PSYC101 Journal Article Review Assignment - Part 1 and 2

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Developmental Psychology © 2012 American Psychological Association 2012, Vol. 48, No. 2, 327–336 0012-1649/12/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0027030

Media Use, Face-to-Face Communication, Media Multitasking, and Social

Well-Being Among 8- to 12-Year-Old Girls

Roy Pea, Clifford Nass, Lyn Meheula, Marcus Rance, Aman Kumar, Holden Bamford, Matthew Nass,

Aneesh Simha, Benjamin Stillerman, Steven Yang, and Michael Zhou

Stanford University

An online survey of 3,461 North American girls ages 8 –12 conducted in the summer of 2010 through

Discovery Girls magazine examined the relationships between social well-being and young girls’ media use—including video, video games, music listening, reading/homework, e-mailing/posting on social media sites, texting/instant messaging, and talking on phones/video chatting—and face-to-face communication.

This study introduced both a more granular measure of media multitasking and a new comparative measure of media use versus time spent in face-to-face communication. Regression analyses indicated that negative social well-being was positively associated with levels of uses of media that are centrally about interpersonal interaction (e.g., phone, online communication) as well as uses of media that are not (e.g., video, music, and reading). Video use was particularly strongly associated with negative social well-being indicators. Media multitasking was also associated with negative social indicators.

Conversely, face-to-face communication was strongly associated with positive social well-being. Cell phone ownership and having a television or computer in one’s room had little direct association with children’s socioemotional well-being. We hypothesize possible causes for these relationships, call for research designs to address causality, and outline possible implications of such findings for the social well-being of younger adolescents.

Keywords: late childhood, social well-being, media, multitasking, computers

Extensive research has addressed social developmental processes and outcomes and the many effects of media use (primarily

TV) on cognitive development (e.g., Calvert & Wilson, 2008;

Parke & Clarke-Stewart, 2010; Pecora, Murray, & Wartella, 2007).

Yet the intersections of social well-being and media use patterns in the current era of multiscreen media multitasking (with TVs, computers, and mobile devices) have not been examined. Another key omission has been the failure to assess time spent in face-toface communication in studies of the relationships of media use on social development. This oversight is important given the shift from face-to-face communication to mediated interpersonal communication, even among children (Rideout, Foehr, & Roberts,

2010).

This study examined this important set of relationships in a large-scale survey on traditional and new media use and face-toface communication and social well-being indices in girls 8 to 12 years old. Specifically, we addressed the relationships between these girls’ media use, face-to-face communication, and media multitasking and their overall social success, feelings of acceptance and normalcy among friends, and relative dominance of in-person/online friends as sources of positive and negative social feelings.

Growing Up Digital

In a national sample of over 2,000 8- to 18-year olds, the Kaiser

Family Foundation (Rideout et al., 2010) found that the average total time that children reported experiencing media in “TV, Music/audio,

Computer, Video games, Print, and Movies” rose to 10

hr 45 min (treating simultaneous media use as distinct activities) per day in 2009, up from 8 hr 33 min in 2004 and 7 hr 29 min in

1999—a 44% increase over a decade. These figures do not include reported hours spent texting, phoning, or using computers forschoolwork. Perhaps most remarkable is that the reported proportionof time spent multitasking—the proportion of media time spent using more than one medium concurrently—increased from 16% in 1999 to 26% in 2004 to 29% in 2009.

Apart from the increase in overall time spent consuming media is the finding that youth consume 20% of their media on a “third screen” (other than TV and computer): mobile smartphones and game consoles (Rideout et al., 2010). The Pew Internet & American

Life Project (Lenhart, Ling, Campbell, & Purcell, 2010) reported that 75% of 12- to 17-year-olds owned cell phones, with

87% of them texting and half of the texters (over one third of all 12- to 17-year-olds) sending 50 texts daily. Studying 8- to

This article was published Online First January 23, 2012.

Roy Pea, School of Education, Stanford University; Clifford Nass, Lyn

Meheula, Marcus Rance, Aman Kumar, Holden Bamford, Matthew Nass,

Aneesh Simha, Benjamin Stillerman, Steven Yang, and Michael Zhou,

Department of Communication, Stanford University.

We gratefully acknowledge grant support from the National Science

Foundation (NSF) for this work, including support of the LIFE Center

(NSF-0835854) and of an associated media multitasking and youth development

workshop (NSF-0841556).

Our special thanks go to Discovery Girls Magazine and its editor

Catherine Lee for providing data access for this study.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Roy Pea,

Stanford University School of Education, 485 Lasuen Mall, Stanford, CA

94305. E-mail: [email protected]

Developmental Psychology © 2012 American Psychological Association

2012, Vol. 48, No. 2, 327–336 0012-1649/12/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0027030

32718-year-olds, Rideout et al. (2010) found that 66% of children

owned their own cell phones and 76% owned their own iPod/

music players. Fifty-eight percent of 12-year-olds now own a

cellphone (Lenhart, Purcell, Smith, & Zickuhr, 2010), up from

18% in 2004. Teens also increasingly use social network sites: A

growing number (73%) of online 8- to 18-year-olds use social

network sites (Lenhart, Purcell, et al., 2010) for an average of 37

min per day (Rideout et al., 2010). Given this rapidly changing

media ecology for the interactions that shape social development,

it is vital to conduct empirical inquiries to understand how this new

digital climate is being taken up by and is influencing youth.

Considerable interest has also developed in media multitasking

(Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005). This interest has been spurred

by popular media attention and by the demonstration that heavy

chronic media multitaskers (college students) performed much

more poorly than light media multitaskers in three key aspects of

cognitive functioning: filtering, working memory management,

and task switching (Ophir, Nass, & Wagner, 2009).

Despite these findings on adult cognitive differences as a function

of chronic media multitasking, no research has yet examined

media multitasking by youth and its relationship to social wellbeing.

Parents express concerns about high media use by their

children and children’s friends and its likely developmental consequences

(Wallis, 2010), and Rideout et al. (2010, p. 13) found

that those 8- to 18-year-olds who spent more time with media

reported being less content (as measured by an index composed of

questions on having lots of friends, getting along well with parents,

being happy at school, not being bored, not feeling sad and

unhappy, and not getting in trouble a lot). On the other hand, cell

phones and other multitasking facilitators are also experienced by

youth as contributing to the developmental task of individuation

from parents (Lenhart, Ling, et al., 2010). Research has also

indicated that intimacy (Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 2008),

identity (Huffaker & Calvert, 2005; Manago, Graham, Greenfield,

& Salimkhan, 2008; Valkenburg, Schouten, & Peter, 2005), developing

existing friendships (Bessie`re, Kiesler, Kraut, & Boneva,

2008; Gross, 2004; Valkenburg & Peter, 2007), and other developmental

tasks are played out online, so one may expect media use

to potentially relate to the developmental challenges of growing

intimacy with friends and other aspects of social well-being.

Although children are increasing their consumption of media

and their media multitasking, face-to-face communication remains

vital. While media are acknowledged central players in childhood

socialization (Ito et al., 2010; Livingstone, 2009), face-to-face

communication with peers and adults continues to be recognized

as a key determinant of social and emotional development (Denzin,

2010; Rogoff, 2003). Hence, it is significant that no previous

study has included measures of time spent on face-to-face communication

together with the use of mass and interpersonal new

media, particularly given this confluence of social developmental

issues.

Our study encompasses late childhood (ages 8 –9) and young

adolescence (ages 10 –12). Eight- to twelve-year-olds must deal

with developmental challenges including growing intimacy with

friends, exposure to risky behaviors among peers, increasing individuation

from family, greater responsibilities and assumed autonomy

in schoolwork and home life, and the approach of puberty.

These years comprise a pivotal time devoted to identity formation,

the development of social networks with friends who can serve as

models and peers for mutual support, and learning to effectively

navigate the social world. Masten et al.’s (1995) longitudinal study

of 191 children used structural equation modeling to determine

that peer social success is one of three major dimensions of

competence in late childhood (ages 8 –12). Increasingly outside the

bounds of the family with their peers (Larson & Richards, 1991),

young adolescents are becoming more aware of how they think

about themselves and how others are thinking about them (Harter,

1999) while also learning to express and read emotions and interpret

other signals that provide social feedback from their actual or

potential friends (Saarni, Campos, Camras, & Witherington,

2006). They participate in conversations with new personal

sources about what is right and wrong and about models to aspire

to, they receive feedback on their own actions and values, and they

experience self-validating mirroring that contributes to their identity

development.

The developmental challenge of intimacy is to acquire the

competencies for developing and maintaining close and meaningful

personal relationships. As Hartup (1996) observed, “having

friends” is a proxy for “being socially skilled”— because making

and keeping friends is an ongoing task with many detractions and

distractions. Furthermore, intimacy is formed, developed, and sustained

through mutual social exchanges with responsive others and

includes feeling accepted and understood (Buhrmester & Furman,

1987; Reis & Shaver, 1988). Buhrmester (1996) observed that

high-quality friendship is characterized by high levels of positive

features such as prosocial behaviors like support and intimacy and

low levels of negative features such as conflicts and rivalry, with

friendship quality affecting self-esteem, social adjustment, and

academic development. Demaray and Malecki (2002) found significant

positive relationships for adolescents between social support

from their friends, parents, classmates, and teachers and a

variety of positive indicators including social skills, academic

competence, leadership, and adaptive skills. Significant negative

relationships were found between social support and a variety of

negative indicators such as conduct problems, aggression, hyperactivity,

anxiety, depression, and withdrawal. Berndt (2002) reviewed

evidence that mutual self-disclosure is an important predictor

of intimacy and quality in adolescent friendships. In short,

feeling that one has close friends, finding it easy to make and keep

friends, feeling important to friends, feeling accepted and understood,

and feeling supported are all indicators of social success and

the development of intimacy.

On a related dimension, social competence in late childhood is

also associated with feelings of acceptance rather than rejection

and of normalcy among peers (e.g., Asher & Coie, 1990). Peer

acceptance is believed to promote the development of high-quality

friendships, whereas peer rejection leads to challenges in establishing

them (Nangle, Erdley, Newman, Mason, & Carpenter,

2003) and issues in later personal adjustment (Ladd, 2006; Parker

& Asher, 1987). In Bagwell, Newcomb, and Bukowski’s’ (1998)

longitudinal study, adults who had lower levels of preadolescent

peer rejection reported having greater self-worth as adults, whereas

those who felt high levels of peer rejection as children were shown

to have higher levels of psychopathological symptoms.

Another developmental challenge is dealing with exposure to

risky behaviors among peers. Having more friends that parents

think of as a bad influence can be a concern given that peers

328 PEA ET AL.influence problem behaviors such as smoking, alcohol use, drug

use, and delinquency (Urberg, Degirmencioglu, & Pilgrim, 1997).

Eight- to twelve-year-olds are also in a developmental period

when a good night’s sleep is especially important for healthy

functioning. While we know that sleep patterns change and develop

constantly during adolescence (Laberge et al., 2001) and

emerge from complex interactions of biological needs and cultural

norms, findings of sleep time differences as a function of media

use and media multitasking are potentially important for children

because reductions in sleep contribute to daytime sleepiness

(Saarenpa¨a¨-Heikkila¨, Laippala, & Koivikko, 2000), negatively affect

executive functions such as planning, organizing one’s activities,

and allocating attention (Sadeh, Gruber, & Raviv, 2003;

Wolfson & Carskadon, 1998), and lead to other emotional and

behavioral performances such as negative mood, irritability, and

decreased motivation (Carskadon, 2002). Van den Bulck (2004)

also found that adolescents spending more time online slept less,

slept later during weekdays, and said they felt more tired.

This study thus examined a set of research questions attending

to some of the central developmental tasks of the age period

described above:

1. How do media use and multitasking relate to feelings of

social success, an important indicator of social wellbeing

and of how one is dealing with the developmental

task of intimacy?

2. How do media use and multitasking relate to the developmental

task of maintaining feelings of normalcy and

not feeling rejected, compared with peers?

3. How do media use and multitasking relate to how many

friends one’s parents think are a bad influence?

4. How do media use and multitasking relate to hours of

sleep?

5. How do media use and multitasking relate to the predominant

source of girls’ experience of both positive and

negative feelings? Here we sought to determine how 8- to

12-year-old girls derive feedback signals of social success

from online and/or in-person friends, an emerging

issue for a new media multitasking era.

Method

Participants: Characteristics and Limitations

The findings are based on results from two surveys of girls

between the ages of 8 and 12 years conducted in August and

September 2010. The survey link was advertised in the August/

September 2010 issue of the bimonthly Discovery Girls magazine,

an American publication that targets 8- to 12-year-old girls and

regularly conducts similar surveys of the interests and activities of

readers, including over 1,000,000 girls in the United States and

Canada. A half-page advertisement invited readers to visit the

Discovery Girls website and complete a survey in order to be

entered into a drawing for a free iPod.

A first survey ran for approximately 2 weeks and elicited 2,301

valid responses. A second survey, including several supplemental

questions, was released for a further 2 weeks and obtained an

additional 1,160 responses, for a total of 3,461 respondents (age 8,

n 189; age 9, n 469; age 10, n 860; age 11, n 1,033; age

12, n 910) from all 50 states of the United States and from

Canada. To prevent the same girl from responding twice, the

survey could not be retaken from the same computer.

We recognize that this sample is not necessarily representative

of the U.S. population of 8- to 12-year-old girls, because it was

restricted to readers of Discovery Girls magazine who could answer

an online survey. Ninety-five percent of the respondents had

computer access in their homes, which is well above the national

average. However, consistent with Lenhart, Ling, et al.’s (2010)

figure of 58% of 12-year-olds owning a cell phone, 60.9% of the

12-year-olds in this sample owned cell phones (for our 8- to

12-year-old girls, cell phone ownership was lower, 42.3%). We

also do not have income, parent education, race, or ethnicity data

for participants.

Despite these limitations, this type of data set is arguably much

richer and broader than most extant research with children examining

relationships between variables instead of absolute values.

For example, virtually any classroom research suffers from more

serious population constraints, homogeneity of populations, and

geographic limitations than does this data set, which draws from a

North American sample. So while we urge caution in interpreting

the base rates of the variables, we are guardedly optimistic that the

relationships between variables are not strongly affected by potential

biases, notably in income and geography.

Overview of Survey

The survey was conducted through SurveyMonkey.com, an

online survey-creation portal, and linked directly from the DiscoveryGirls.com

website. The survey consisted of five sections and

took approximately 20 min to complete. The first section asked

about age, access to computers and televisions, and some general

questions about the respondent’s friends. A second section asked

about average daily usage of different media both individually and

together with other media. The girls were also asked to report the

amount of time they spent interacting face to face both without

other media and in conjunction with other media. The third section

asked the girls to rank their level of agreement with different

statements about their general social outlook. The fourth section

asked them to compare their online friends with their in-person

friends along various dimensions. The fifth and final section included

miscellaneous questions concerning video usage, sleep, and

cell phone usage.

Materials, Procedure, Coding, and Analysis

For each of six media use categories and the seventh category of

face-to-face conversations, girls were first asked, “On an average

day, how long do you X?” where X reflects their experiences using

each of the six media categories listed below and the category of

face-to-face communication. The question was followed by a

multiple-choice scale with options and numerical values assigned

for analysis: never (0), less than 1 hour (0.5), about 1–2 hours

(1.5), about 2–3 hours (2.5), about 3– 4 hours (3.5), or more than

4 hours (4.5). The categories presented to participants were as

MEDIA USE AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING IN GIRLS AGES 8 –12 329