Analysis of Development Theories

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the times when people gain the right to make inde-

pendent decisions and choices. Often the values de-

veloped during this stage remain operative for life.

Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development Lawrence Kohlberg (1963, 1968, 1969, 1981a,

1981b) has proposed a series of three levels, and six

stages, through which people progress as they

develop their moral framework. These six stages

are clustered within three distinct levels, as shown

in the Concept Summary box on page 324.

The first level, the preconventional or premoral

level, is characterized by giving precedence to self-

interest. People usually experience this level from

ages 4 to 10. Moral decisions are based on external

standards. Behavior is governed by whether a child

will receive a reward or punishment. The first stage

in this level is based on avoiding punishment.

Children do what they are told in order to avoid

negative consequences. The second stage focuses

on rewards instead of punishment. In other words,

children do the “right” thing in order to receive a

SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY 7.1 (continued)

(Delgado, 1998a, p. 210). Schools and recreational facilities

can develop programs that emphasize cultural pride and

help adolescents “come to terms with their newly developing

[racial and cultural] identities as individuals and as partici-

pants in an increasingly multicultural society while preserv-

ing essential links to their history, families, and culture”

(Delgado, 1998b, p. 213).

For example, one such program, called Nuevo Puente

(New Bridge), was designed initially to address substance

abuse by Puerto Rican youth. Staff developed an educational

curriculum

that involved obtaining input from all sectors of the Puerto

Rican community. Major content areas were identified

through. . . . [a survey,]. . . . interviews, focus groups,* meet-

ings, and discussions with community leaders, parents, and

educators.

The curriculum included knowledge development and

skills building that were culturally relevant for Puerto Rican

youths. Participants received 72 hours of training over a

seven-month period in cultural pride (Puerto Rican history,

values, culture, arts, and traditions); group leadership skills

(recruiting and leading groups); self-sufficiency and self-

determination; communication and relationship skills (con-

flict resolution and identifying situations that lead to

violence and other risk-taking behaviors); [and] strategies

to deal with substance abuse (increased awareness of alco-

hol and other drugs). . . .

As a whole, the curriculum had a significant impact on

the participants. However, the greatest effect was achieved

by the module on identity and culture, which was measured

by the participants’ interest and pride in speaking Spanish;

awareness of Puerto Rican cuisine, history, geography, and

folklore; willingness to participate in Puerto Rican folk

dancing; interest in and willingness to celebrate Puerto

Rican holidays; interest in learning the lyrics to the Puerto

Rican anthem; and eagerness to learn about their ancestors.

(Delgado, 1998b, p. 217)

Community festivals such as African American Fest or

German Fest can provide other avenues through which com-

munity residents of all ages can learn about and appreciate

various facets of their and others’ cultures. Such events can

celebrate history, arts, crafts, music, and food.

Delgado (2000a) explains how murals in urban settings

can portray cultural symbols and honor ethnic traditions:

A mural is an art form that is expressed on a building’s

walls as opposed to a canvas. . . . Murals represent a com-

munity effort to utilize cultural symbols as a way of creat-

ing an impact internally and externally. Murals should not

be confused with graffiti. A mural represents an artistic im-

pression that is not only sanctioned by a community, but

often commissioned by it . . . and invariably involve a team

of artists. Graffiti, on the other hand, represent an artistic

impression . . . that is individual centered and manifested on

subway trains, doors, mailboxes, buses, public settings, and

other less significant locations. Their content generally fo-

cuses on the trials and tribulations associated with urban

living, issues of oppression, or simply a “signature” of the

artist. . . .

Murals represent a much higher level of organization,

and the community often participates in their design and

painting; their location within the community also reflects

the degree of community sanctioning—those that are prom-

inently located enjoy a high degree of community accep-

tance, whereas those in less prominent locations do not. . . .

Murals provide communities of color with an important out-

let for expressing their cultural pride. . . .

Among Latino groups, for example, murals allow

subgroups to express the uniqueness of their history and

culture. (pp. 78–80)

“Pre-Columbian themes, intended to remind Chicanos of their

noble origins, are common. There are motifs from the

Aztec . . . [ancient manuscripts], gods from the Aztec [temples

and mythology,] . . . allusions to the Spanish conquest and

images of the Virgin of Guadalupe, a cherished Mexican

icon” (Treguer, 1992, p. 23, cited in Delgado, 1998b, p. 80).

*A focus group (discussed in Chapter 8) is a specially assembled

collection of people who respond through a semistructured or struc-

tured discussion to the concerns and interests of the person, group, or

organization that invited the participants.

322 Understanding Human Behavior and the Social Environment

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SPOTLIGHT ON DIVERSITY 7.2

Lesbian and Gay Adolescents: The Need for Empowerment

Lesbian and gay adolescents in this culture

suffer even more extreme obstacles to iden-

tity development than do their heterosexual

peers. Perhaps their biggest obstruction is

the constant oppression of homophobia.

Homophobia is an extreme and irrational

fear and hatred for lesbian and gay people

simply because they are lesbian and gay.

(Chapter 13 addresses sexual orientation

and homophobia in greater detail.) Homo-

phobia and the oppressive reactions of

others to homosexuality isolates lesbian

and gay youth. On the one hand, lesbian and gay adolescents

are trying to establish individual identities, just as heterosex-

ual adolescents are. On the other hand, lesbian and gay youth

are severely discouraged from expressing and establishing

their sexual identities. The question should be raised, To

what extent do Erikson’s and Marcia’s theories concerning

identity development apply to these young people? Do these

theories go far enough to explain the serious crises lesbian and

gay people go through?

Lesbian and gay youth often experience extreme isolation

(Miller, 2008; Morrow, 2006, 2008; van Wormer, Wells, &

Boes, 2000). “Alienation from the traditional church’s teach-

ings, lack of access to gay-friendly counseling services, being

privy to a barrage of hostile comments about ‘fags’ and ‘bull-

dykes,’ feeling displeasure from one’s family—all combine to

close the avenues to much needed social support” (van

Wormer et al., 2000). Coming out is the process of a person’s

acknowledging publicly that he or she is gay or lesbian. If a

young person comes out, he or she is often ostracized and

demeaned. On the other hand, if young people cautiously

hide their true feelings and identity, they risk depression,

avoidance behaviors such as drug or alcohol abuse, and rebel-

lious acting out, such as running away or truancy.

Social work practitioners should be especially sensitive to

the issues facing lesbian and gay adolescents. Barret and

Logan (2002) make at least 10 suggestions for helping and

empowering lesbian and gay youth:

1. Evaluate your own homophobic attitudes. Strive

to develop a caring, empathic, nonjudgmental

perspective that can be communicated to lesbian

and gay clients. What stereotypes do you harbor?

What do you personally feel about sexuality and

sexual identity? How comfortable do you feel with

people who have a sexual orientation other than

your own?

2. Become knowledgeable about the needs and issues of

lesbian and gay adolescents.

3. Understand that adolescence is a time

for exploration of one’s sexual identity.

“Many sexual minority youth don’t

crystallize their sexual identity until late

adolescence, and same-sex sexual be-

havior does not necessarily cement sex-

ual orientation. For example, boys may

engage in group masturbation, compet-

ing to see who can have an orgasm first,

and girls may be very affectionate with

each other, holding hands, walking with

their arms around each other, and even

kissing. This does not necessarily mean they are gay or

lesbian” (p. 138).

4. Confront insulting, offensive, and belittling comments.

Challenge adolescent peers when they use name-calling

and make comments that reflect stereotypes. Educate

people about facts, and help them understand what cruel

effects myths and homophobic treatment can have on

lesbian and gay people.

5. Provide accurate information about sexuality, sexual

orientation, and safe sexual behavior.

6. Never assume that a person is heterosexual. A young

woman’s significant other just might be a girlfriend, not a

boyfriend.

7. Advocate for the rights of lesbian and gay people when

they are being violated.

8. Have resources about sexual orientation on hand, or

advocate for schools to make them available. These may

include books, articles, DVDs, CDs, or websites.

9. Help lesbian and gay youth become connected with

others of their own sexual orientation. Many cities

have helplines, support groups, speakers’ bureaus,

and activities available for lesbian and gay young

people.

10. As a social worker, you can help lesbian and gay youth

navigate through the coming-out process. Such youth

may need help answering a variety of questions: Should

they come out or not? What should they say? Whom

should they tell? How will people react?

In summary, it appears that Erikson’s and Marcia’s theo-

ries have only limited relevance for lesbian and gay identity

development. The theories can be applied to a certain extent;

they indicate that all young people go through an identity cri-

sis. However, they do little to focus on the special issues of

lesbian and gay young people.

It is up to you as a social worker to scrutinize theories

closely and use what you can from them. However, it is just

as important to recognize limitations of theories.

EP 2.1.3a, 2.1.4, 2.1.4a, 2.1.4c, 2.1.5a

EP 2.1.1b; 2.1.4d; 2.1.5b&c; 2.1.10a, b, g, j&k

Psychological Development in Adolescence 323

reward or compensation. Sometimes this involves an

exchange of favors: “I’ll scratch your back if you’ll

scratch mine.”

Level 2 of Kohlberg’s theory is the conventional

level, in which moral thought is based on conform-

ing to conventional roles. Frequently, this level oc-

curs from ages 10 to 13. There is a strong desire to

please others and to receive social approval. Al-

though moral standards have begun to be internal-

ized, they are still based on what others dictate,

rather than on what is personally decided.

Within Level 2, stage 3 focuses on gaining the

approval of others. Good relationships become

very important. Stage 4, “authority-maintaining mo-

rality,” emphasizes the need to adhere to law.

Higher authorities are generally respected. “Law

and order” are considered necessary in order to

maintain the social order.

Level 3, the postconventional level, involves devel-

oping a moral conscience that goes beyond what

others say. At this level, people contemplate laws

and expectations and decide on their own what is right

and what is wrong. They become autonomous, inde-

pendent thinkers. Behavior is based on principles

instead of laws. This level progresses beyond selfish

concerns. The needs and well-being of others become

very important. At this level, true morality is achieved.

Within Level 3, stage 5 involves adhering to socially

accepted laws and principles. Law is considered good

for the general public welfare. However, laws are sub-

ject to interpretation and change. Stage 6 is the ulti-

mate attainment. During this stage, one becomes free

of the thoughts and opinions expressed by others. Mo-

rality is completely internalized. Decisions are based

on one’s personal conscience, transcending laws and

regulations. Examples of people who attained this

level include Martin Luther King Jr. and Gandhi.

Critical Thinking: Evaluation of Kohlberg’s Theory Many questions have been raised con-

cerning the validity and application of

Kohlberg’s theory (Killen & Smetana,

2008; Lapsey, 2005; Smetana, 2005;

Santrock, 2010a; Walker, 2005). For

one thing, Kohlberg places primary

emphasis on how people think, not

what they do. Presidents and kings

talk about the loftiest moral stan-

dards, but what they do is often another matter.

Richard Nixon espoused high moral standards but

was forced to resign after his cover-up of the Water-

gate break-in and theft of Democratic Party docu-

ments was brought to light. Many times, difficult

CONCEPT SUMMARY

Kohlberg’s Three Levels and Six Stages of Moral Development

Level/Stage Description

Level 1: Preconventional (Self-Interest)

Controls are external. Behavior is governed by receiving rewards or punishments.

Stage 1: Punishment and obedience orientation Decisions concerning what is good or bad are made in order to avoid receiving punishment.

Stage 2: Naive instrumental hedonism Rules are obeyed in order to receive rewards. Often favors are exchanged.

Level 2: Conventional (Role Conformity)

The opinions of others become important. Behavior is governed by conforming to social expectations.

Stage 3: “Good boy/girl morality” Good behavior is considered to be what pleases others. There is a strong desire to please and gain the approval of others.Stage 4: Authority-maintaining morality The belief in law and order is strong. Behavior conforms to law and higher authority. Social order is important.

Level 3: Postconventional (Self-Accepted Moral Principles)

Moral decisions are finally internally controlled. Morality involves higher-level principles beyond law and even beyond self-interest.

Stage 5: Morality of contract, of individual rights, and of democratically accepted law

Laws are considered necessary. However, they are subject to rational thought and inter- pretation. Community welfare is important.

Stage 6: Morality of individual principles and Conscience

Behavior is based on internal ethical principles. Decisions are made according to what is right rather than what is written into law.

Source: Adapted from Kohlberg (1968, 1981a, 1981b).

EP 2.1.3, 2.1.3a, 2.1.3b, 2.1.4c

324 Understanding Human Behavior and the Social Environment

moral decisions must be made in crisis situations. If

you find yourself in a burning building with a crowd

of people, how much effort will you expend to save

others before yourself? What is the discrepancy be-

tween what you think is right and what you would

really do in such a situation?

A second criticism of Kohlberg’s theory is that it

is culturally biased (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2010;

Santrock, 2010a). Even Kohlberg (1978) himself

has conceded that stage 6 may not apply across all

cultures, societies, and situations. Snarey (1987)

studied research on moral development in 27 coun-

tries and found that Kohlberg’s schema does not in-

corporate the higher moral ideals that some cultures

embrace. Examples of higher moral reasoning that

would not be considered such within Kohlberg’s

framework include “principles of communal equity

and collective happiness in Israel, the unity and sa-

credness of all life forms in India, and the relation of

the individual to the community in New Guinea”

(Santrock, 2008, p. 361).

Moral Development and Women: Gilligan’s Approach

A major criticism of Kohlberg’s theory

is that virtually all of the research on

which it is based used only men as

subjects. Gilligan (1982; Gilligan &

Attanucci, 1988; Gilligan, Brown, &

Rogers, 1990) maintains that women

fare less well according to Kohlberg’s levels of moral

development because they tend to view moral dilem-

mas differently than men do. Kohlberg’s theory centers

on a justice perspective, in which each person functions

independently and makes moral decisions on an indi-

vidual basis (Newman & Newman, 2009; Santrock,

2010c). In contrast, Gilligan maintains that women

are more likely to adopt a care perspective that “views

people in terms of their connectedness with others and

emphasizes interpersonal communication, relationships

with others, and concern for others” (Santrock, 2010c,

p. 474). In other words, women tend to view morality

in terms of personal situations.

Women often have trouble moving from a very

personalized interpretation of morality to a focus on

law and order. This bridge involves a generalization

from the more personal aspects of what is right and

wrong (how individual moral decisions affect one’s

own personal life) to morality within the larger,

more impersonal society (how moral decisions, such

as those instilled in law, affect virtually everyone).

Kohlberg has been criticized because he has not taken

into account the different orientation and life circum-

stances common to women.

Gilligan and her associates (1982, 1988, 1990)

reason that women’s moral development is often

based on their personal interest and commitment to

the good of others close to them. Frequently, this

involves giving up or sacrificing one’s own well-

being for others. Goodness and kindness are empha-

sized. This contrasts with a common male focus on

assertively making decisions and exercising more

rigid moral judgments.

Gilligan initially targeted 29 women who were re-

ceiving pregnancy and abortion counseling. She pos-

tulated that pregnancy was an area in women’s lives

in which they could emphasize choice, yet it still was

an intimate area to which they could relate. Gilligan

EP 2.1.4c

Gilligan maintains that females’ sense of morality emphasizes personal relationships and the assumption of responsibility for the care and well-being of those close to them. Here, two close friends enjoy sweet treats together.

T h in ks to ck /J u p it e r Im a g e s

Psychological Development in Adolescence 325

interviewed the women concerning their pregnancies.

She arrived at a sequence of moral levels that relate

specifically to women. She found that women tend to

view morality “based on an ethics of caring rather

than a morality of justice” (Dacey, Travers, & Fiore,

2009, p. 248). She maintains that women’s perspec-

tive on right and wrong emphasizes interpersonal re-

lationships and the assumption of responsibility for

the care and well-being of others close to them. This

contrasts with Kohlberg’s more abstract view of

morality as the determination of what is fair and

right in a much more general sense.

Gilligan describes the following levels and transi-

tions of moral development for women.

Level 1: Orientation to Personal Survival This level focuses purely on the woman’s self-

interest. The needs and well-being of others are not

really considered. At this level, a woman focuses first

on personal survival. What is practical and best for

her is most important.

Transition 1: Transition from Personal Selfishness to Responsibility This first transition involves a movement in moral

thought from consideration only of self to some con-

sideration of the others involved. During this transi-

tion, a woman comes to acknowledge the fact that

she is responsible not only for herself but also for

others, including the unborn. In other words, she

begins to acknowledge that her choice will affect

others.

Level 2: Goodness as Self-Sacrifice Level 2 involves putting aside one’s own needs and

wishes. The well-being of other people becomes im-

portant. The “good” thing to do is to sacrifice her-

self so that others may benefit. A woman at this level

feels dependent on what other people think. Often a

conflict occurs between taking responsibility for her

own actions and feeling pressure from others to

make her decisions.

Transition 2: From Goodness to Reality During this transitional period, women begin to ex-

amine their situations more objectively. They draw

away from depending on others to tell them what

they should do. Instead, they begin to take into ac-

count the well-being of everyone concerned, includ-

ing themselves. Some of the concern for personal

survival apparent in level 1 returns, but in a more

objective manner.

Level 3: The Morality of Nonviolent Responsibility Level 3 involves women thinking in terms of the re-

percussions of their decisions and actions. At this

level, a woman’s thinking has progressed beyond

mere concern for what others will think about what

she does. Rather, it involves accepting responsibility

for making her own decisions. She places herself on

an equal plane with others, weighs the various con-

sequences of her potential actions, and accepts that

she will be responsible for these consequences. The

important principle operating here is that of mini-

mizing hurt, both to herself and to others.

Gilligan’s sequence of moral development pro-

vides a good example of how morality can be viewed

from different perspectives. It is especially beneficial

in emphasizing the different strengths manifested by

men and women. The emphasis on feelings, such as

direct concern for others, is just as important as the

ability to decisively make moral judgments.

Critical Thinking: Evaluation of Gilligan’s Theory Some research has established support

for Gilligan’s proposed gender-based

differences in moral reasoning. For

example, some studies have found

that females consider moral dilemmas

concerning caring aspects of social re-

lationships more important and a

greater moral dilemma than males do

CONCEPT SUMMARY

Gilligan’s Theory of Moral Development for Women

Level 1: Orientation to personal survival

Transition 1: Transition from personal selfishness to responsibility

Level 2: Goodness as self-sacrifice

Transition 2: From goodness to reality

Level 3: The morality of nonviolent responsibility

EP 2.1.3, 2.1.3a, 2.1.3b

326 Understanding Human Behavior and the Social Environment

(Eisenberg & Morris, 2004; Wark & Krebs, 2000).

Another study found that girls were more likely

than boys to use Gilligan’s caring-based approaches

when addressing dating predicaments (Weisz &

Black, 2002).

Other research has found that little if any differ-

ence exists between the moral reasoning of men and

women (Glover, 2001; Hyde, 2007; Walker, 1995;

Wilson, 1995). One mega-analysis involved examining

the results of 113 studies focusing on moral decision

making. Results question the accuracy of Gilligan’s

belief in significant gender differences concerning

moral development (Hyde, 2007; Jaffee & Hyde,

2000). This study found that the overall picture re-

vealed only small differences in how females and males

made moral decisions. Although females were slightly

more likely than males to use Gilligan’s caring-based

approach instead of Kohlberg’s justice-based perspec-

tive, this disparity was larger in adolescence than

adulthood. Whether caring- or justice-based ap-

proaches were used depended more on the situation

being evaluated. For example, both females and males

were more likely to emphasize caring when addressing

interpersonal issues and justice when assessing more

global social issues.

Coon and Mitterer (2009) comment:

Indeed, both men and women may use caring and

justice to make moral decisions. The moral yard-

stick they use appears to depend on the situation

they face (Wark & Krebs, 1996). Just the same,

Gilligan deserves credit for identifying a second

major way in which moral choices are made. It

can be argued that our best moral choices combine

justice and caring, reason and emotion—which

may be what we mean by wisdom (Pasupathi &

Staudinger, 2001). (p. 133)

Ethical Applications of Gilligan’s Theory to Client Situations

Social work has a sound foundation

of professional values expressed in

the National Association of Social

Workers (NASW) Code of Ethics.

Ethics involve making decisions about

what is right and what is wrong.

Ethics provide social workers with guidelines for

practice with clients.

Gilligan emphasizes the relationship between re-

sponsibility and morality. People develop morally as

they gradually become more capable and willing to

assume responsibility. Morality provides the basis

for making ethical decisions. Gilligan “bases the

highest stage of decision making on care for and

sensitivity to the needs of others, on responsibility

for others, and on nurturance” (Rhodes, 1985,

p. 101). This principle is central to the NASW

Code of Ethics. Gilligan’s theory can provide some

general ethical guidelines to which we can aspire in

our day-to-day practice with clients. Social workers

should strive to be sensitive to the needs of their cli-

ents. They should assume responsibility for effective

practice with clients. Finally, they should provide

help and nurturance to meet their clients’ needs.

A Social Learning Theory Perspective on Moral Development Social learning theorists including Albert Bandura

(1991, 2002; Bandura, Caprara, Barbaranelli,

Pastorelli, & Regalia, 2001) apply many of the prin-

ciples of learning theory (discussed in Chapter 4) to

moral actions. They

have been primarily interested in the behavioral

component of morality—in what we actually do

when faced with temptation or with an opportunity

to behave prosocially. These theorists say that

moral behavior is learned in the same way that

other social behaviors are learned: through obser-

vational learning and reinforcement and punish-

ment principles. They also consider moral

behavior to be strongly influenced by situational

factors—for example, by how closely a professor

watches exam takers, by whether jewelry items

are on the counter or behind glass in a department

store. (Sigelman & Rider, 2009, p. 385)

The social learning perspective, then, indicates

that we gradually learn how to behave morally.

Early on, young children receive reinforcement for

behaving correctly and punishment for behaving in-

correctly. They also see their parents and others as

models for doing what is right or wrong. As children

grow older, they gradually internalize these expecta-

tions and standards of conduct. Then as they en-

counter situations in which they must make moral

decisions on how to behave, they use these internal-

ized values. Additionally, as learning theory also

predicts, they respond to the circumstances of the

moment and the potential consequences they might

encounter.

For example, Sigelman and Rider (2006) use so-

cial learning theory principles to predict whether a

EP 2.1.2b

Psychological Development in Adolescence 327

teenager, arbitrarily called Waldo, will cheat on his

upcoming math test. Social learning theory would

focus on

the moral habits Waldo has learned, the expecta-

tions he has formed about the probable conse-

quences of his actions, his ability to self-regulate

his behavior, and his ultimate behavior [choice].

If Waldo’s parents have consistently reinforced

him when he has behaved morally and punished

him when he has misbehaved; if he has been ex-

posed to models of morally acceptable behavior

rather than brought up in the company of liars,

cheaters, and thieves; and if he has well-

developed self-regulatory mechanisms that cause

him to take responsibility for his actions rather

than to disengage morally, he is likely to behave

in morally acceptable ways. Yet Bandura and

other social learning theorists believe in the power

of situational influences and predict that Waldo

may still cheat on the math test if he sees his

classmates cheating and getting away with it

or if he is under pressure to get a B in math.

(pp. 364–365)

Fowler’s Theory of Faith Development Chapter 3 defined spirituality as

“one’s values, beliefs, mission, aware-

ness, subjectivity, experience, sense of

purpose and direction, and a kind of

striving toward something greater

than oneself. It may or may not

include a deity. . . . Religion, on the other hand,. . .

refers to a set of beliefs and practices of an organized

religious institution” (for example, organized

churches under Roman Catholic, Muslim, or Meth-

odist denominations) (Frame, 2003, p. 3).

Spirituality and religion are two separate con-

cepts. Frame (2003) explains:

Many followers of religion find that its organization,

doctrine, rituals, programs, and community are

means through which their spirituality is supported

and enhanced. Likewise, many persons who think of

themselves as spiritual, rather than religious, find

that the institutions of religion interfere with their

private experiences of spirituality. It is possible,

therefore, for these two constructs to be related in

a variety of ways and played out differently in indi-

vidual lives. For example, a person may care very

deeply about the meaning of life, may be very com-

mitted to her purpose and direction, may even en-

gage in spiritual practices such as meditation, and

yet not be involved in a religious organization.

Thus, one may be spiritual without being religious.

Another person may be a member of a synagogue,

keep a kosher kitchen, be faithful to Torah, and

never really take these Jewish practices to heart.

He may go through the motions of being religious

without being spiritual. Yet another person may be

an active member of a church, attend worship regu-

larly, read the Bible, and pray, finding great inspi-

ration in these activities and support through the

institutional church. Therefore, one may be religious

and spiritual simultaneously. (p. 4)

(Chapter 15 discusses several predominant religions,

including Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Bud-

dhism, more thoroughly.)

Spirituality is an important aspect of human di-

versity. It shapes major dimensions of many people’s

lives and can provide a significant source of strength.

As a later section explains, spirituality can serve as a

major source of empowerment that social workers

must address.

James Fowler (1981) proposed a theory of faith

development in which people progress through seven

stages that focus “on the formation and transforma-

tion of faith throughout the life cycle. . . . [B]y faith

Fowler meant ‘the pattern of our relatedness to self,

others, and our world in light of our relatedness to

ultimacy’ (1996, p. 21). ‘Ultimacy’ refers to that

which a person gives a sense of first importance

and greatest profundity in orienting his or her life

with fundamental values, beliefs, and meanings. . . .

[F]aith may take religious or nonreligious forms.

Fowler depicted faith as a universal aspect of human

nature that gives coherence and meaning to life, con-

nects individuals together in shared concerns, relates

Ethical Question 7.3 What do you think is the moral thing for Waldo to do concerning his upcoming math test? What do you think Waldo would do? If you were Waldo, to what extent would you be tempted to cheat on the math

test? What aspects in your upbringing would influence your decision?

EP 2.1.2

EP 2.1.4

328 Understanding Human Behavior and the Social Environment

people to a larger cosmic frame of reference, and

enables us to deal with suffering and mortality”

(Canda & Furman, 2010, p. 256; Fowler, 1981,

1996). During each faith stage, an individual grows

closer to a higher power and becomes more con-

cerned about the welfare of other people.

Fowler based his seven-stage theory on “a study

conducted from 1972 to 1981 to determine how peo-

ple viewed their personal history, how they worked

through problems to solutions, and how they formed

moral and religious commitments. He and his colla-

borators conducted 359 in-depth interviews with

mostly white men and women, primarily Christian

and Jewish, ranging in age from early childhood to

past age sixty-one” (Robbins, Chatterjee, & Canda,

2006, p. 282).

The following explains each of the seven stages.

Stage 1: Primal or Undifferentiated Faith (Birth to 2 Years) All people begin to develop their views of faith and

the world from scratch. Infants learn early on

whether their environment is safe or not, whether

they can trust or not. Are they being cared for in

warm, safe, secure family environments? Or are

they being hurt, neglected, and abused? People begin

to develop their use of language to express thought

and distinguish between themselves and others. They

start to develop relationships and ideas about what

those relationships mean.

Stage 2: Intuitive-Projective Faith (Ages 2 to 6) Children aged 2 to 6 continue developing their abil-

ity to glean meaning from their environments. What

children are exposed to in terms of spiritual lan-

guage and experiences is what they conceptualize

on their faith. During stage 2, children are egocen-

tric and manifest preoperational thought patterns.

Their view of faith and religion lacks in-depth

conceptualization and application to life experi-

ences. Their view of faith is that it is out there some-

place; it is whatever they’re exposed to. For instance,

to Herman, whose parents adhere to strict Wiscon-

sin Synod Lutheran Church beliefs, faith is going to

church, singing hymns, attending Sunday school,

and saying bedtime prayers every night. If asked

where God is, he says, “Everywhere,” because that’s

what he’s been told.

Stage 3: Mythic-Literal Faith (Ages 6 to 12) Development of conceptual thought continues over

this period. Stories are especially important as ways

to help children develop their thinking about life and

relationships. Individuals can be deeply moved by

dramatic representations and spiritual symbolism

such as religious ceremonies. The concrete opera-

tions period helps children distinguish between

what is real and what is not. During this stage, chil-

dren think more seriously about aspects related to

faith, although their “beliefs are literal and one di-

mensional”; Frame (2003) explains:

People in this stage often develop a concept of

God . . . as a cosmic ruler who acts with fairness

and moral reciprocity (Fowler, 1987). Persons in

the mythic-literal stage often assume that God

rewards goodness and punishes evil. They might

exhibit a kind of perfectionism in their efforts to

be rewarded for their goodness. On the other

hand, they could be self-abasing, assuming that be-

cause they have been abused or neglected by signif-

icant others, they are inherently bad and will be

punished. (p. 41)

Stage 4: Synthetic-Conventional Faith (Ages 12 and Older) During this stage, individuals develop their ability to

conceptualize and apply information in new ways.

They are exposed to much more of the world

through social, school, and media experiences.

They no longer perceive the world as literally as

they did in stage 3. On the one hand, people begin

to think more abstractly and, in some ways, view the

world from new perspectives. On the other hand,

they strive to conform. They have not yet critically

evaluated the fundamental basis of their faith.

Rather, they adhere to conventional ideology.

Duffey (2005) reflects on stage 4:

Faith is seen as that which brings people together

and provides a unifying concept and sense of be-

longing for family, congregation, and society. For

many, this is the terminal stage of development. In

this stage, individuals do not acknowledge differ-

ences in faith practices of others and view their

faith as the “one right, true, only way.” An exam-

ple of this stage can be seen in adolescents who

form groups based on fitting in: if you wear these

clothes, listen to this type of music, like these peo-

ple, etc., then you are part of the group. At this

stage, any image of deity is seen as a companion

and ally. Faith is rule bound and hierarchical with

no questioning of the group’s norms and beliefs.

(pp. 323–324)

Psychological Development in Adolescence 329

Stage 5: Individuative-Reflective Faith (Early Adulthood and Beyond) Critical thinking about the meaning of life charac-

terizes stage 5. “The focus of faith moves away

from being viewed as the unifying concept of the

group and more as making sense of the individual”

(Duffey, 2005, p. 324). People confront conflicts in

values and ideas, and they strive to establish their

individualized belief system. For example, a young

woman will seriously consider the extent to which

her own personal beliefs coincide with conventional

religious practices and beliefs. If her church con-

demns abortion, does she agree or not? If her

church denies membership to lesbian and gay peo-

ple, does she support this or not? Stage 5 marks the

construction of a more detailed internal spiritual

belief system that reflects an individual’s critical

evaluation of the physical and spiritual world.

“This stage may occur in those who stay within or-

ganized religious practice, as well as in those who

leave” (Duffey, 2005, p. 324).

Stage 6: Conjunctive Faith (Midlife and Beyond) Only one-sixth of all respondents in Fowler’s study

reached stage 6, conjunctive faith, and then never

before age 30. The concept that characterizes this

phase is integration. Individuals have confronted

the conflicts between their own views and conven-

tional ones and have accepted that such conflicts

exist. They have integrated their own beliefs into

their perception of the physical and spiritual uni-

verse. They have accepted that diversity and oppo-

sites characterize life. Good exists along with

evil. Happiness dwells beside sadness. Strength sub-

sists alongside weakness. Spiritual beliefs assume a

deeper perspective. Duffy (2005) explains: “The in-

dividual becomes more open to religious and spiri-

tual traditions different from one’s own. An

example of someone at this stage is a person willing

to respect the validity of another’s ‘truth’ even

when it contradicts one’s own, while simulta-

neously being able to communicate one’s own au-

thentic ‘truth’” (p. 324). Frame (2003) notes that

people “develop a passion for justice that is beyond

the claims of race, class, culture, nation, or reli-

gious community. These convictions enable people

in the conjunctive stage to lay down their defenses

and to tolerate differences in belief while staying

firmly grounded in their own personal faith sys-

tems” (pp. 42–43).

Stage 7: Universalizing Faith (Midlife and Beyond) Universalizing faith is characterized by selfless com-

mitment to justice on behalf of others. In stage 6,

people confront discrepancies and unfairnesses, inte-

grating them into their perception of how the world

operates. However, the self remains the primary ref-

erence point. An individual accepts and appreciates

his own vulnerability, and seeks his own continued

existence and salvation. Stage 7, however, reflects a

deeply spiritual concern for the greater good, the

benefit of the masses, above oneself. Such commit-

ment may involve becoming a martyr on behalf of

or devoting one’s life to some great cause at the ex-

pense of personal pleasure and well-being. Only a

tiny minority of people may reach this point. Martin

Luther King Jr., Mother Teresa, and Joan of Arc

are examples.

Critical Thinking: Evaluation of Fowler’s Theory Fowler provides a logically organized theory con-

cerning the development of faith. It follows Piaget’s

proposed levels of cognitive development, advancing

from the more concrete to the more abstract. It

makes sense that people increase their ability to

think critically, integrate more difficult concepts,

and develop deeper, more committed ideas and be-

liefs as their lives and thinking progress.

However, at least three criticisms

of the theory come to mind. First,

the sample on which it was based is

very limited in terms of race and reli-

gious orientation. Questions can be

raised regarding the extent to which

it can be applied universally to non-

Christian faiths worldwide.

Second, concepts of human diversity, oppression,

and discrimination are not taken into account. There

is an inherent assumption that all people start out

with a clean slate. In reality, some are born richer,

some poorer, some in high-tech societies, others in

third-world environments. To what extent do peo-

ple’s exposure to more ideas and greater access to

the world’s activities and resources affect the devel-

opment of faith? Are all people provided an equal

opportunity to develop faith? Do oppression and

discrimination affect one’s spirituality and the evolu-

tion of faith?

A third criticism is the difficulty of applying

Fowler’s theory to macro situations. How does the

EP 2.1.3, 2.1.5a, 2.1.9a

330 Understanding Human Behavior and the Social Environment