeking en- hancements, and we have said that the effects of acts can be relevant to their permissibility even if the attitudes of agents who perform the acts are not. Indeed, considering the disposition as an ef- fect helps us understand that when Sandel says that

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“the deepest moral problem with enhancement is the human disposition it expresses,” he is not so much giving an explanation of the wrongness of acts of enhancement, as simply focusing on the bad type of people we will be if we seek mastery.4 But should we condemn a disposition even if it never leads to any impermissible acts and the disposition always leads people to act for the sake of the very properties that make the acts permissible because they make it permissible? (This is unlike the dis- position of the scientist described above, yet it too is ruled out by Sandel’s view). Is it inappropriate to be the sort of people who will be disposed to master nature as a means because the goods to be achieved outweigh the bads and no further nonconsequen- tialist objections are relevant?

Perhaps such a disposition could still be bad to have, if it leads us to focus on these types of acts to the exclusion of other worthwhile activities. Con- sider an artist who is always seeking to improve her paintings. She never rests content with just appreci- ating her own and other people’s great works. Other people may have a better appreciation of great mas- ters that she lacks. But it is not clear to me that her way of responding to value—by trying to create more of it—is inferior to the admittedly good al- ternative way of responding to value. And in some people these two approaches to value may be com- bined to one degree or another. Similarly for the dispositions to enhance and to appreciate goods al- ready present.

III. TREATMENT VERSUS ENHANCEMENT

One conclusion so far is that we must look to such things as the properties of our acts and their effects, rights involved, and the required causal role of bad effects in producing the good, rather than to the dispositions of agents, to decide whether acts of en- hancement are wrong. Hence, the disposition that Sandel identifies as a primary moral problem with enhancement has nothing to do with whether pro- ducing enhancements is right or wrong. However, one might rephrase an objection bearing on the per- missibility of such acts. One might argue that the goods achievable by enhancement do not merit a causal role for the bads of people’s uncovering mys- teries of birth or mastering nature (whether they desire these or not), rather than letting nature give us whatever gifts it will.

There are two problems with rephrasing in this way. First, it may not be true that people’s mastering

4. As emphasized by Paul Litton and Larry Temkin.

nature, uncovering the secrets of life, and trying to improve what comes in life are bad in and of them- selves. If they are not bad in themselves—but even good in themselves—then we do not have to show that there are great goods at stake that outweigh us- ing the bads, in order to permissibly engage in these activities. Second, if they are bad, one would have to show not only that the good ends of enhance- ment are not as important as the goods of treatment but that they are not great enough to outweigh or transform the bads.

There are several possible routes to showing that the goods of enhancement are not as important as the goods of treatment. One is the idea of diminish- ing marginal utility, according to which the benefit someone gets out of a given improvement in his condition decreases the better off he is. Hence, we do more good if we help those who are worse off than if we help those who are already better off. A second route is the view that there is greater moral value in helping people the worse off they are in absolute terms, even if we produce a smaller benefit to them than we could to people who are better off. This is known as prioritarianism. A possible third route is to distinguish qualitatively between what some call harmed states and merely not being as well off as one might be but not badly off in abso- lute terms (Shiffrin 1999). None of these routes to comparing the good ends of enhancement and treat- ment, however, shows that enhancements are not in themselves great enough goods to justify mastery as a means. They also do not rule out that providing enhancements might itself permissibly be a means to achieving the treatments. That is, suppose it is only if we are much smarter than we currently are that we will find a cure for terrible illnesses quickly. Then the importance of finding treatments could be transmitted to the enhancement of intelligence. (Of course, not all means are permitted to even justified ends. So if enhancements were sufficiently intrinsi- cally objectionable, it might not be permissible to use the only available means to acquire treatments.)

At one point, Sandel tries to draw the distinc- tion between treatment and enhancement by claim- ing that “medical intervention to cure or prevent illness . . . does not desecrate nature but honors it. Healing sickness or injury does not override a child’s natural capacities but permits them to flourish” (Sandel 2004, 57). The assumption behind the first sentence is that nature is sacred and should be hon- ored. But why should we believe this? Cancer cells, AIDS, tornadoes, and poisons are all parts of nature. Are they sacred and to be honored? The natural and

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the good are distinct conceptual categories and the two can diverge: the natural can fail to be good and the good can be unnatural (e.g., art, dams, etc.).5

Suppose nature was sacred and to be honored. We would clearly be overriding its dictates by making people able to resist (by immunization) illnesses that they could not naturally resist. Is doing this imper- missible because it does not honor nature? Surely not.

Sandel’s view may better be expressed as the view that we may permissibly override and not honor nature when we get rid of the things in nature that interfere with the other parts of nature that are its gifts (i.e. good things). But if this is so, then Sandel’s position does not rule out dramatically lengthening the human life span and preventing the interference of the aging process with the exercise of natural gifts that we have had all our lives. Most people would consider this a radical enhancement.

When Sandel claims that curing and prevent- ing illness does not desecrate nature, he implies that enhancement is a problem because of the sort of re- lation we should have to nature. Emphasizing that healing allows a child’s capacities to flourish, may seem to suggest that enhancement (but not treat- ment) is a problem because of its effects on our rela- tions to other persons. But while Sandel does move on to the latter issue (and I will discuss his views on it below), he is here still focused on whether we are interfering with nature and the capacities (gifts) that nature has given someone when we enhance rather than cure. Hence, it is pertinent to ask, what if a child’s natural capacities are those of a Down’s Syndrome child and we seek to supplement these and provide greater gifts than nature provided by changing the child’s genome? This would change or add to natural capacities, not merely permit them to flourish. Yet, presumably, Sandel would want to classify this with allowable treatment rather than enhancement. This form of treatment, which in- volves supplementing nature’s gifts with new one’s raises the more general question of why appreciation of nature’s gifts requires limiting ourselves to them. We can appreciate what is given and yet supplement it with something new.

There are three primary conclusions of this sec- tion. First, Sandel’s attempt to draw a distinction between treatment and enhancement does not seem successful. Second, given the way he draws the

5. Similarly, the human and the good are distinct concep- tual categories. Human traits (such as arrogance) could be bad, and inhuman altruism could be good.

treatment/enhancement distinction. Sandel’s objec- tion to enhancement does not rule out maintaining natural gifts (that would otherwise wither) through- out a greatly extended human life span. Third, we would need much more argument to show that there is some duty owed to nature that we offend against when we change natural capacities, and that it is our relation to nature rather than to persons that should be a primary source of concern with enhancement.

IV. PARENTAL AND SOCIAL RELATIONS

In this section I will examine Sandel’s views on how enhancement may negatively affect our relations to persons, ourselves or others.

A. One’s Children

As noted above, Sandel paints with a broad brush in condemning enhancements due not only to ge- nomic changes but to drugs and training. However, he also realizes that much of ordinary good par- enting consists of what might ordinarily be called enhancement. Hence, he says the crucial point is to balance accepting love and transformative love. (Perhaps Sandel would want to apply this idea to changes adults seek to make to themselves as well.) He also seems to think of transformative love as concerned with helping natural gifts be fulfilled, framing and molding them so that they shine forth. (Similarly, in sport, he thinks that good running shoes help bring out a natural gift by comparison to drugs that would change a gift into something else.)

Let us first deal with the issue of balance. For all Sandel says, it remains possible that many more enhancements than he considers appropriate are ones that satisfy the balance between accepting and transformative love. This would most clearly be true if transformation were not merely a matter of mold- ing nature’s gifts, but of adding new ones. Further- more, it is not clear what falls under “balancing.” For example, suppose my child already has an IQ of 160. Might balancing the two types of love in her case imply that I may (if this will be good for her) increase her IQ another 10 but not 20 points, even though a parent whose child has an IQ of 80 should not change her child as much as to also give her a 170 IQ, for this would err on the side of too much transformation?

An alternative to such a balancing view might be called Sufficientarianism. It could imply that there is no need at all to increase the first child’s IQ and that in the second child’s case much more

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transformation (in the sense of adding to natural gifts) than acceptance is appropriate in order to reach a sufficient level. Sufficientarians are not in- terested in perfection, though they want enough mastery as a means to getting sufficient goods.

Let us now restrict ourselves to Sandel’s sense of transformation—bringing out natural gifts—and consider the ways in which this may be done. To the extent to which Sandel allows training and ap- pliances to be used to transform gifts, should he not also allow genetic manipulation that does exactly the same thing? So suppose that a certain amount of voice training is permitted to strengthen vocal chords. Would a drug or genetic manipulation that could strengthen vocal chords to the same degree also be permissible? If the argument Sandel gives does not rule out training, it alone will not rule out transformation by drugs or genetic means, be- cause a gift is transformed to the same degree by each method. (If appliances such as running shoes are allowed, why not genetically transformed feet that function in the same way?) A different type of argument, based on the possible moral difference in using different means would be necessary to rule out the genetic means, but Sandel does not provide it. Rather, as we have noted, he treats training, drugs, and genetic manipulation on a par.

Hence, while he rightly condemns excessive pressure to transform oneself and one’s children in a competitive, meritocratic society, especially if it is governed by shallow values, he does not condemn moderate training for worthwhile transformation.6

Unless he emphasizes a difference in means used, he should then permit moderate, worthwhile genetic transformations, even if not excessive ones driven by competitive pressures and/or governed by shallow values.

Now consider one way in which Sandel may be wrong not to distinguish different ways of trans- forming or bringing about more radical enhance- ment. Perhaps we should separate how we treat changes that are made before a child exists (what I will call ex ante changes) from those that are made once a child exists (what I will call ex post changes). The former are primarily genetic, while the latter will include drugs and training. Love, it has been said, is for a particular. Consider love for an adult. Before we love someone, we may be interested in meeting a person who has various properties, such as kindness, intelligence, artistic ability, a good sense of humor, etc. When we meet such a person we may

6. Hilary Bok emphasized this point.

be interested in him rather than someone else be- cause he has these properties. However, though it is through these properties that we may be led to love this particular person, it is the particular person that we wind up loving, not his set of properties. For if another person appears with the same set of properties, that does not mean that we could as eas- ily substitute him for the person we already love. Even if the person we love loses some of the prop- erties through which we were originally led to love him (e.g., his beauty) and another person has more of the good properties that originally interested us, we would not necessarily stop loving the particular person we love (Nozick 1977).

It seems then that when we love a particular per- son, this involves much of what Sandel calls accepting love. If we do seek transformation in the properties of the person we love, this may be because of moral requirements or because we want what is good for him. By contrast, before a particular person whom we love exists (just as before we find someone to love), it is permissible to think more broadly in terms of the characteristics we would like to have in a person and that we think it is best for a person to have, at least so long as these characteristics would not be bad for the person who will have them and are consistent with respect for persons. (The latter con- straint could conflict with merely doing what is best for someone. For example, suppose peace of mind and equanimity are goods for a person. Neverthe- less, insuring their presence by modifying someone so that she is self-deceived about awful truths would be inconsistent with taking seriously that one is cre- ating a person, an entity worthy of respect. Sandel says, “Not everything in the world is open to what- ever use we may desire or devise” (Sandel 2004, 54). This is certainly true of persons, even when we desire their good.)

Before the existence of a person, there is no per- son yet with certain characteristics that we have to accept if we love him and do not want to impose undue burdens necessary for changes. Hence, not ac- cepting whatever characteristics nature will bring but altering them ex ante does not show lack of love. Nor can it insult or psychologically pressure a per- son the way ex post changes might, as no conscious being yet exists. Importantly, it is (somewhat para- doxically) rational and acceptable to seek good char- acteristics in a new person, even though we know that when the child comes to be and we love him or her, many of these characteristics may come and go and we will continue to love the particular per- son. This is an instance of what I call the distinction

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between “caring to have” and “caring about.” That is, one can know that one will care about someone just as much whether or not she has certain traits and yet care to have someone that has, rather than lacks, these traits (Kamm 2004).7 Sandel says that ‘parental love is not contingent on talents and at- tributes a child happens to have” (Sandel 2004, 55). This is true. But I have tried to show this is consis- tent with seeking better attributes.

Applying what I have said to the issue of en- hancement suggests that even if transformative and enhancing projects should be based primarily on what is best for the child, this is consistent with trying to achieve ex ante a child with traits that will be desirable per se, so long as they will not be bad for the child and are not inconsistent with respect for persons. Ex ante enhancement will pri- marily be through genetic alteration. By contrast ex post enhancement may have to be more constrained for it could involve psychological pressure on the child and lead to fear of rejection. (Altering a fetus or early infant will be somewhere in between.)

Drawing a distinction between the methods of ex ante and ex post “designing” does not, however, put to rest different sorts of objections to even ex ante transformations. First, Sandel thinks that peo- ple are not products to be designed. I agree that people are not products in the sense that they are not commodities, but rather beings worthy of con- cern and respect in their own right. But I do not think this implies that it is morally wrong to design them. Consider first if it would be acceptable to re- design oneself. We are accustomed to people having replacement parts, such as knees, hips, and trans- plants. Suppose when our parts wore out, we were offered alternatives among the new ones. For exam- ple, teeth of various colors, joints that were more or less flexible, limbs that were longer or shorter. It might well make sense to make selections that involved redesigning our bodies. Similarly, if we could replace brain cells, it might make sense to choose ones that gave us new abilities. This would be redesigning ourselves.

Now consider creating new people. We already have much greater control over the timing of preg- nancy and, via artificial reproduction, over whether someone can conceive at all. Rather than humility,

7. I previously argued for this distinction when discussing the compatibility of (a) a disabled person caring about his life as much as non-disabled person cares about his life and (b) a disabled person caring to have a non-disabled life rather than a disabled one.

we have justifiable pride in these accomplishments. Now suppose we each had been designed in detail by other persons. Presumably, we would still be be- ings of worth and entitled to respect. In this sense, designing persons is not inconsistent with their per- sonhood. But might it be that although a being retains its high status despite such an origin, it is inconsistent with respect for persons to choose such an origin for them? (Analogously, a person retains his status as a rights bearer even when his rights are violated, but it is not, therefore, appropriate to violate his rights.) But suppose that the natural way of reproducing required that properties be selected for offspring, otherwise they would be mere lumps of flesh. Surely selecting properties would be per- missible. Would we be obligated, out of respect for persons, to search for a way to alter this (imagined) natural way for definite properties to come about when it is going well, so that they would happen by chance? I do not think so. Hence, I conclude, designing of persons is not per se inconsistent with respect for persons.8

A second objection asks, if someone wants to have a child, should they not focus only on the most basic goods, such as having a normal child to love? If so, then if they focus on achieving many superior qualities, does that not show they are interested in the wrong things in having a child? To answer this worry, consider an analogy. If the primary con- cern for a philosopher in getting a job should be that she be able to do philosophy, does that mean that it is wrong to choose between possible jobs equally satisfying that characteristic on the basis of other desirable properties such as higher salary or better location? If not, why is the search for prop- erties other than the basic ones in a child wrong, when the basic ones are not thereby put in jeop- ardy? (Of course, in the case of the child-to-be, un- like the job, the enhanced properties are usually to be for its benefit, not only for those doing the selecting.)

Furthermore, searching for more than the basics does not by itself imply that if one could not achieve those enhancements, one would not still happily have a child who had only the basics. (And even while someone who would refuse to have a child without enhancements might thereby show that he did not care very much about the core reasons for having a child, this does not show he is unfit to be

8. Notice also that designing the gene pool so that only enhanced options are available is compatible with chance determination of any given individual.

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a parent. For he could still come to love the child if he actually has it, through attachment to it as a particular, as described above.)

A third concern is that in the relation of parent to child, a parent will simply have greater control over the child’s nature, whether she seeks it or not. (This does not mean that the child has less control, for it is chance, not the child, that will determine things, if persons, such as parents, do not. Nor does it mean that the issues of “designing” children and parental control are not separable in principle. For if someone other than the parent designed the child, relative to the parent the child would still be part of the unbidden). But in numerous areas of life, persons now stand in relations of control over other people where once chance ruled. The important thing is that this be done justly, benevolently, and wisely. Furthermore, if we choose certain characteristics in offspring, the balance of control over the child’s life may shift to the child rather than the parent. What I have in mind is that if we could ensure that a child has such enhancing traits as self control and good judgment, the child would be less, not more, likely to be subject to parental control after birth. This is most important.

A fourth concern is that if each parent indi- vidually tries to do what is best for its child, all parents will end up making the situation worse for all their children. To avoid this prisoner’s dilemma situation, some rule that coordinates the choices of parents seems called for.9

B. Social Justice

Finally we come to Sandel’s views on the connection between enhancement and the twin issues of the burdens of responsibility and distributive justice. If people are able to enhance themselves or others, can they not be held responsible in the sense of being blamed for not giving themselves or others desir- able characteristics? Not necessarily, for one does not have a duty to do everything that could make oneself or someone else better, and if one has no duty, then one is not at fault in not enhancing and so not to be blamed. Even if one has certain duties, for example, to be the best doctor one can be, and taking certain drugs would help one to perform bet- ter, it is not necessarily one’s duty to take the drugs. Hence, one need not even be at fault if one does not do what will help one perform one’s duties better. But one could retain a right not to alter one’s body

9. Larry Temkin emphasized this point.

in order to better fulfill one’s duties as a physician, without making such alterations impermissible for anyone who wants them. Of course, if the charac- teristics one will have must be decided by others (for example, one’s parents), then one could not be held morally accountable for causing or not causing certain traits, as one could not direct one’s parents’ behavior.

What about cases in which one can be blamed for a choice not to enhance? Thomas Scanlon has emphasized that one can hold someone responsi- ble for an outcome in the sense of blaming him for it without thereby thinking that it is also his re- sponsibility to bear the costs of his choice (Scanlon unpublished). These are conceptually two separate issues. For example, suppose someone is at fault for acting carelessly in using his hairdryer. If he suffers severe damage and will die without medical treat- ment, his being at fault in a minor way does not mean that he forfeits a claim on others he otherwise had to free medical care.

Sandel thinks the issue of responsibility for choosing to have or to lack certain characteristics is intimately related to how much of a claim we have against others for aid. However, he is not al- ways clear in distinguishing the role of choice from the role of mere knowledge of one’s characteristics. For example, in discussing why we have insurance schemes, he seems to imply that even if we had no control over our traits but only knew what they were (for example, via genetic testing), we would lose a claim against others to share our fate. For if they knew they were not at risk, people would not enter into insurance schemes that mimic solidarity. This is an argument against knowledge as well as against control. But those who urge us to use a veil of igno- rance in deciding about what allocation of resources is just are, in effect, saying that even if we have knowledge of each other’s traits, there are moral rea- sons for behaving as though we lack the knowledge.

Let us put aside the issue of blameworthiness for, and the effect of mere knowledge of, one’s traits. How should the possibility of making choices that determine one’s traits affect responsibility for bear- ing costs for the outcome of choices. Sandel seems to share with some philosophers (known as luck egalitarians) the view (roughly) that if we have not chosen to have traits but have them as a matter of luck (or other people’s choices), the costs of hav- ing them should be shared. However, if we choose the traits (by act or by omitting to change them if we can), then even if we do not in any deep sense deserve to have made this choice, there is no reason

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Is There a Problem With Enhancement?

for the costs of having the traits to be shared. (We may, however, choose to buy insurance that will pro- tect us against bad choices.) Sandel says he cannot think of any better reason for the well-off to help those who are not well-off except that each is not fully responsible for his situation. (Many, however, do not find this a compelling reason for sharing with others. Robert Nozick, for example, argued that one could be entitled to what followed from the exercise of traits that one was not responsible for having10).

But it seems that often we want to give people new options without taking away from them help they would have gotten from others when they had no control over their fates. One example given above involved someone whose choice to use a hairdryer should not lead to his forfeiting aid to avert a major disaster. Similarly, if someone for reasons of con- science refuses to take advantage of the option to abort a difficult pregnancy, we do not think that she should forfeit medical care simply because she could have avoided the need for it. In many cases, arguments for the duty to aid others seem to have more to do with respect and concern for the value of other persons than with whether they have or have not gotten themselves into whatever situation they are in. Of course, in cases I have been consid- ering, someone chooses in a way that leads to a bad outcome he does not per se choose. But recall that Kant thought we had a duty to help people pursue even the ends they themselves had deliberately cho- sen because people matter in their own right, rather than because they could not be held responsible for their choices or because it was only the unwilled consequences of choices with which we were asked to help.

Finally, suppose it were true that to some de- gree as we increase the range of individual choice, we limit the claim of a person to the assistance of others. (For example, choosing to be paralyzed be- cause one preferred that sort of life might be con- sidered an “expensive taste,” and public assistance for it might be denied). It is still true that, if having the option to enhance leads many people to improve themselves or others, there will be fewer instances of people who are badly off (because they lack good traits) and, hence, fewer who require the assistance of others. For example, rather than redistributing wealth that only the talented can produce in a cer- tain environment, each person would have a talent and so have the opportunity to be more produc-

10. See his Anarchy, State, and Utopia.

tive in that environment. Furthermore, each person would not only have the material benefits that can be redistributed from some to others. Each person could have the abilities and talents whose intrinsic rewards (that come just from their exercise) cannot be redistributed.

The primary conclusions of this section are that Sandel does not successfully show that we should limit options to enhance ourselves or others as a way of ensuring a right to social assistance. He also does not show that seeking to enhance children, espe- cially ex ante, is inconsistent with a proper balance between accepting and transforming love.

V. CONCLUSION

Sandel focuses on the desire for mastery and the un- willingness to live with what we do not control as objections to enhancement. (He also focuses on the more contingent issue of the misuse of the ability to enhance ourselves and others that is likely to occur in a competitive environment, especially governed by shallow values.) I have argued that what is most troubling about enhancement is neither that there will be people who desire to have control over na- ture, offspring, and themselves, nor the unwilling- ness to accept what comes unbidden. However, I do think there are major problems with enhancement. Some are the ones Sandel puts to one side. Namely, could we really safely alter people, not making dis- astrous mistakes? And given our scarce resources, should enhancement be at the top of the list of things to which we should be attending?

A deeper issue, I think, is our lack of imagi- nation as designers. That is, most people’s concep- tion of the varieties of goods is very limited, and if they designed people their improvements would likely conform to limited, predictable types. But we should know that we are constantly surprised at the great range of good traits in people, and even more the incredible range of combinations of traits that turn out to produce “flavors” in people that are, to our surprise, good. For example, could we pre- dict that a very particular degree of irony combined with a certain degree of diffidence would constitute an interesting type of personality? In section IV A, I mentioned the view that potential parents should focus on having children with basic good properties rather than seek improvements beyond this. Oddly, the “lack of imagination” objection to enhancement I am now voicing is based on a concern that in seek- ing enhancements people will focus on too simple and basic a set of goods.

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How does the lack of imagination objection re- late to Sandel’s view that an openness to the un- bidden extends the range of our sympathies? One construal of his point is that if we have no control, we are forced to understand and care about people, as we should, even when they are difficult and non- ideal. (Even if we have some control but lack com- plete control, we would, I think, have to cultivate such a virtue). By contrast, the lack of imagination objection emphasizes that when creatures of limited imagination do not design themselves and others, they are likely to extend the range of their appreci- ation of goods because the range of goods is likely to be larger. A parent who might have designed his child to have the good trait of composing classical music, could not have conceived that it would be good to have a child who turns out to be one of the Beatles. (To have conceived it, would have involved creating the style before the Beatles did.) The lack of imagination objection is concerned that too much control will limit the number and combination of goods from what is possible. Hence, at least in those cases where enhancement—greater goods—is more likely to come about if chance rather than unimag- inative choice is in control, the desire for enhance- ment will militate against control.

Finally, if the controlled selection of enhanced properties is a morally acceptable means, at least sometimes, what are the good ends to which it could safely be used? Presumably, it would be a safe end to enhance our capacities to recognize and fulfill our moral duties (or recognize when these are

overridden). Recognizing and fulfilling moral du- ties (or recognizing when it is morally permissible for these to be overridden) is a side constraint on the exercise of any other capacities and the pursuit of any ends. There is no point in worrying about the risk that having such moral capacities will in- terfere with other unimagined goods. This is be- cause if such moral capacities interfere with other goods, this just means that those other goods are not morally permissible options for us. �

REFERENCES

Kamm, F. 2004. Deciding whom to help, health- adjusted life years, and disabilities. In Public health, ethics, and equity, ed. S. Anand, F. Peters, and A. Sen, 225–242. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Nozick, R. 1977. Anarchy, state and utopia. New York: Basic Books.

Sandel, M. 2004. The case against perfection. The Atlantic Monthly 293(3): 51-62.

Scanlon, T. 2000. Intention and permissibility I. Pro- ceedings of the Aristotelian Suppl. 74:301–317.

Scanlon, T. Blame. Unpublished article.

Shiffrin, S. 1999. Wrongful life, procreative responsi- bility, and the significance of harm. Legal Theory 5(2): 117–148.

Thomson, J. J. 1990. The realm of rights. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Thomson, J. J. 1999. Physician-assisted suicide: Two moral arguments. Ethics 109(3): 497–518.

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Kukathas - The Case for Open Borders.pdf

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Singer- Famine Affluence and Morality.pdf

Princeton University Press

Famine, Affluence, and Morality Author(s): Peter Singer Reviewed work(s): Source: Philosophy & Public Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Spring, 1972), pp. 229-243 Published by: Blackwell Publishing Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2265052 . Accessed: 28/05/2012 16:02

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PETER SINGER Famine, Affluence, and Morality

As I write this, in November Ig7I, people are dying in East Bengal from lack of food, shelter, and medical care. The suffering and death that are occurring there now are not inevitable, not unavoidable in any fatalistic sense of the term. Constant poverty, a cyclone, and a civil war have turned at least nine million people into destitute refu- gees; nevertheless, it is not beyond the capacity of the richer nations to give enough assistance to reduce any further suffering to very small proportions. The decisions and actions of human beings can prevent this kind of suffering. Unfortunately, human beings have not made the necessary decisions. At the individual level, people have, with very few exceptions, not responded to the situation in any significant way. Generally speaking, people have not given large sums to relief funds; they have not written to their parliamentary representatives demand- ing increased government assistance; they have not demonstrated in the streets, held symbolic fasts, or done anything else directed toward providing the refugees with the means to satisfy their essential needs. At the government level, no government has given the sort of massive aid that would enable the refugees to survive for more than a few days. Britain, for instance, has given rather more than most countries. It has, to date, given ?I4,750,ooo. For comparative purposes, Britain's share of the nonrecoverable development costs of the Anglo-French Concorde project is already in excess of ?275,ooo,ooo, and on present estimates will reach ?440,000,000. The implication is that the British government values a supersonic transport more than thirty times as

230 Philosophy & Public Affairs

highly as it values the lives of the nine million refugees. Australia is another country which, on a per capita basis, is well up in the "aid to Bengal" table. Australia's aid, however, amounts to less than one- twelfth of the cost of Sydney's new opera house. The total amount given, from all sources, now stands at about ?65,ooo,ooo. The esti- mated cost of keeping the refugees alive for one year is ?464,000,000. Most of the refugees have now been in the camps for more than six months. The World Bank has said that India needs a minimum of ?300,000,000 in assistance from other countries before the end of the year. It seems obvious that assistance on this scale will not be forth- coming. India will be forced to choose between letting the refugees starve or diverting funds from her own development program, which will mean that more of her own people will starve in the future.'

These are the essential facts about the present situation in Bengal. So far as it concerns usi here, there is nothing unique about this situa- tion except its magnitude. The Bengal emergency is just the latest and most acute of a series of major emergencies in various parts of the world, arising both from natural and from man-made causes. There are also many parts of the world in which people die from malnutri- tion and lack of food independent of any special emergency. I take Bengal as my example only because it is the present concern, and because the size of the problem has ensured that it has been given adequate publicity. Neither individuals nor governments can claim to be unaware of what is happening there.

What are the moral implications of a situation like this? In what follows, I shall argue that the way people in relatively affluent coun- tries react to a situation like that in Bengal cannot be justified; indeed, the whole way we look at moral issues-our moral conceptual scheme -needs to be altered, and with it, the way of life that has come to be taken for granted in our society.

In arguing for this conclusion I will not, of course, claim to be morally neutral. I shall, however, try to argue for the moral position

i. There was also a third possibility: that India would go to war to enable the refugees to return to their lands. Since I wrote this paper, India has taken this way out. The situation is no longer that described above, but this does not affect my argument, as the next paragraph indicates.

231 Famine, Affluence, and Morality

that I take, so that anyone who accepts certain assumptions, to be made explicit, will, I hope, accept my conclusion.

I begin with the assumption that suffering and death from lack of food, shelter, and medical care are bad. I think most people will agree about this, although one may reach the same view by different routes. I shall not argue for this view. People can hold all sorts of eccentric positions, and perhaps from some of them it would not follow that death by starvation is in itself bad. It is difficult, perhaps impossible, to refute such positions, and so for brevity I will henceforth take this assumption as accepted. Those who disagree need read no further.

My next point is this: if it is in our power to prevent something bad from happening, without thereby sacrificing anything of comparable moral importance, we ought, morally, to do it. By "without sacrificing anything of comparable moral importance" I mean without causing anything else comparably bad to happen, or doing something that is wrong in itself, or failing to promote some moral good, comparable in significance to the bad thing that we can prevent. This principle seems almost as uncontroversial as the last one. It requires us only to prevent what is bad, and not to promote what is good, and it requires this of us only when we can do it without sacrificing anything that is, from the moral point of view, comparably important. I could even, as far as the application of my argument to the Bengal emergency is concerned, qualify the point so as to make it: if it is in our power to prevent something very bad from happening, without thereby sacri- ficing anything morally significant, we ought, morally, to do it. An application of this principle would be as follows: if I am walking past a shallow pond and see a child drowning in it, I ought to wade in and pull the child out. This will mean getting my clothes muddy, but this is insignificant, while the death of the child would presumably be a very bad thing.

The uncontroversial appearance of the principle just stated is decep- tive. If it were acted upon, even in its qualified form, our lives, our society, and our world would be fundamentally changed. For the prin- ciple takes, firstly, no account of proximity or distance. It makes no moral difference whether the person I can help is a neighbor's child

232 Philosophy & Public Affairs

ten yards from me or a Bengali whose name I shall never know, ten thousand miles away. Secondly, the principle makes no distinction between cases in which I am the only person who could possibly do anything and cases in which I am just one among millions in the same position.

I do not think I need to say much in defense of the refusal to take proximity and distance into account. The fact that a person is physi- cally near to us, so that we have personal contact with him, may make it more likely that we shall assist him, but this does not show that we ought to help him rather than another who happens to be further away. If we accept any principle of impartiality, universalizability, equality, or whatever, we cannot discriminate against someone merely because he is far away from us (or we are far away from him). Admittedly, it is possible that we are in a better position to judge what needs to be done to help a person near to us than one far away, and perhaps also to provide the assistance we judge to be necessary. If this were the case, it would be a reason for helping those near to us first. This may once have been a justification for being more concerned with the poor in one's own town than with famine victims in India. Unfortunately for those who- like to keep their moral responsibilities limited, instant communication and swift transportation have changed the situation. From the moral point of view, the development of the world into a "global village" has made an important, though still unrec- ognized, difference to our moral situation. Expert observers and super- visors, sent out by famine relief organizations or permanently sta- tioned in famine-prone areas, can direct our aid to a refugee in Bengal almost as effectively as we could get it to someone in our own block. There would seem, therefore, to be no possible justification for dis- criminating on geographical grounds.

There may be a greater need to defend the second implication of my principle-that the fact that there are millions of other people in the same position, in respect to the Bengali refugees, as I am, does not make the situation significantly different from a situation in which I am the only person who can prevent something very bad from occur- ring. Again, of course, I admit that there is a psychological difference between the cases; one feels less guilty about doing nothing if one can

233 Famine, Affluence, and Morality

point to others, similarly placed, who have also done nothing. Yet this can make no real difference to our moral obligations.2 Should I con- sider that I am less obliged to pull the drowning child out of the pond if on looking around I see other people, no further away than I am, who have also noticed the child but are doing nothing? One has only to ask this question to see the absurdity of the view that numbers lessen obligation. It is a view that is an ideal excuse for inactivity; unfortunately most of the major evils-poverty, overpopulation, pollu- tion-are problems in which everyone is almost equally involved.

The view that numbers do make a difference can be made plausible if stated in this way: if everyone in circumstances like mine gave ?5 to the Bengal Relief Fund, there would be enough to provide food, shelter, and medical care for the refugees; there is no reason why I should give more than anyone else in the same circumstances as I am; therefore I have no obligation to give more than ?5. Each premise in this argument is true, and the argument looks sound. It may con- vince us, unless we notice that it is based on a hypothetical premise, although the conclusion is not stated hypothetically. The argument would be sound if the conclusion were: if everyone in circumstances like mine were to give ?5, I would have no obligation to give more than ?5. If the conclusion were so stated, however, it would be obvious that the argument has no bearing on a situation in which it is not the case that everyone else gives ?5. This, of course, is the actual situation. It is more or less certain that not everyone in circumstances like mine will give Q5. So there will not be enough to provide the needed food, shelter, and medical care. Therefore by giving more than ?5 I will prevent more suffering than I would if I gave just ?5.

It might be thought that this argument has an absurd consequence. Since the situation appears to be that very few people are likely to give

2. In view of the special sense philosophers often give to the term, I should say that I use "obligation" simply as the abstract noun derived from "ought," so that "I have an obligation to" means no more, and no less, than "I ought to." This usage is in accordance with the definition of "ought" given by the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary: "the general verb to express duty or obligation." I do not think any issue of substance hangs on the way the term is used; sentences in which I use "obligation" could all be rewritten, although somewhat clumsily, as sentences in which a clause containing "ought" replaces the term "obligation."

234 Philosophy & Public Affairs

substantial amounts, it follows that I and everyone else in similar circumstances ought to give as much as possible, that is, at least up to the point at which by giving more one would begin to cause serious suffering for oneself and one's dependents-perhaps even beyond this point to the point of marginal utility, at which by giving more one would cause oneself and one's dependents as much suffering as one would prevent in Bengal. If everyone does this, however, there will be more than can be used for the benefit of the refugees, and some of the sacrifice will have been unnecessary. Thus, if everyone does what he ought to do, the result will not be as good as it would be if everyone did a little less than he ought to do, or if only some do all that they ought to do.

The paradox here arises only if we assume that the actions in ques- tion-sending money to the relief funds-are performed more or less simultaneously, and are also unexpected. For if it is to be expected that everyone is going to contribute something, then clearly each is not obliged to give as much as he would have been obliged to had others not been giving too. And if everyone is not acting more or less simultaneously, then those giving later will know how much more is needed, and will have no obligation to give more than is necessary to reach this amount. To say this is not to deny the principle that people in the same circumstances have the same obligations, but to point out that the fact that others have given, or may be expected to give, is a relevant circumstance: those giving after it has become known that many others are giving and those giving before are not in the same circumstances. So the seemingly absurd consequence of the principle I have put forward can occur only if people are in error about the actual circumstances-that is, if they think they are giving when others are not, but in fact they are giving when others are. The result of everyone doing what he really ought to do cannot be worse than the result of everyone doing less than he ought to do, although the result of everyone doing what he reasonably believes he ought to do could be.

If my argument so far has been sound, neither our distance from a preventable evil nor the number of other people who, in respect to that evil, are in the same situation as we are, lessens our obligation to mitigate or prevent that evil. I shall therefore take as established the principle I asserted earlier. As I have already said, I need to assert

235 Famine, Affluence, and Morality

it only in its qualified form: if it is in our power to prevent something very bad from happening, without thereby sacrificing anything else morally significant, we ought, morally, to do it.

The outcome of this argument is that our traditional moral cate- gories are upset. The traditional distinction between duty and charity cannot be drawn, or at least, not in the place we normally draw it. Giving money to the Bengal Relief Fund is regarded as an act of char- ity in our society. The bodies which collect money are known as "cchari- ties." These organizations see themselves in this way-if you send them a check, you will be thanked for your "generosity." Because giving money is regarded as an act of charity, it is not thought that there is anything wrong with not giving. The charitable man may be praised, but the man who is not charitable is not condemned. People do not feel in any way ashamed or guilty about spending money on new clothes or a new car instead of giving it to famine relief. (Indeed, the alternative does not occur to them.) This way of looking at the matter cannot be justified. When we buy new clothes not to keep ourselves warm but to look "well-dressed" we are not providing for any impor- tant need. We would not be sacrificing anything significant if we were to continue to wear our old clothes, and give the money to famine relief. By doing so, we would be preventing another person from starv- ing. It follows from what I have said earlier that we ought to give money away, rather than spend it on clothes which we do not need to keep us warm. To do so is not charitable, or generous. Nor is it the kind of act which philosophers and theologians have called "super- erogatory"-an act which it would be good to do, but not wrong not to do. On the contrary, we ought to give the money away, and it is wrong not to do so.

I am not maintaining that there are no acts which are charitable, or that there are no acts which it would be good to do but not wrong not to do. It may be possible to redraw the distinction between duty and charity in some other place. All I am arguing here is that the pres- ent way of drawing the distinction, which makes it an act of charity for a man living at the level of affluence which most people in the "developed nations" enjoy to give money to save someone else from starvation, cannot be supported. It is beyond the scope of my argu- ment to consider whether the distinction should be redrawn or abol-

236 Philosophy & Public Affairs

ished altogether. There would be many other possible ways of drawing the distinction-for instance, one might decide that it is good to make other people as happy as possible, but not wrong not to do so.

Despite the limited nature of the revision in our moral conceptual scheme which I am proposing, the revision would, given the extent of both affluence and famine in the world today, have radical implica- tions. These implications may lead to further objections, distinct from those I have already considered. I shall discuss two of these.

One objection to the position I have taken might be simply that it is too drastic a revision of our moral scheme. People do not ordinarily judge in the way I have suggested they should. Most people reserve their moral condemnation for those who violate some moral norm, such as the norm against taking another person's property. They do not condemn those who indulge in luxury instead of giving to famine relief. But given that I did not set out to present a morally neutral description of the way people make moral judgments, the way people do in fact judge has nothing to do with the validity of my conclusion. My conclusion follows from the principle which I advanced earlier, and unless that principle is rejected, or the arguments shown to be unsound, I think the conclusion must stand, however strange it appears.

It might, nevertheless, be interesting to consider why our society, and most other societies, do judge differently from the way I have sug- gested they should. In a well-known article, J. 0. Urmson suggests that the imperatives of duty, which tell us what we must do, as dis- tinct from what it would be good to do but not wrong not to do, func- tion so as to prohibit behavior that is intolerable if men are to live together in society.3 This may explain the origin and continued exist- ence of the present division between acts of duty and acts of charity. Moral attitudes are shaped by the needs of society, and no doubt society needs people who will observe the rules that make social exist- ence tolerable. From the point of view of a particular society, it is

3. J. 0. Urmson, "Saints and Heroes," in Essays in Moral Philosophy, ed. Abraham I. Melden (Seattle and London, 1958), p. 214. For a related but significantly different view see also Henry Sidgwick, The Methods of Ethics, 7th edn. (London, 1907), pp. 220-221, 492-493.

237 Famine, Affluence, and Morality

essential to prevent violations of norms against killing, stealing, and so on. It is quite inessential, however, to help people outside one's own society.

If this is an explanation of our common distinction between duty and supererogation, however, it is not a justification of it. The moral point of view requires us to look beyond the interests of our own soci- ety. Previously, as I have already mentioned, this may hardly have been feasible, but it is quite feasible now. From the moral point of view, the prevention of the starvation of millions of people outside our society must be considered at least as pressing as the upholding of property norms within our society.

It has been argued by some writers, among them Sidgwick and Urmson, that we need to have a basic moral code which is not too far beyond the capacities of the ordinary man, for otherwise there will be a general breakdown of compliance with the moral code. Crudely stated, this argument suggests that if we tell people that they ought to refrain from murder and give everything they do not really need to famine relief, they will do neither, whereas if we tell them that they ought to refrain from murder and that it is good to give to famine relief but not wrong not to do, so, they will at least refrain from mur- der. The issue here is: Where should we drawn the line between con- duct that is required and conduct that is good although not required, so as to get the best possible result? This would seem to be an empiri- cal question, although a very difficult one. One objection to the Sidg- wick-Urmson line of argument is that it takes insufficient account of the effect that moral standards can have on the decisions we make. Given a society in which a wealthy man who gives five percent of his income to famine relief is regarded as most generous, it is not surpris- ing that a proposal that we all ought to give away half our incomes will be thought to be absurdly unrealistic. In a society which held that no man should have more than enough while others have less than they need, such a proposal might seem narrow-minded. What it is possible for a man to do and what he is likely to do are both, I think, very greatly influenced by what people around him are doing and expecting him to do. In any case, the possibility that by spreading the idea that we ought to be doing very much more than we are to relieve

238 Philosophy & Public Affairs

famine we shall bring about a general breakdown of moral behavior seems remote. If the stakes are an end to widespread starvation, it is worth the risk. Finally, it should be emphasized that these considera- tions are relevant only to the issue of what we should require from others, and not to what we ourselves ought to do.

The second objection to my attack on the present distinction between duty and charity is one which has from time to time been made against utilitarianism. It follows from some forms of utilitarian theory that we all ought, morally, to be working full time to increase the balance of happiness over misery. The position I have taken here would not lead to this conclusion in all circumstances, for if there were no bad occurrences that we could prevent without sacrificing something of comparable moral importance, my argument would have no application. Given the present conditions in many parts of the world, however, it does follow from my argument that we ought, mor- ally, to be working full time to relieve great suffering of the sort that occurs as a result of famine or other disasters. Of course, mitigating circumstances can be adduced-for instance, that if we wear ourselves out through overwork, we shall be less effective than we would other- wise have been. Nevertheless, when all considerations of this sort have been taken into account, the conclusion remains: we ought to be preventing as much suffering as we can without sacrificing something else of comparable moral importance. This conclusion is one which we may be reluctant to face. I cannot see, though, why it should be regarded as a criticism of the position for which I have argued, rather than a criticism of our ordinary standards of behavior. Since most peo- ple are self-interested to some degree, very few of us are likely to do everything that we ought to do. It would, however, hardly be honest to take this as evidence that it is not the case that we ought to do it.

It may still be thought that my conclusions are so wildly out of line with what everyone else thinks and has always thought that there must be something wrong with the argument somewhere. In order to show that my conclusions, while certainly contrary to contemporary Western moral standards, would not have seemed so extraordinary at other times and in other places, I would like to quote a passage from a writer not normally thought of as a way-out radical, Thomas Aquinas.

239 Famine, Affluence, and Morality

Now, according to the natural order instituted by divine providence, material goods are provided for the satisfaction of human needs. Therefore the division and appropriation of property, which pro- ceeds from human law, must not hinder the satisfaction of man's necessity from such goods. Equally, whatever a man has in super- abundance is owed, of natural right, to the poor for their suste- nance. So Ambrosius says, and it is also to be found in the Decretum Gratiani: "The bread which you withhold belongs to the hungry; the clothing you shut away, to the naked; and the money you bury in the earth is the redemption and freedom of the penniless."4

I now want to consider a number of points, more practical than philosophical, which are relevant to the application of the moral con- clusion we have reached. These points challenge not the idea that we ought to be doing all we can to prevent starvation, but the idea that giving away a great deal of money is the best means to this end.

It is sometimes said that overseas aid should be a government responsibility, and that therefore one ought not to give to privately run charities. Giving privately, it is said, allows the government and the noncontributing members of society to escape their responsibilities.

This argument seems to assume that the more people there are who give to privately organized famine relief funds, the less likely it is that the government will take over full responsibility for such aid. This assumption is unsupported, and does not strike me as at all plausible. The opposite view-that if no one gives voluntarily, a government will assume that its citizens are uninterested in famine relief and would not wish to be forced into giving aid-seems more plausible. In any case, unless there were a definite probability that by refusing to give one would be helping to bring about massive government assistance, people who do refuse to make voluntary contributions are refusing to prevent a certain amount of suffering without being able to point to any tangible beneficial consequence of their refusal. So the onus of showing how their refusal will bring about government action is on those who refuse to give.

4. Summa Theologica, II-II, Question 66, Article 7, in Aquinas, Selected Politi- cal Writings, ed. A. P. d'Entreves, trans. J. G. Dawson (Oxford, 1948), p. 171.

240 Philosophy & Public Affairs

I do not, of course, want to dispute the contention that governments of affluent nations should be giving many times the amount of genu- ine, no-strings-attached aid that they are giving now. I agree, too, that giving privately is not enough, and that we ought to be campaigning actively for entirely new standards for both public and private con- tributions to famine relief. Indeed, I would sympathize with someone who thought that campaigning was more important than giving one- self, although I doubt whether preaching what one does not practice would be very effective. Unfortunately, for many people the idea that "it's the government's responsibility" is a reason for not giving which does not appear to entail any political action either.

Another, more serious reason for not giving to famine relief funds is that until there is effective population control, relieving famine merely postpones starvation. If we save the Bengal refugees now, oth- ers, perhaps the children of these refugees, will face starvation in a few years' time. In support of this, one may cite the now well-known facts about the population explosion and the relatively limited scope for expanded production.

This point, like the previous one, is an argument against relieving suffering that is happening now, because of a belief about what might happen in the future; it is unlike the previous point in that very good evidence can be adduced in support of this belief about the future. I will not go into the evidence here. I accept that the earth cannot sup- port indefinitely a population rising at the present rate. This certainly poses a problem for anyone who thinks it important to prevent famine. Again, however, one could accept the argument without drawing the conclusion that it absolves one from any obligation to do anything to prevent famine. The conclusion that should be drawn is that the best means of preventing famine, in the long run, is population control. It would then follow from the position reached earlier that one ought to be doing all one can to promote population control (unless one held that all forms of population control were wrong in themselves, or would have significantly bad consequences). Since there are organiza- tions working specifically for population control, one would then sup- port them rather than more orthodox methods of preventing famine.

A third point raised by the conclusion reached earlier relates to the question of just how much we all ought to be giving away. One pos-

241 Famine, Affluence, and Morality

sibility, which has already been mentioned, is that we ought to give until we reach the level of marginal utility-that is, the level at which, by giving more, I would cause as much suffering to myself or my dependents as I would relieve by my gift. This would mean, of course, that one would reduce oneself to very near the material circumstances of a Bengali refugee. It will be recalled that earlier I put forward both a strong and a moderate version of the principle of preventing bad occurrences. The strong version, which required us to prevent bad things from happening unless in doing so we would be sacrificing something of comparable moral significance, does seem to require reducing ourselves to the level of marginal utility. I should also say that the strong version seems to me to be the correct one. I proposed the more moderate version-that we should prevent bad occurrences unless, to do so, we had to sacrifice something morally significant- only in order to show that even on this surely undeniable principle a great change in our way of life is required. On the more moderate principle, it may not follow that we ought to reduce ourselves to the level of marginal utility, for one might hold that to reduce oneself and one's family to this level is to cause something significantly bad to happen. Whether this is so I shall not discuss, since, as I have said, I can see no good reason for holding the moderate version of the prin- ciple rather than the strong version. Even if we accepted the principle only in its moderate form, however, it should be clear that we would have to give away enough to ensure that the consumer society, dependent as it is on people spending on trivia rather than giving to famine relief, would slow down and perhaps disappear entirely. There are several reasons why this would be desirable in itself. The value and necessity of economic growth are now being questioned not only by conservationists, but by economists as well.5 There is no doubt, too, that the consumer society has had a distorting effect on the goals and purposes of its members. Yet looking at the matter purely from the point of view of overseas aid, there must be a limit to the extent to which we should deliberately slow down our economy; for it might be the case that if we gave away, say, forty percent of our Gross National Product, we would slow down the economy so much that in absolute

5. See, for instance, John Kenneth Galbraith, The New Industrial State (Bos- ton, I967); and E. J. Mishan, The Costs of Economic Growth (London, I967).

242 Philosophy & Public Affairs

terms we would be giving less than if we gave twenty-five percent of the much larger GNP that we would have if we limited our contribu- tion to this smaller percentage.

I mention this only as an indication of the sort of factor that one would have to take into account in working out an ideal. Since West- ern societies generally consider one percent of the GNP an acceptable level for overseas aid, the matter is entirely academic. Nor does it affect the question of how much an individual should give in a society in which very few are giving substantial amounts.

It is sometimes said, though less often now than it used to be, that philosophers have no special role to play in public affairs, since most public issues depend primarily on an assessment of facts. On questions of fact, it is said, philosophers as such have no special expertise, and so it has been possible to engage in philosophy without committing oneself to any position on major public issues. No doubt there are some issues of social policy and foreign policy about which it can truly be said that a really expert assessment of the facts is required before taking sides or acting, but the issue of famine is surely not one of these. The facts about the existence of suffering are beyond dispute. Nor, I think, is it disputed that we can do something about it, either through orthodox methods of famine relief or through population con- trol or both. This is therefore an issue on which philosophers are com- petent to take a position. The issue is one which faces everyone who has more money than he needs to support himself and his dependents, or who is in a position to take some sort of political action. These cate- gories must include practically every teacher and student of philoso- phy in the universities of the Western world. If philosophy is to deal with matters that are relevant to both teachers and students, this is an issue that philosophers should discuss.

Discussion, though, is not enough. What is the point of relating philosophy to public (and personal) affairs if we do not take our con- clusions seriously? In this instance, taking our conclusion seriously means acting upon it. The philos-opher will not find it any easier than anyone else to alter his attitudes and way of life to the extent that, if I am right, is involved in doing everything that we ought to be doing.

243 Famine, Affluence, and Morality

At the very least, though, one can make a start. The philosopher who does so will have to sacrifice some of the benefits of the consumer society, but he can find compensation in the satisfaction of a way of life in which theory and practice, if not yet in harmony, are at least coming together.

  • Article Contents
    • p.[229]
    • p.230
    • p.231
    • p.232
    • p.233
    • p.234
    • p.235
    • p.236
    • p.237
    • p.238
    • p.239
    • p.240
    • p.241
    • p.242
    • p.243
  • Issue Table of Contents
    • Philosophy & Public Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Spring, 1972), pp. 227-340
      • Front Matter [pp.227-228]
      • Famine, Affluence, and Morality [pp.229-243]
      • The Marxian Critique of Justice [pp.244-282]
      • Liberalism and Disobedience [pp.283-314]
      • Between Obedience and Revolution [pp.315-334]
      • Thomson on Abortion [pp.335-340]
      • Back Matter

Warren - On the Moral and Legal Status of Abortion.pdf

ON THE MORAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF ABORTION Author(s): Mary Anne Warren Source: The Monist, Vol. 57, No. 1, Women's Liberation: Ethical, Social, and Political Issue (JANUARY, 1973), pp. 43-61 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27902294 Accessed: 26-04-2016 17:38 UTC

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ON THE MORAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF ABORTION

We will be concerned with both the moral status of abortion, which for our purposes we may define as the act which a woman performs in voluntarily terminating, or allowing another person to terminate, her pregnancy, and the legal status which is appropriate for this act. I will argue that, while it is not possible to produce a satisfactory defense of a woman's right to obtain an abortion with out showing that a fetus is not a human being, in the morally rele vant sense of that term, we ought not to conclude that the difficulties involved in determining whether or not a fetus is human make it impossible to produce any satisfactory solution to the problem of the moral status of abortion. For it is possible to show that, on the basis of intuitions which we may expect even the opponents of abor tion to share, a fetus is not a person, and hence not the sort of entity to which it is proper to ascribe full moral rights.

Of course, while some philosophers would deny the possibility of any such proof,1 others will deny that there is any need for it, since the moral permissibility of abortion appears to them to be too obvious to require proof. But the inadequacy of this attitude should be evident from the fact that both the friends and the foes of abor

tion consider their position to be morally self-evident. Because pro abortionists have never adequately come to grips with the conceptual issues surrounding abortion, most if not all, of the arguments which they advance in opposition to laws restricting access to abortion fail to refute or even weaken the traditional antiabortion argument, i.e., that a fetus is a human being, and therefore abortion is murder.

These arguments are typically of one of two sorts. Either they point to the terrible side effects of the restrictive laws, e.g., the deaths due to illegal abortions, and the fact that it is poor women

1. For example, Roger Wertheimer, who in "Understanding the Abor tion Argument" {Philosophy and Public Affairs, 1, No. 1 [Fall, 1971], 67-95), argues that the problem of the moral status of abortion is insoluble, in that the dispute over the status of the fetus is not a question of fact at all, but only a question of how one responds to the facts.

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44 MARY ANNE WARREN

who suffer the most as a result of these laws, or else they state that to deny a woman access to abortion is to deprive her of her right to control her own body. Unfortunately, however, the fact that restrict ing access to abortion has tragic side effects does not, in itself, show that the restrictions are unjustified, since murder is wrong regardless of the consequences of prohibiting it; and the appeal to the right to control one's body, which is generally construed as a property right, is at best a rather feeble argument for the permissibility of abortion.

Mere ownership does not give me the right to kill innocent people whom I find on my property, and indeed I am apt to be held re sponsible if such people injure themselves while on my property. It is equally unclear that I have any moral right to expel an innocent person from my property when I know that doing so will result in his death.

Furthermore, it is probably inappropriate to describe a woman's body as her property, since it seems natural to hold that a person is something distinct from her property, but not from her body. Even those who would object to the identification of a person with his body, or with the conjunction of his body and his mind, must admit that it would be very odd to describe, say, breaking a leg, as damag ing one's property, and much more appropriate to describe it as in juring oneself. Thus it is probably a mistake to argue that the right to obtain an abortion is in any way derived from the right to own and regulate property.

But however we wish to construe the right to abortion, we can not hope to convince those who consider abortion a form of murder of the existence of any such right unless we are able to produce a clear and convincing refutation of the traditional antiabortion argu ment, and this has not, to my knowledge, been done. With respect to the two most vital issues which that argument involves, i.e., the humanity of the fetus and its implication for the moral status of abortion, confusion has prevailed on both sides of the dispute.

Thus, both proabortionists and antiabortionists have tended to ab stract the question of whether abortion is wrong to that of whether it is wrong to destroy a fetus, just as though the rights of another person were not necessarily involved. This mistaken abstraction has led to the almost universal assumption that if a fetus is a human being, with a right to life, then it follows immediately that abortion

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MORAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF ABORTION 45

is wrong (except perhaps when necessary to save the woman's life), and that it ought to be prohibited. It has also been generally as sumed that unless the question about the status of the fetus is an swered, the moral status of abortion cannot possibly be determined.

Two recent papers, one by B. A. Brody,2 and one by Judith Thomson,3 have attempted to settle the question of whether abor tion ought to be prohibited apart from the question of whether or not the fetus is human. Brody examines the possibility that the fol lowing two statements are compatible: (1) that abortion is the tak ing of innocent human life, and therefore wrong; and (2) that nevertheless it ought not to be prohibited by law, at least under the present circumstances.4 Not surprisingly, Brody finds it impossible to reconcile these two statements, since, as he rightly argues, none of the unfortunate side effects of the prohibition of abortion is bad enough to justify legalizing the wrongful taking of human life. He is mistaken, however, in concluding that the incompatibility of (1) and (2), in itself, shows that "the legal problem about abor tion cannot be resolved independently of the status of the fetus problem" (p. 369).

What Brody fails to realize is that ( 1 ) embodies the questionable assumption that if a fetus is a human being, then of course abortion is morally wrong, and that an attack on this assumption is more promising, as a way of reconciling the humanity of the fetus with the claim that laws prohibiting abortion are unjustified, than is an attack on the assumption that if abortion is the wrongful killing of innocent human beings then it ought to be prohibited. He thus overlooks the possibility that a fetus may have a right to life and abortion still be morally permissible, in that the right of a woman to terminate an unwanted pregnancy might override the right of the fetus to be kept alive. The immorality of abortion is no more demon strated by the humanity of the fetus, in itself, than the immorality of killing in self-defense is demonstrated by the fact that the as

2. . A. Brody, "Abortion and the Law," The Journal of Philosophy, 68, No. 12 (June 17, 1971), 357-69.

3. Judith Thomson, "A Defense of Abortion," Philosophy and Public Affairs, 1, No. 1 (Fall, 1971), 47-66.

4. I have abbreviated these statements somewhat, but not in a way which affects the argument.

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46 MARY ANNE WARREN

sailant is a human being. Neither is it demonstrated by the innocence of the fetus, since there may be situations in which the killing of innocent human beings is justified.

It is perhaps not surprising that Brody fails to spot this assump tion, since it has been accepted with little or no argument by nearly everyone who has written on the morality of abortion. John Noonan is correct in saying that "the fundamental question in the long his tory of abortion is, How do you determine the humanity of a being?" 5 He summarizes his own antiabortion argument, which is a version of the official position of the Catholic Church, as follows:

... it is wrong to kill humans, however poor, weak, defenseless, and lacking in opportunity to develop their potential they may be. It is therefore morally wrong to kill Biafrans. Similarly, it is

morally wrong to kill embryos.6

Noonan bases his claim that fetuses are human upon what he calls the theologians' criterion of humanity: that whoever is conceived of human beings is human. But although he argues at length for the appropriateness of this criterion, he never questions the assump tion that if a fetus is human then abortion is wrong for exactly the same reason that murder is wrong.

Judith Thomson is, in fact, the only writer I am aware of who has seriously questioned this assumption; she has argued that, even if we grant the antiabortionist his claim that a fetus is a human being,

with the same right to life as any other human being, we can still demonstrate that, in at least some and perhaps most cases, a woman is under no moral obligation to complete an unwanted pregnancy.7

Her argument is worth examining, since if it holds up it may enable us to establish the moral permissibility of abortion without becoming involved in problems about what entitles an entity to be considered human, and accorded full moral rights. To be able to do this would be a great gain in the power and simplicity of the proabortion position, since, although I will argue that these problems can be solved at least as decisively as can any other moral problem,

5. John Noonan, "Abortion and the Catholic Church: A Summary His tory," Natural Law Vor urn, 12 (1967), 125.

6. John Noonan, "Deciding Who is Human," Natural Law Forum, 13 (1968), 134.

7. "A Defense of Abortion."

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MORAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF ABORTION 47

we should certainly be pleased to be able to avoid having to solve them as part of the justification of abortion.

On the other hand, even if Thomson's argument does not hold up, her insight, i.e., that it requires argument to show that if fetuses are human then abortion is properly classified as murder, is an ex tremely valuable one. The assumption she attacks is particularly invidious, for it amounts to the decision that it is appropriate, in deciding the moral status of abortion, to leave the rights of the pregnant woman out of consideration entirely, except possibly when her life is threatened. Obviously, this will not do; determining what moral rights, if any, a fetus possesses is only the first step in de termining the moral status of abortion. Step two, which is at least equally essential, is finding a just solution to the conflict between whatever rights the fetus may have, and the rights of the woman who is unwillingly pregnant. While the historical error has been to pay far too little attention to the second step, Ms. Thomson's sug gestion is that if we look at the second step first we may find that a woman has a right to obtain an abortion regardless of what rights the fetus has.

Our own inquiry will also have two stages. In Section I, we will consider whether or not it is possible to establish that abortion is morally permissible even on the assumption that a fetus is an entity with a full-fledged right to life. I will argue that in fact this cannot be established, at least not with the conclusiveness which is essential

to our hopes of convincing those who are skeptical about the morality of abortion, and that we therefore cannot avoid dealing with the question of whether or not a fetus really does have the same right to life as a (more fully developed) human being.

In Section II, I will propose an answer to this question, namely, that a fetus cannot be considered a member of the moral community, the set of beings with full and equal moral rights, for the simple reason that it is not a person, and that it is personhood, and not genetic humanity, i.e., humanity as defined by Noonan, which is the basis for membership in this community. I will argue that a fetus, whatever its stage of development, satisfies none of the basic criteria of personhood, and is not even enough like a person to be accorded even some of the same rights on the basis of this re semblance. Nor, as we will see, is a fetus's potential personhood a threat to the morality of abortion, since, whatever the rights of

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48 MARY ANNE WARREN

potential people may be, they are invariably overridden in any conflict with the moral rights of actual people.

I We turn now to Professor Thomson's case for the claim that

even if a fetus has full moral rights, abortion is still morally per missible, at least sometimes, and for some reasons other than to save the woman's life. Her argument is based upon a clever, but I think faulty, analogy. She asks us to picture ourselves waking up one day, in bed with a famous violinist. Imagine that you have been kidnapped, and your bloodstream hooked up to that of the violinist, who happens to have an ailment which will certainly kill him unless he is permitted to share your kidneys for a period of nine months. No one else can save him, since you alone have the right type of blood. He will be unconscious all that time, and you will have to stay in bed with him, but after the nine months are over he may be un plugged, completely cured, that is provided that you have cooperated.

Now then, she continues, what are your obligations in this situa tion? The antiabortionist, if he is consistent, will have to say that you are obligated to stay in bed with the violinist: for all people have a right to life, and violinists are people, and therefore it would be murder for you to disconnect yourself from him and let him die (p. 49). But this is outrageous, and so there must be something

wrong with the same argument when it is applied to abortion. It would certainly be commendable of you to agree to save the violinist, but it is absurd to suggest that your refusal to do so would be murder. His right to life does not obligate you to do whatever is required to keep him alive; nor does it justify anyone else in forcing you to do so. A law which required you to stay in bed with the violinist would clearly be an unjust law, since it is no proper func tion of the law to force unwilling people to make huge sacrifices for the sake of other people toward whom they have no such prior obligation.

Thomson concludes that, if this analogy is an apt one, then we can grant the antiabortionist his claim that a fetus is a human being, and still hold that it is at least sometimes the case that a pregnant woman has the right to refuse to be a Good Samaritan towards the fetus, i.e., to obtain an abortion. For there is a great gap between

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MORAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF ABORTION 49

the claim that has a right to life, and the claim that y is obligated to do whatever is necessary to keep alive, let alone that he ought to be forced to do so. It is y s duty to keep alive only if he has somehow contracted a special obligation to do so; and a woman who is unwillingly pregnant, e.g., who was raped, has done nothing

which obligates her to make the enormous sacrifice which is necessary to preserve the conceptus.

This argument is initially quite plausible, and in the extreme case of pregnancy due to rape it is probably conclusive. Difficulties arise, however, when we try to specify more exactly the range of cases in which abortion is clearly justifiable even on the assumption that the fetus is human. Professor Thomson considers it a virtue of

her argument that it does not enable us to conclude that abortion is always permissible. It would, she says, be "indecent" for a woman in her seventh month to obtain an abortion just to avoid having to postpone a trip to Europe. On the other hand, her argument enables us to see that "a sick and desperately frightened schoolgirl pregnant due to rape may of course choose abortion, and that any law which rules this out is an insane law" (p. 65). So far, so good; but what are we to say about the woman who becomes pregnant not through rape but as a result of her own carelessness, or because of contraceptive failure, or who gets pregnant intentionally and then changes her mind about wanting a child? With respect to such cases, the violinist analogy is of much less use to the defender of the

woman's right to obtain an abortion.

Indeed, the choice of a pregnancy due to rape, as an example of a case in which abortion is permissible even if a fetus is considered a human being, is extremely significant; for it is only in the case of pregnancy due to rape that the woman's situation is adequately analogous to the violinist case for our intuitions about the latter to transfer convincingly. The crucial difference between a pregnancy due to rape and the normal case of an unwanted pregnancy is that in the normal case we cannot claim that the woman is in no way responsible for her predicament; she could have remained chaste, or taken her pills more faithfully, or abstained on dangerous days, and so on. If, on the other hand, you are kidnapped by strangers, and hooked up to a strange violinist, then you are free of any shred of responsibility for the situation, on the basis of which it could be

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50 MARY ANNE WARREN

argued that you are obligated to keep the violinist alive. Only when her pregnancy is due to rape is a woman clearly just as nonrespon sible.8

Consequently, there is room for the antiabortionist to argue that in the normal case of unwanted pregnancy a woman has, by her own actions, assumed responsibility for the fetus. For if behaves in a way which he could have avoided, and which he knows in volves, let us say, a 1 percent chance of bringing into existence a human being, with a right to life, and does so knowing that if this should happen then that human being will perish unless does certain things to keep him alive, then it is by no means clear that when it does happen is free of any obligation to what he knew in advance would be required to keep that human being alive.

The plausibility of such an argument is enough to show that the Thomson analogy can provide a clear and persuasive defense of a woman's right to obtain an abortion only with respect to those cases in which the woman is in no way responsible for her preg nancy, e.g., where it is due to rape. In all other cases, we would al most certainly conclude that it was necessary to look carefully at the particular circumstances in order to determine the extent of the woman's responsibility, and hence the extent of her obligation. This is an extremely unsatisfactory outcome, from the viewpoint of the opponents of restrictive abortion laws, most of whom are convinced that a woman has a right to obtain an abortion regardless of how and why she got pregnant.

Of course a supporter of the violinist analogy might point out that it is absurd to suggest that forgetting her pill one day might be sufficient to obligate a woman to complete an unwanted pregnancy. And indeed it. is absurd to suggest this. As we will see, the moral right to obtain an abortion is not in the least dependent upon the extent to which the woman is responsible for her pregnancy. But unfortunately, once we allow the assumption that a fetus has full moral rights, we cannot avoid taking this absurd suggestion seriously.

8. We may safely ignore the fact that she might have avoided getting raped, e.g., by carrying a gun, since by similar means you might likewise have avoided getting kidnapped, and in neither case does the victim's failure to take all possible precautions against a highly unlikely event (as opposed to reasonable precautions against a rather likely event) mean that he is

morally responsible for what happens.

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MORAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF ABORTION 51

Perhaps we can make this point more clear by altering the violinist story just enough to make it more analogous to a normal unwanted pregnancy and less to a pregnancy due to rape, and then seeing whether it is still obvious that you are not obligated to stay in bed with the fellow.

Suppose, then, that violinists are peculiarly prone to the sort of illness the only cure for which is the use of someone else's blood stream for nine months, and that because of this there has been formed a society of music lovers who agree that whenever a violinist is stricken they will draw lots and the loser will, by some means, be

made the one and only person capable of saving him. Now then, would you be obligated to cooperate in curing the violinist if you had voluntarily joined this society, knowing the possible conse quences, and then your name had been drawn and you had been kidnapped? Admittedly, you did not promise ahead of time that you would, but you did deliberately place yourself in a position in which it might happen that a human life would be lost if you did not. Surely this is at least a prima facie reason for supposing that you have an obligation to stay in bed with the violinist. Suppose that you had gotten your name drawn deliberately; surely that would be quite a strong reason for thinking that you had such an obligation.

It might be suggested that there is one important disanalogy be tween the modified violinist case and the case of an unwanted preg nancy, which makes the woman's responsibility significantly less, namely, the fact that the fetus comes into existence as the result of the result of the woman's actions. This fact might give her a right to refuse to keep it alive, whereas she would not have had this right had it existed previously, independently, and then as a result of her actions become dependent upon her for its survival.

My own intuition, however, is that has no more right to bring into existence, either deliberately or as a foreseeable result of actions he could have avoided, a being with full moral rights (y), and then refuse to do what he knew beforehand would be required to keep that being alive, than he has to enter into an agreement with an existing person, whereby he may be called upon to save that person's life, and then refuse to do so when so called upon. Thus, x's re sponsibility for y s existence does not seem to lessen his obligation to keep y alive, if he is also responsible for y's being in a situation in which only he can save him.

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52 MARY ANNE WARREN

Whether or not this intuition is entirely correct, it brings us back once again to the conclusion that once we allow the assumption that a fetus has full moral rights it becomes an extremely complex and difficult question whether and when abortion is justifiable. Thus the Thomson analogy cannot help us produce a clear and persuasive proof of the moral permissibility of abortion. Nor will the opponents of the restrictive laws thank us for anything less; for their conviction (for the most part) is that abortion is obviously not a morally serious and extremely unfortunate, even though sometimes justified act, com parable to killing in self-defense or to letting the violinist die, but rather is closer to being a morally neutral act, like cutting one's hair.

The basis of this conviction, I believe, is the realization that a fetus is not a person, and thus does not have a full-fledged right to life. Perhaps the reason why this claim has been so inadequately defended is that it seems self-evident to those who accept it. And so it is, insofar as it follows from what I take to be perfectly obvious claims about the nature of personhood, and about the proper grounds for ascribing moral rights, claims which ought, indeed, to be obvious to both the friends and foes of abortion. Nevertheless, it is worth examining these claims, and showing how they demonstrate the moral innocuousness of abortion, since this apparently has not been adequately done before.

II

The question which we must answer in order to produce a satis factory solution to the problem of the moral status of abortion is this: How are we to define the moral community, the set of beings with full and equal moral rights, such that we can decide whether a human fetus is a member of this community or not? What sort of entity, exactly, has the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness? Jefferson attributed these rights to all men, and it

may or may not be fair to suggest that he intended to attribute them only to men. Perhaps he ought to have attributed them to all human beings. If so, then we arrive, first, at Noonans problem of defining what makes a being human, and, second, at the equally vital question which Noonan does not consider, namely, What reason is there for identifying the moral community with the set of all human beings, in whatever way we have chosen to define that term?

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1. On the Definition of 'Human' One reason why this vital second question is so frequently over

looked in the debate over the moral status of abortion is that the

term 'human' has two distinct, but not often distinguished, senses. This fact results in a slide of meaning, which serves to conceal the fallaciousness of the traditional argument that since ( 1 ) it is wrong to kill innocent human beings, and (2) fetuses are innocent human beings, then (3) it is wrong to kill fetuses. For if 'human' is used in the same sense in both ( 1 ) and ( 2 ) then, whichever of the two senses is meant, one of these premises is question-begging. And if it is used in two different senses then of course the conclusion doesn't follow.

Thus, (1) is a self-evident moral truth,9 and avoids begging the question about abortion, only if 'human being' is used to mean something like "a full-fledged member of the moral community." (It may or may not also be meant to refer exclusively to members of the species Homo sapiens.) We may call this the moral sense of 'human'. It is not to be confused with what we will call the genetic sense, i.e., the sense in which any member of the species is a human being, and no member of any other species could be. If (1) is ac ceptable only if the moral sense is intended, (2) is non-question begging only if what is intended is the genetic sense.

In "Deciding Who is Human," Noonan argues for the classifica tion of fetuses with human beings by pointing to the presence of the full genetic code, and the potential capacity for rational thought (p. 135). It is clear that what he needs to show, for his version of the traditional argument to be valid, is that fetuses are human in the

moral sense, the sense in which it is analytically true that all human beings have full moral rights. But, in the absence of any argument showing that whatever is genetically human is also morally human, and he gives none, nothing more than genetic humanity can be demonstrated by the presence of the human genetic code. And, as we will see, the potential capacity for rational thought can at most show that an entity has the potential for becoming human in the

moral sense.

9. Of course, the principle that it is (always) wrong to kill innocent human beings is in need of many other modifications, e.g., that it may be permissible to do so to save a greater number of other innocent human beings, but we may safely ignore these complications here.

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54 MARY ANNE WARREN

2. Defining the Moral Community Can it be established that genetic humanity is sufficient for moral

humanity? I think that there are very good reasons for not defining the moral community in this way. I would like to suggest an alterna tive way of defining the moral community, which I will argue for only to the extent of explaining why it is, or should be, self-evident. The suggestion is simply that the moral community consists of all and only people, rather than all and only human beings;10 and prob ably the best way of demonstrating its self-evidence is by considering the concept of personhood, to see what sorts of entity are and are not persons, and what the decision that a being is or is not a person implies about its moral rights.

What characteristics entitle an entity to be considered a person? This is obviously not the place to attempt a complete analysis of the concept of personhood, but we do not need such a fully adequate analysis just to determine whether and why a fetus is or isn't a person. All we need is a rough and approximate list of the most basic criteria of personhood, and some idea of which, or how many, of these an entity must satisfy in order to properly be considered a per son.

In searching for such criteria, it is useful to look beyond the set of people with whom we are acquainted, and ask how we would de cide whether a totally alien being was a person or not. (For we have no right to assume that genetic humanity is necessary for person hood.) Imagine a space traveler who lands on an unknown planet and encounters a race of beings utterly unlike any he has ever seen or heard of. If he wants to be sure of behaving morally toward these beings, he has to somehow decide whether they are people, and hence have full moral rights, or whether they are the sort of thing which he need not feel guilty about treating as, for example, a source of food.

How should he go about making this decision? If he has some anthropological background, he might look for such things as re ligion, art, and the manufacturing of tools, weapons, or shelters, since these factors have been used to distinguish our human from

10. From here on, we will use 'human' to mean genetically human, since the moral sense seems closely connected to, and perhaps derived from, the assumption that genetic humanity is sufficient for membership in the moral community.

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our prehuman ancestors, in what seems to be closer to the moral than the genetic sense of 'human*. And no doubt he would be right to consider the presence of such factors as good evidence that the alien beings were people, and morally human. It would, however, be overly anthropocentric of him to take the absence of these things as adequate evidence that they were not, since we can imagine people who have progressed beyond, or evolved without ever de veloping, these cultural characteristics.

I suggest that the traits which are most central to the concept of personhood, or humanity in the moral sense, are, very roughly, the following:

(1) consciousness (of objects and events external and/or in ternal to the being), and in particular the capacity to feel pain;

(2) reasoning (the developed capacity to solve new and rela tively complex problems) ;

(3) self-motivated activity (activity which is relatively inde pendent of either genetic or direct external control) ;

(4) the capacity to communicate, by whatever means, messages of an indefinite variety of types, that is, not just with an indefinite number of possible contents, but on indefinitely

many possible topics; ( 5 ) the presence of self-concepts, and self-awareness, either in

dividual or racial, or both.

Admittedly, there are apt to be a great many problems involved in formulating precise definitions of these criteria, let alone in de veloping universally valid behavioral criteria for deciding when they apply. But I will assume that both we and our explorer know ap proximately what (l)-(5) mean, and that he is also able to de termine whether or not they apply. How, then, should he use his findings to decide whether or not the alien beings are people? We needn't suppose that an entity must have all of these attributes to be properly considered a person; (1) and (2) alone may well be sufficient for personhood, and quite probably ( 1 ) - ( 3 ) are sufficient.

Neither do we need to insist that any one of these criteria is neces sary for personhood, although once again (1) and (2) look like fairly good candidates for necessary conditions, as does (3), if 'activity' is construed so as to include the activity of reasoning.

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56 MARY ANNE WARREN

All we need to claim, to demonstrate that a fetus is not a person, is that any being which satisfies none of ( 1 ) - ( 5 ) is certainly not a person. I consider this claim to be so obvious that I think anyone who denied it, and claimed that a being which satisfied none of ( 1 ) - (5) was a person all the same, would thereby demonstrate that he had no notion at all of what a person is?perhaps because he had confused the concept of a person with that of genetic humanity. If the opponents of abortion were to deny the appropriateness of these five criteria, I do not know what further arguments would convince them. We would probably have to admit that our conceptual schemes

were indeed irreconcilably different, and that our dispute could not be settled objectively.

I do not expect this to happen, however, since I think that the concept of a person is one which is very nearly universal (to people), and that it is common to both proabortionists and antiabortionists, even though neither group has fully realized the relevance of this concept to the resolution of their dispute. Furthermore, I think that on reflection even the antiabortionists ought to agree not only that (l)-(5) are central to the concept of personhood, but also that it is a part of this concept that all and only people have full moral rights. The concept of a person is in part a moral concept; once we have admitted that is a person we have recognized, even if we have not agreed to respect, jc's right to be treated as a member of the moral community. It is true that the claim that is a human being is more commonly voiced as part of an appeal to treat decently than is the claim that is a person, but this is either because 'human being* is here used in the sense which implies personhood, or because the genetic and moral senses of 'human' have been confused.

Now if ( 1 ) - ( 5 ) are indeed the primary criteria of personhood, then it is clear that genetic humanity is neither necessary nor sufficient

for establishing that an entity is a person. Some human beings are not people, and there may well be people who are not human beings. A man or woman whose consciousness has been permanently ob literated but who remains alive is a human being which is no longer a person; defective human beings, with no appreciable mental ca pacity, are not and presumably never will be people; and a fetus is a human being which is not yet a person, and which therefore can not coherently be said to have full moral rights. Citizens of the next century should be prepared to recognize highly advanced, self-aware

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MORAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF ABORTION 57

robots or computers, should such be developed, and intelligent in habitants of other worlds, should such be found, as people in the fullest sense, and to respect their moral rights. But to ascribe full moral rights to an entity which is not a person is as absurd as to ascribe moral obligations and responsibilities to such an entity.

3. Fetal Development and the Right to Life Two problems arise in the application of these suggestions for

the definition of the moral community to the determination of the precise moral status of a human fetus. Given that the paradigm example of a person is a normal adult human being, then ( 1 ) How like this paradigm, in particular how far advanced since conception, does a human being need to be before it begins to have a right to life by virtue, not of being fully a person as of yet, but of being like a. person? and (2) To what extent, if any, does the fact that a fetus has the potential for becoming a person endow it with some of the same rights? Each of these questions requires some comment.

In answering the first question, we need not attempt a detailed consideration of the moral rights of organisms which are not de veloped enough, aware enough, intelligent enough, etc., to be con sidered people, but which resemble people in some respects. It does seem reasonable to suggest that the more like a person, in the relevant respects, a being is, the stronger is the case for regarding it as having a right to life, and indeed the stronger its right to life is. Thus we ought to take seriously the suggestion that, insofar as "the human individual develops biologically in a continuous fashion . . . the rights of a human person might develop in the same way." 11

But we must keep in mind that the attributes which are relevant in determining whether or not an entity is enough like a person to be regarded as having some of the same moral rights are no different from those which are relevant to determining whether or not it is fully a person?i.e., are no different from (l)-(5)?and that being genetically human, or having recognizably human facial and other physical features, or detectable brain activity, or the capacity to sur vive outside the uterus, are simply not among these relevant attri butes.

11. Thomas L. Hayes, "A Biological View," Commonweal, 85 (March 17, 1967), ? -IS-, quoted by Daniel Callahan, in Abortion, Law, Choice, and Morality (London: Macmillan & Co., 1970).

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58 MARY ANNE WARREN

Thus it is clear that even though a seven- or eight-month fetus has features which make it apt to arouse in us almost the same power ful protective instinct as is commonly aroused by a small infant, nevertheless it is not significantly more personlike than is a very small embryo. It is somewhat more personlike; it can apparently feel and respond to pain, and it may even have a rudimentary form of con sciousness, insofar as its brain is quite active. Nevertheless, it seems safe to say that it is not fully conscious, in the way that an infant of a few months is, and that it cannot reason, or communicate messages of indefinitely many sorts, does not engage in self-moti vated activity, and has no self-awareness. Thus, in the relevant re spects, a fetus, even a fully developed one, is considerably less per sonlike than is the average mature mammal, indeed the average fish. And I think that a rational person must conclude that if the right to life of a fetus is to be based upon its resemblance to a person, then it cannot be said to have any more right to life than, let us say, a newborn guppy (which also seems to be capable of feeling pain), and that a right of that magnitude could never override a woman's right to obtain an abortion, at any stage of her pregnancy.

There may, of course, be other arguments in favor of placing legal limits upon the stage of pregnancy in which an abortion may be performed. Given the relative safety of the new techniques of artifically inducing labor during the third trimester, the danger to the woman's life or health is no longer such an argument. Neither is the fact that people tend to respond to the thought of abortion in the later stages of pregnancy with emotional repulsion, since mere emotional responses cannot take the place of moral reasoning in determining what ought to be permitted. Nor, finally, is the fre quently heard argument that legalizing abortion, especially late in the pregnancy, may erode the level of respect for human life, leading, perhaps, to an increase in unjustified euthanasia and other crimes. For this threat, if it is a threat, can be better met by educating people to the kinds of moral distinctions which we are making here than by limiting access to abortion (which limitation may, in its disregard for the rights of women, be just as damaging to the level of respect for human rights).

Thus, since the fact that even a fully developed fetus is not personlike enough to have any significant right to life on the basis of its personlikeness shows that no legal restrictions upon the stage

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of pregnancy in which an abortion may be performed can be justified on the grounds that we should protect the rights of the older fetus; and since there is no other apparent justification for such restrictions, we may conclude that they are entirely unjustified. Whether or not it would be indecent (whatever that means) for a woman in her seventh month to obtain an abortion just to avoid having to post pone a trip to Europe, it would not, in itself, be immoral, and there fore it ought to be permitted.

4. Potential Personhood and the Right to Life

We have seen that a fetus does not resemble a person in any way which can support the claim that it has even some of the same rights. But what about its potential, the fact that if nurtured and allowed to develop naturally it will very probably become a person? Doesn't that alone give it at least some right to life? It is hard to deny that the fact that an entity is a potential person is a strong prima facie reason for not destroying it; but we need not conclude from this that a potential person has a right to life, by virtue of that potential. It may be that our feeling that it is better, other things being equal, not to destroy a potential person is better explained by the fact that potential people are still (felt to be) an invaluable resource, not to be lightly squandered. Surely, if every speck of dust were a potential person, we would be much less apt to conclude that every potential person has a right to become actual.

Still, we do not need to insist that a potential person has no right to life whatever. There may well be something immoral, and not just imprudent, about wantonly destroying potential people, when doing so isn't necessary to protect anyone's rights. But even if a potential person does have some prima facie right to life, such a right could not possibly outweigh the right of a woman to obtain an abortion, since the rights of any actual person invariably outweigh those of any potential person, whenever the two conflict. Since this may not be immediately obvious in the case of a human fetus, let us look at another case.

Suppose that our space explorer falls into the hands of an alien culture, whose scientists decide to create a few hundred thousand or

more human beings, by breaking his body into its component cells, and using these to create fully developed human beings, with, of course, his genetic code. We may imagine that each of these newly

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60 MARY ANNE WARREN

created men will have all of the original man's abilities, skills, knowl edge, and so on, and also have an individual self-concept, in short that each of them will be a bona fide (though hardly unique) person. Imagine that the whole project will take only seconds, and that its chances of success are extremely high, and that our explorer knows all of this, and also knows that these people will be treated fairly. I maintain that in such a situation he would have every right to escape if he could, and thus to deprive all of these potential people of their potential lives; for his right to life outweighs all of theirs together, in spite of the fact that they are all genetically human, all innocent, and all have a very high probability of becoming people very soon, if only he refrains from acting.

Indeed, I think he would have a right to escape even if it were not his life which the alien scientists planned to take, but only a year of his freedom, or, indeed, only a day. Nor would he be obligated to stay if he had gotten captured (thus bringing all these people potentials into existence) because of his own carelessness, or even if he had done so deliberately, knowing the consequences. Regardless of how he got captured, he is not morally obligated to remain in captivity for any period of time for the sake of permitting any num ber of potential people to come into actuality, so great is the margin by which one actual person's right to liberty outweighs whatever right to life even a hundred thousand potential people have. And it seems reasonable to conclude that the rights of a woman will out

weigh by a similar margin whatever right to life a fetus may have by virtue of its potential personhood.

Thus, neither a fetus's resemblance to a person, nor its potential for becoming a person provides any basis whatever for the claim that it has any significant right to life. Consequently, a woman's right to protect her health, happiness, freedom, and even her life,12 by term inating an unwanted pregnancy, will always override whatever right to life it may be appropriate to ascribe to a fetus, even a fully de veloped one. And thus, in the absence of any overwhelming social need for every possible child, the laws which restrict the right to obtain an abortion, or limit the period of pregnancy during which

12. That is, insofar as the death rate, for the woman, is higher for childbirth than for early abortion.

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moral and legal status of abortion 61

an abortion may be performed, are a wholly unjustified violation of a woman's most basic moral and constitutional rights.13

Mary Anne Warren Sonoma State College, California

13. My thanks to the following people, who were kind enough to read and critici2e an earlier version of this paper: Herbert Gold, Gene Glass, Anne Lauterbach, Judith Thomson, Mary Mothersill, and Timothy Binkley.

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  • Contents
    • p. [43]
    • p. 44
    • p. 45
    • p. 46
    • p. 47
    • p. 48
    • p. 49
    • p. 50
    • p. 51
    • p. 52
    • p. 53
    • p. 54
    • p. 55
    • p. 56
    • p. 57
    • p. 58
    • p. 59
    • p. 60
    • p. 61
  • Issue Table of Contents
    • The Monist, Vol. 57, No. 1 (JANUARY, 1973) pp. 1-132
      • Front Matter
      • EQUALITY: "REPUBLIC" V [pp. 1-11]
      • REASONABLE PROGRESS AND SELF-RESPECT [pp. 12-27]
      • FEMINISM WITHOUT CONTRADICTIONS [pp. 28-42]
      • ON THE MORAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF ABORTION [pp. 43-61]
      • MORAL PROBLEMS OF POPULATION [pp. 62-86]
      • SERVILITY AND SELF-RESPECT [pp. 87-104]
      • NOTES ON FEMINISM [pp. 105-114]
      • BOOKS RECEIVED [pp. 117-123]
      • AUTHORS' ABSTRACTS OF RECENT BOOKS [pp. 124-132]