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Learning Objectives

By the end of the chapter you should be able to:

• Explain how culture allows large groups of people to live with one another

• Differentiate how independent and interdepen- dent cultures define the self and affect cognition, emotion, and motivation

• Describe the cultural dimensions of power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity versus feminin- ity, and short-term versus long-term orientation

• Describe some possible sources of cultural differences

• Differentiate sex and gender, gender role, and gender stereotype

Culture and Gender 3

Chapter Outline

3.1 Culture • Independent Versus Interdependent Cultures • Cultural Dimensions • The Source of Cultural Differences

3.2 Gender • Gender Differences: Source and Method • Gender Differences: What Are They?

Chapter Summary

• Explain what gender differences researchers have found regarding for math ability and aggression

• Explain what gender differences researchers have found regarding acceptance of casual sex, desired number of sexual partners, rea- sons for jealousy in a romantic relationship, and qualities desired in a romantic partner and a possible explanation for this group of differences

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

The 7 billion people on planet Earth inhabit the approximate 57,500,000 square miles of land surface. Gathered into groups, they make up around 196 countries and speak approximately 6,800–6,900 languages, depending on the definition of country and language. As groups of people have organized themselves, differentia- tions have developed. For instance, with some groups an activity begins at a spe- cific time, while for others the starting time is more fluid and the activities begin whenever everyone arrives. Such things as views of time are developed by people, but some differences are inborn; for instance, roughly half of the world population is male and half is female. In this chapter we explore some ways in which people are differentiated from one another on a large scale, first investigating cultural differ- ences and then looking at possible gender differences.

3.1 Culture

One challenge for people living in large social groups such as extended families, clans, tribes, states, and nations is organization. The human brain with all its com-plexity and ability to organize enables large social groups to live together with some degree of harmony (Adolphs, 2009; Dunbar, 1998). Groups must be able to get along and not hurt one another, to feed and shelter themselves, and to take care of offspring. Culture—shared beliefs, attitudes, values, and norms for behavior—allows large groups to maintain social order and avoid chaos by developing and passing down standard ways of living together. For example, when everyone in a culture shares an understanding of expected and appropriate greetings, everyone knows what to do when they meet friends and strangers. By having standard rules for shared and private space, groups know where to keep resources, engage in intimate acts, or deal with bodily needs.

Culture is visible in a variety of ways and also influences the structure of our brains. How peo- ple engage in daily interactions within a culture influences the way the brain is built (Kitayama & Park, 2010). As people meet and collaborate with one another, they learn how to engage in reward- ing interactions and how to avoid unpleasant or potentially dangerous interactions. This learning strengthens neural pathways, influencing future meetings as well as the general way in which the individual approaches the world. Each of our brains is uniquely qualified to engage in culture and specifically tuned to our own culture.

Independent Versus Interdependent Cultures Our sense of self is developed and continues to change over our lifetimes (Greve, Rothermund, & Wentura, 2005). Culture has a large impact on the development of our self-concepts. Cultures

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Many Western stories, like The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, center on an independent individual.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

Test Yourself

• Arnold offers to stay late at work to finish a project. How might explanations of his behavior be different in independent and interdependent cultures?

In an interdependent culture explanations might include his role as an employee or as provider for his family while in an independent culture explanations are likely to focus on his personal strong work ethic.

(continued)

vary greatly in many ways, one large difference being the way cultures view the self and connections with others. In independent cultures (or individualistic), people are viewed as separate, unique individuals whose qualities are independent of their social connec- tions. In interdependent cultures (or collectivistic), people are viewed as enmeshed within social connections such that the person cannot be described adequately without social context and connections (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Some of the differences between these cultures are summarized in Table 3.1.

Table 3.1: Characteristics of independent and interdependent cultures

Independent/Individualistic Interdependent/Collectivistic

Tend to be found in . . . United States, Western Europe Asia (e.g., Japan, Korea, China), Central and South America

The self is seen as . . . unique, not dependent on social context

flexible, varies with context

Internal attributes are . . . expressed through interactions with others; others allow for an expression of internal attributes

meaningful and complete only in interactions with others

Behavior is . . . largely determined by the self and one’s internal attributes

a result of the situation and social roles; internal attributes of the self are not powerful in regulating behavior

When individuals from an interdependent culture are asked to write down statements in response to the question “Who am I?” they tend to include more role-specific and concrete information (Cousins, 1989). For example, a Korean student might write that she is silly when with friends. People from independent cultures respond with more trait or attribute characterizations. An American might write that he is artistic. Notice how the individual from an interdependent culture included context (with friends) when describing herself, but the person from an independent culture did not. This is not to say that people in an independent culture never take into account the context or refer to themselves in relation to others or that people in an interdependent culture never describe themselves accord- ing to traits; individuals from each culture are simply more likely to use each description (Kashima, Koval, & Kashima, 2011).

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

Test Yourself (continued)

• When answering the question “Who am I?” for themselves, how do people in independent and interdependent cultures differ?

People from interdependent cultures are more likely to include context or role-related information in their responses than those from independent cultures.

Different cultural constructions of the self will impact people’s reactions to the environment. For instance, individuals in interdependent cultures pay much more attention to the setting or the surround- ings in all sorts of circumstances, while those from independent cultures focus on the main object or person, largely ignoring the setting. In a study that illus- trates this difference, participants were asked to watch an animated scene of fish, seaweed, and other aquatic objects. Both the American (independent culture) and Japanese (interdependent culture) par- ticipants noted the main fish, but the Japanese participants were much more likely to also make statements about the environment (“there was a pond”). Their judgments in later tasks were affected if the background was changed, though the background change made no difference for the American participants (Nisbett, Peng, Choi, & Norenzayan, 2001).

This tendency also plays out in relation- ships and view of self. Because indepen- dent cultures focus on the unique self, people have a large and elaborate body of knowledge about the self and a less elaborate body of knowledge about oth- ers (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). On the other hand, interdependent cultures focus more on relationships—some- thing evidenced in the way categories are formed (see Figure 3.1). When a group of Chinese children were asked to group cards containing pictures, they put women and babies into one category because of their relationship. American

Figure 3.1: Conceptual representations of the self

Researchers have discovered that participants with independent cultures (like North Americans) tend to focus more on the self, while those with interdependent cultures (like Chinese) tend to focus more on relationships.

From Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253. doi: 10.1037/0033-295X.98.2.224 Copyright .1991 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.

Co-worker

Sibling

Father

Mother

Friend

Self

Co-worker

Sibling

Father Mother

Friend

Self

Independent View of Self

Interdependent View of Self

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

Social Psychology in Depth: Personal Space

Each person on our planet requires a certain amount of space. The space needed to feel comfortable when interacting with others varies from culture to culture. Personal space is the bubble of space around an individual over which a person feels some kind of owner- ship. Because of this sense of ownership, individuals feel a sense of discomfort when their personal space is violated by someone being too close physically. If someone invades our space, we do not get more comfortable over the short term; our high level of discomfort remains (Hayduk, 1981). To prevent such invasions, we often erect barriers such as plac- ing personal objects in a space near to us (Fisher & Byrne, 1975). When someone does invade our space, we may do nothing, move personal belongings away from them, leave, say something to the invader, or strike up a conversation (Skolnick, Frasier, & Hadar, 1977).

Some space universals exist. Across cultures all people have a personal space. We begin to develop our sense of personal space around 3 years old, and it continues to enlarge until about age 21 (Hayduk, 1983).When strangers encounter one another, they leave space between them, though how that space is used will vary depending on situational factors (Høgh-Olesen, 2008; Pedersen & Heaston, 1972; Mazur, 1977).

(continued)

children tended to put the adults together because of shared category membership (i.e., they were both adults) (Chiu, 1972).

The expression of emotions also differs depending on culture. Individuals in interdepen- dent cultures tend to express more other-focused emotions, emotions like shame or sympa- thy that are centered on other people (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Ego-focused emotions, or those emotions that express a person’s attributes and are centered on the individual, are more often expressed by those in independent cultures. Anger and pride are ego-focused emotions. Expressing an emotion like anger is considered childish in interdependent cul- tures but is more accepted in independent cultures because these emotions come out of and help distinguish the self. For example, in order for people to express anger, they must feel some sort of injury or offense to the self, and they must also believe that it is all right for them to express that injury to the self.

In other studies on emotions, culture researchers found that independent cultures tend to focus more on positive feelings than negative feelings. Because independent cultures view emotions as an expression of the self, it makes sense that people would encourage their pos- itive emotions and suppress or avoid negative emotions. Emotions as expressions of the self are less important in interdependent cultures since the self is more clearly defined by oth- ers. Emotions, positive or negative, therefore receive less attention (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000). People in independent cultures generally report feeling emotions longer and more intensely than those from interdependent cultures (Mastumoto, Kudoh, Scherer, & Wallbott, 1988). For interdependent cultures such as Japan, such expressions disrupt social relationships and the harmony in the group, so they are less acceptable than interper- sonally engaged emotions (e.g., friendly feelings) (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000). For this reason, the Japanese have a series of emotions that involve relying on others that do not have counterparts in English. For example, amae refers to a dependence on others, feel- ing or hoping to feel cared for by someone (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

Social Psychology in Depth: Personal Space (continued)

In some cultures personal space is small. Such cultures are often called contact cultures and include Southern European countries, Latin American countries, and Arabian countries. Cul- tures with larger personal space are called no contact cultures. No contact cultures can be found in the countries of Northern Europe and North America (Remland, Jones, & Brinkman, 1995). Even greater distance for interacting dyads can be found in Asian cultures such as Japan (Beaulieu, 2004; Sussman & Rosenfeld, 1982).

Gender differences also exist for personal space. Women generally expect less personal space than men, particularly when interacting with other women (Skolnick, Frasier, & Hadar, 1977; Sussman & Rosenfeld, 1982). When space is invaded and they are touched with no justification for the contact, men react negatively to the intrusion. Women, on average, do not react negatively (Sussman & Rosenfeld, 1978).

Researchers have found physiological reactions to space invasion. When seated close to one another on a train, people showed an increase in stress hormones (Evans & Wener, 2007). Within the brain the amygdala seems to be important in the reaction to invasions of personal space. The amygdala is part of the brain’s limbic system and plays a role in emotional reactions, particularly aggression and fear. A patient with severe damage to her amygdala felt no discomfort even when standing nose-to-nose with another person (Kennedy, Gläscher, Tyszka, & Adolphs, 2009).

The tendency toward contextualization can create problems for counterfactual thinking, “what-if” types of thinking, or abstract reasoning. When participants in Taiwan and Hong Kong were asked to decide which parenting technique was most appropriate based on a paragraph explaining why a particular technique would be most helpful, many of them chose incorrectly. Their responses were not due to a lack of intelligence but rather a reluc- tance to answer something in a way that went against their own experience. They did not want to suggest parenting behavior to others that they believed would not work. Ameri- can participants may have disagreed with the conclusion of the paragraph based on their own experiences, but they were willing to answer in the abstract and choose the option suggested by the paragraph (Bloom, 1981; Markus & Kitayama, 1991).

Motivations differ for those from different cultures. In independent cultures, motives are internal and individual. Examples of motives might include achievement, self- actualization, or enhancing self-esteem. A student in an independent culture may enter a writing contest with the goal of showing how great a writer he is and to receive praise for his abilities. Motives for those in interdependent cultures, on the other hand, restrain the self and focus on others. These motives might include affiliation, nurtur- ance, or deference (i.e., respect or submission) (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). A student in an interdependent culture may join the chess club primarily as a way of gaining friends or honoring a teacher who asked her to join, rather than showing her abilities in competitions. When a student in interdependent cultures engages in actions because of a need for achievement, that achievement is not focused on achieving for the self but rather achieving to bring honor or meet expectations of one’s in-group (Yang, 1982). Motivations for actions in the two cultures certainly do overlap, but in each type of culture, each type of motive will be more dominant.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

Test Yourself

For each of the following, decide whether you’d be more likely to see it in an independent or an interdependent culture.

• Expression of anger

independent culture

• Accurate assessment of control in a situation

interdependent culture

• More intense emotions

independent culture

• Counterfactual thinking

independent culture

• Categorization based on relationships between objects

interdependent culture

• Sympathy

interdependent culture

• Achievement to better one’s own situation

independent culture

A motivation for people in Western (independent) cultures is not to fit in but to show their own traits, preferably in a favorable light. People from Western cultures take pride in their positive attributes to a greater degree than they are remorseful about their negative attri- butes. A great basketball player may take great pride in that attribute and be motivated to work to improve basketball skills even more. A lack of cooking skills probably will not bother him or her, so that person will not focus time and energy on improving those skills. For interdependent cultures, there is less of a discrepancy between ratings of positive and negative attributes, as well as less emphasis on positive attributes. Individuals from interdependent cultures also desire to improve their negative attributes rather than their positive attributes (Lo, Helwig, & Chen, 2011).

Cultural Dimensions There is more than one dimension of cultural differences. Hofstede (2001) explored cultural variability beyond differences in independent and interdependent cultures by surveying thousands of employees at multinational corporations, covering 72 different countries and many different languages. His early work was with the large, multina- tional company IBM, but he found similar results within particular cultures when he surveyed people in other organizations. To determine how cultures differ, he examined individualism versus collectivism (independent and interdependent), but also looked at power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity versus femininity, and long-term versus short-term orientation (see Figure 3.2).

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

Figure 3.2: Hofstede’s cultural dimensions

Hofstede surveyed various countries and discovered differing ranges between cultures on dimensions such as masculinity, long-term orientation, individualism, power distance, and uncertainty avoidance.

Based on Hofstede, G. H. (2001). Culture’s consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, institutions, and organizations across nations (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Power Distance Power distance has to do with the acceptance and promotion of a distance between those at differ- ent levels of power. In some countries, people are differentiated based on their position in a hierar- chy, and rights and benefits come with positions of power that are not afforded to those lower on the hierarchy. Japan, for instance, has a large power distance. A strong respect for the hierar- chy is evident in the Japanese language. The way individuals refer to themselves, for instance, changes depending on whether they are talking to a peer or to someone with power over them, like a teacher or a boss (Hamamura & Heine, 2008). Other countries high in power distance include Malaysia, Guatemala, and Panama.

In cultures with low power distance, such as Israel, Denmark, Austria, New Zealand, Canada,

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Dimensions

Masculinity Long-term orientation

Individualism Power distance Uncertainty avoidance

Japan India Philippines United States

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Employees from large power distance countries might be less likely to openly disagree with business executives.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

and the United States, rules and rituals that maintain status and power differences are rarer. Often the people within these cultures demand justification for inequality and work to equalize power. In countries with lower power distance, an employee might make sug- gestions or disagree with the supervisor. Rituals, like having the boss sit at the head of the table, may not be as rigidly adhered to, and leaders may use different strategies and styles to influence their workers (Jackson, Meyer, & Wang, 2013; Pasa, 2000). Cultures with a lower power distance, as well as more independent cultures, also tend to show more inno- vative ideas and products (Rinne, Steel, & Fairweather, 2012).

Uncertainty Avoidance Different cultures have different ways of dealing with the uncertainties of life. Some cul- tures prescribe specific behaviors in specific situations as a way to avoid life’s uncertain- ties. In many situations, new, different, or unorthodox ideas are unwelcome and viewed as potentially dangerous. In Guatemala, for example, appropriate rituals for greeting and saying good-bye are expected, and people have fairly rigid rules for acceptable behavior in various social situations. Attempts to change these rituals or disregard them will lead to negative interactions and loss of trust. Countries high in uncertainty avoidance include Greece, Guatemala, Uruguay, Portugal, Belgium, and Japan.

Other cultures are more relaxed when it comes to ambiguity, with few rules or rituals. Rather than being rigid, these cultures tend to be flexible and easygoing. In Jamaica, for instance, greetings may be quite informal, and few rituals are followed in everyday inter- actions. In cultures like Jamaica, wearing unusual clothing or engaging in non-normative behavior will have few social consequences. Countries low in uncertainty avoidance are Singapore, Sweden, Jamaica, and Denmark.

Masculinity Versus Femininity Masculine cultures are those in which men and women are expected to exhibit differ- ent qualities—men are expected to be assertive, and women are expected to be ten- der and caring. Some of the most masculine countries in the world are Japan, Austria, Venezuela, Italy, and Switzerland. In masculine cultures, men are socialized to be tough and focused on success, while women are to be modest. These cultures seek to foster and maintain differences between men and women through different norms for men/boys and women/girls (e.g., boys don’t cry), and by teaching men and women different things (e.g., women learn to cook). Masculine cultures tend to be more driven by qualities that are more often associated with men, such as achievement and success.

Feminine cultures are those where both men and women are socialized to be modest and tender (Hofstede, 2000). Feminine cultures tend to focus more on caring for their citizens and overall quality of life, investing more in human development programs (Rodrigues & Blumberg, 2000). For such cultures, some success may need to be sacrificed for the good of the people, rather than the people sacrificing to help the society succeed as would be done in a more masculine culture (van den Bos et al., 2010). Countries with more of a feminine culture include Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Costa Rica. The United States is closer to the masculine than feminine end of the spectrum but has elements of both.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

Test Yourself

• Where does U.S. culture stand on power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity versus femininity, and long-term versus short-term orientation?

The U.S. culture is one of low power distance, relatively low uncertainty avoidance, more masculinity than femininity, and a short-term orientation.

Long-Term Versus Short-Term Orientation Some cultures encourage delay of gratification and forward-thinking. These cultures are considered to have a long-term orientation and are focused on preparing for future events through saving and persistence in the present. For example, individuals in these cultures should show a higher savings rate and lower debt, since current wants or needs will receive lower priority than having resources for the future. Asian cultures often have a long-term orientation, with Japan, China, and Taiwan having the highest prevalence of this view.

Other cultures with a short-term orientation are more focused on the present and past. In these cultures, there is a greater emphasis on quick results, spending now instead of saving for the future, as well as a respect for past traditions. Cultures with short-term ori- entation include Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Spain, Philippines, Spain, Canada, and the United States. One’s orientation also influences the culture’s view of truth. For those with more of a short-term orientation, truth is absolute whereas with a long-term orientation, truth is more dependent on the situation (Hofstede, 1993).

The Source of Cultural Differences Where do these cultural differences originate? Pointing to just one source is difficult because such differences arise from many places. One theory about the source of differ- ences points to exploration of new frontiers. For example, when we compare the culture of those who migrated to new territories to those cultures who stayed put, differences in focus on the individual emerge. European Americans in the United States tend to be more individualistic than Europeans (Kitayama, Park, Sevincer, Karasawa, & Uskul, 2009). Greater individualism is also found within Japan among those who migrated from their original homes to new islands (Kitayama, Duffy, & Uchida, 2007). Researchers should find Spanish-speaking people in Latin America and Portuguese-speaking people in Brazil ver- sus their counterparts in Spain or Portugal to be more individualistic (Kashima et al., 2011).

Physical environment is also a factor in defining culture. Greater independence is needed in parts of the world where making a living requires constant adjustment and movement. Among nomadic people and those who herd animals, we tend to find more independent cultures. Greater interdependence tends to develop when people are living in close geo- graphic proximity and have low geographic mobility, such as those found in agricultur- ally based communities (Kitayama & Uskul, 2011). Additional differences are found when agricultural practices that require vigilance and hard work, such as those needed to grow

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Culture

rice, lead to a different approach to life than agricultural practices that rely on factors like the weather that are outside one’s control, such as those needed to grow wheat and other grains (Nisbett, 2003). Cultures with historic agricultural practices that require attention and diligent labor tend to see achievement as based on those factors. Cultures with his- toric agricultural practices that rely on wishes and prayers tend to view achievement as at least partially outside of their control.

Cultures are not static; they are constantly changing, affected by history, economics, and changes in the natural world. Some of the current differences in cultures come from events in history (Kitayama, Conway, Pietromanaco, Park, & Plaut, 2010). Japan, for example, made a drastic change in its political organization after World War II, moving from an empire to a democracy (Kashima, Koval, & Kashima, 2011). Yet on an individual level, culture is passed down from generation to generation and is changed by each generation.

A culture begins to exhibit cultural values with its children early on. For example, children in independent cultures tend to sleep in their own beds in their own rooms rather than co- sleeping, or sleeping in the same room or same bed as another family member (Shweder, Jensen & Goldstein, 1995). Co-sleeping is more common in interdependent cultures such as China (Huang, Wang, Zhang, Liu, 2010). Parents in the United States tend to direct their baby’s attention to objects in the world, while parents in Japan direct their baby’s attention to themselves or other people (Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000). In these and hundreds of other ways, children learn how to exist within their own culture and carry those patterns of behavior and perception into adulthood.

Because culturally appropriate responses to situations are learned early and feel natural, visiting or living in a place with a different culture creates culture shock. Culture shock is the result of a disparity between what feels natural or what one expects in a situation and the demands of that situation (Kitayama, Markus, Matsumoto, & Norasakkunkit, 1997). The larger the difference between one’s home country and the culture of the country one visits, the greater the culture shock (Zeitlin, 1996). Eating with one’s fingers at a formal occasion may feel wrong to an American but might be expected from a guest at a wedding in India. People who have more knowledge about cultural differences tend to encounter

iStockphoto/Thinkstock iStockphoto/Thinkstock

Parents begin instilling different cultural values in their children during infancy.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.2 Gender

less culture shock, perhaps because the differences between cultures are not as surpris- ing (Chen, Lin, & Sawangpattanakul, 2012). Although eating with a fork may always feel unnatural to someone who grew up eating with fingers, knowing that utensils are required will not come as a shock to a more culturally knowledgeable person. Awareness of culture shock can also help someone living or traveling in a new culture to identify what they are feeling and work through it (Zapf, 1991).

It is also important to remember that even though people are different across cultures, there are also a great number of differences between people within a culture. If you meet someone from a culture that is different from your own, you might use the differences between cultures described in this chapter as a starting point in learning about that per- son; however, it is important to remember that these descriptions may not all be present in that individual.

Test Yourself

• If someone were to tell you she came from a place that was settled by people who migrated from a distant homeland and were sheepherders, what could you predict about her culture?

Given the findings discussed in the section, it is likely her culture is more independent.

3.2 Gender

Besides culture, another potential source of difference between people is their sex. Although the words sex and gender are often used interchangeably, most psychol-ogists differentiate between the two terms. Sex refers to biological sex, based on chromosomes or genitalia. Gender, on the other hand, refers to differences between men and women that are based in culture, or to differences between men and women whose causality has not been established. Gender is socially constructed; sex is biologically based (Gentile, 1993; Unger & Crawford, 1993). Psychologists have investigated many potential differences between men and women and the source of those differences.

Gender Differences: Source and Method Biology is a major source of difference between men and women. Most men and women have different sex chromosomes, different hormone levels, different genitalia, and dif- ferent reproductive capabilities. If biology is the basis for differences between men and women, we should see such differences among almost all men and women in all cultures and over history. One theory that has its basis in the biological differences between men and women, particularly in their reproductive capacities, is evolutionary theory. Evolu- tionary theory will be described in more detail in the next section.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.2 Gender

Test Yourself

• If your friend said, “My husband should mow the lawn. That’s his job, he’s a man.” What is she expressing?

A gender stereotype because she is saying what a man should do because he is a man.

Another potential source of differ- ence between men and women is the environment. A social group may prescribe particular behaviors as appropriate for men and a different set of behaviors for women. Gender roles are cultural or group-based norms for appropriate behaviors and activities for men and women. For example, the female gender role in certain cultures and groups may include being nurturing and caring for others. A gender stereotype is a set of beliefs about what individuals of a certain gender are and should do and be. A gender stereotype might be that only women should be nurses. If the environment is the cause of differences between men and women, we should find somewhat different gender roles in different cultures and at different periods.

Cultura Limited/SuperStock

Gender roles are often prescribed in early childhood. A young girl might be given a doll to care for, while a young boy might be encouraged to manage a wooden train track.

Gender Differences: What Are They? One stereotype about women is that they are not as good at math as men (Nosek et al., 2009). Is there truth to this stereotype? In recent meta-analyses, researchers found no difference between the mathematical ability of boys/men and girls/women (Lindberg, Hyde, Petersen, & Linn, 2010). In direct opposition to this stereotype, girls earn bet- ter grades than boys in mathematics in elementary and high school (Kenney-Benson, Pomerantz, Ryan, & Patrick, 2006). Neither gender is favored in general mathematics ability in elementary and middle school, but researchers have found slight preference for men in complex problem solving in high school and college (Lindberg et al., 2010). In the past, girls were less likely to take advanced mathematics courses and are still somewhat less likely to take physics courses, so the discrepancy in complex problem solving may be due to lack of exposure and training in complex problem solving rather than something inherent in the female sex.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.2 Gender

In a study assessing nine predictors of mathematics performance at age 10, Melhuish and colleagues (2008) found that the best predictors were the mother’s education, quality of the home learning environment, and the effectiveness of the elementary school—not gen- der. Other predictors were birth weight, father’s education, family income, socioeconomic status, and preschool effectiveness. While gender gaps in math achievement do exist in different nations around the world, these gaps tend to occur when there are differences in school enrollment, participation of women in science and technology fields, and partici- pation of women in roles of governmental leadership (Else-Quest, Hyde, & Linn, 2010). Given all of these findings, we can fairly safely conclude that, with opportunities and encouragement, women and girls are just as capable in mathematics as men and boys.

Aggression is another variable where gender stereotypes are prevalent. In a meta- analysis of aggression, researchers find that men tend to be more aggressive than women, though the effect size is small (Bettencourt & Miller, 1996; Eagly & Steffen, 1986). In instances of aggression without provocation, men are more aggressive than women. But when a situation includes provocation, this difference largely disappears (Bettencourt & Miller, 1996). Provocation might include being insulted or being harmed by another per- son. When showing aggression, men and women have different responses. Women are more likely to aggress if they can use verbal aggression rather than physical aggression, and are also more likely to aggress if it is toward another woman rather than a man. Men also aggress more toward other men (Bettencourt & Miller, 1996). Because men and women are equally aggressive when provoked, some researchers have suggested that differences are largely based in social roles (Richardson & Hammock, 2007). Men are aggressive generally because their masculine social role calls for it, and women are not aggres- sive generally because their social role prohibits it. If, however, there is reason for aggression, both men and women are willing to show it.

On the other end of the spectrum, is there a difference between men and women in levels of cooperation? As with aggression, there is essentially no difference between the general cooperativeness of men and women (Balliet, Li, Macfarlan, & Van Vugt, 2011). There are some differences in the context in which men and women are cooperative. Men tend to cooperate more when they are working with other men. Women cooperate more in groups that include both men and women.

Men and women are different in their tendencies to forgive. Men are less likely to for- give than women. In a meta-analysis the effect size for this difference was small (Miller, Worthington, & McDaniel, 2008). A large difference between men and women was found for vengeance. Men had a greater desire for vengeance than women. The results of stud- ies in other cultures suggest that this desire for vengeance is one encouraged by cul- ture. In some cultures there are no differences in vengeance between men and women (Kadiangandu, Mullet, & Vinsonneau, 2001).

One possible explanation for gender differences is found in the social roles exhibited in interdependent and independent cultures. For interdependent cultures, behaviors associ- ated with gender roles are attributed to the role rather than the person. A woman’s nurtur- ing nature may not be something characteristic of herself but rather a requirement of her role as mother. In independent cultures, on the other hand, social roles have less power, so similar nurturing behaviors are believed to come out of an aspect of the self rather than the social role (Costa, Terracciano, & McCrae, 2001). Another possible explanation is that

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.2 Gender

inherent differences between men and women are difficult to see in cultures where social roles are prescribed. These inherent differences are more obvious only in more egalitar- ian cultures where men and women have the freedom to express what comes naturally to them—the personality characteristics they have based on biological endowment rather than based in social roles (Schmitt, Realo, Voracek, & Allik, 2008). More research is needed to tease out the source of these findings.

Across cultures, men and women also differ in their acceptance of casual sex, desired number of sexual partners, desired qualities of mates, and source of jealousy in intimate relationships. In general, men are more accepting of casual sex (Oliver & Hyde, 1993; Petersen & Hyde, 2010). Men prefer more sexual partners than women, particularly if they are asked to estimate how many partners they would desire if there were no social or health risks and no limitations in their ability to find willing women. With no risks or limi- tations, men respond that their ideal number of sexual partners during their lifetime is around 12.9, while women report an ideal number of 4.9. However, when viewed from a different angle, researchers found that 47% of the women had an interest in more than one partner compared to 76% of the men (Fenigstein & Preston, 2007). Another difference between men and women is that men place more emphasis on the physical attractiveness of a romantic partner (Feingold, 1990). Women tend to be pickier when choosing potential romantic partners and put more focus on status and potential to invest in children (Brase, 2006; Buss, 1989, 1995).

Evolutionary psychologist David Buss points to differences in adaptive challenges faced by men and women in evolutionary history as the cause of these differences. Because of biological dif- ferences, reproduction requires different things. A man’s genes can potentially be passed on by having sex one time with a fertile woman. A woman’s genes, however, can only be passed on if she has sex, gets pregnant, invests 9 months in the pregnancy, has a successful birth, and feeds and cares for the child until it can make it on its own. Women, then, have an exponentially larger investment in each offspring than men do. Given this difference, the major tasks of men in passing down their genes are to identify fertile women and convince them to have sex.

Unlike women, men do not necessarily know if an offspring of someone they had sex with is their own—a phenomenon Buss calls paternity uncertainty. There are two, non-mutually exclu- sive strategies to deal with this dilemma. A man can attempt to protect the woman he had had sex with from other men, thereby assuring that any offspring she produces are his. Because his

contribution to future children can be as small as a single act of sex, the other strategy a man could adopt is to attempt to have sex with as many women as possible, so even if

Evolutionary psychologists believe that biological factors, like paternity uncertainty and maternal investment, have shaped gender differences in mate selection.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.2 Gender

one woman ends up not having his baby, another might. Given her large investment in each offspring she produces, the major tasks of a woman, on the other hand, is to identify a man who is willing and able to invest in her and her offspring and protect herself from getting pregnant from a man who will not invest.

The gender differences in acceptance of casual sex, attractive qualities in the opposite sex, and feelings about different types of infidelity are generally found in all cultures around the world. Given this cross-cultural consistency, it is unlikely that social roles are the basis of these differences. Evolutionary psychologist David Buss points to differences in adap- tive challenges faced by men and women in evolutionary history as the cause of gen- der difference. Evolutionary theory proposes that characteristics of organisms that help them survive and reproduce in a particular environment will allow the genes of those organisms to be passed on. Organisms that do not have those advantages will not survive and, therefore, those genes will not continue into the future. With evolutionary theory, we would expect men who have the skills to provide for a woman to be more successful. In a hunter-gatherer society, such as that in which our ancestors lived, a man’s physical attributes, such as his ability to throw a spear quickly and accurately, would make him more successful.

Based on their reproductive challenges, it makes sense that women would be more picky when choosing mates. Women need to identify men who have the resources to invest, that is, those of higher status and who are willing to invest in children. Evolutionary theory also attributes women’s desire for fewer sexual partners and tendency to be more upset by emotional infidelity to her desire to protect her children. Emotional infidelity could mean the man in her life would leave and invest in someone else, leaving her with fewer resources to care for her children. Evolutionarily speaking, men’s desire for more attrac- tive partners may be rooted in the need for men to identify fertile women. Similarly, men’s need to identify their children as their own explains why men are more upset when their romantic partners have sex with another person.

Evolutionary theory may not be the only way to explain cross-cultural similarities in gen- der differences. There is also the social structural theory. According to Alice Eagly and Wendy Wood (1999), some basic biological differences led, historically, to a difference in the structure of societies. Larger body size and strength led men to engage in more physi- cal activities. The physical demands of pregnancy and lactation led women to engage in more home-based pursuits that could be interrupted by demands of small children. Because men and women have the same biologically based capabilities across cultures, these societies tended to organize themselves in similar ways. Men tended to specialize in activities like hunting or herding that brought greater resources, power, and status. Women could not engage in those activities and therefore were more likely to be depen- dent and specialize in nurturing activities. According to the social structural theory, the majority of differences between men and women are based in the social structure—if the social structure is changed, so too will the differences between men and women. Indeed, in countries with greater gender equality, the social status of the man is not as important to women as in countries with less gender equality. Men are less interested in the domestic skills of women in more egalitarian countries.

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CHAPTER 3Chapter Summary

Test Yourself

• Name two variables that meta-analyses have found are not appreciably different for men and women.

Math ability, aggression with provocation

• Name three variables where differences between men and women have been found.

Aggression without provocation, acceptance of casual sex, desired number of sexual part- ners, reasons for jealousy in a romantic relationship, qualities desired in a romantic partner

Overall, men and women are more alike than different. Some differences, particularly those that are common in most cultures, can reasonably be attributed to different chal- lenges in evolutionary history but might also be based in a society’s social structure. Dif- ferences that vary from culture to culture, such as those in math performance, are better explained as due to social factors such as gender norms within a culture.

Conclusion The billions of people who live on planet Earth have organized themselves into groups, and, as a group, have developed particular ways of relating that are unique to their group. Cultures differ in various ways, and these differences impact the way people encounter and think about their worlds. Differences between men and women are another source of difference. Some differences between men and women are based in biology, but some differences are due to the roles they play due to group or cultural influences.

Chapter Summary

Culture Cultures can be divided into those that emphasize independence of the self from others, such as those found in the United States and Western Europe, and those that focus on context and social roles as important, such as those found in Asia and Central and South America. These independent and interdependent constructions of self affect how people think, feel, and what motivates them. Cultures differ in terms of power distance, uncer- tainty avoidance, masculinity versus femininity, and short-term orientation versus long- term orientation.

Gender Gender differences may originate in biological differences between men and women, or may arise from different expectations for men and women in different cultures or groups, or a combination of the two. Few differences exist in men and women, such as

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CHAPTER 3Key Terms

evolutionary theory The theory that characteristics of organisms that help them survive and reproduce in a particular environment will allow the genes of those organisms to be passed on to the next generation.

gender Differences between men and women that are based in culture or that refer to differences between men and women whose causality has not been established. Contrast with sex.

gender roles Cultural or group-based norms for appropriate behaviors and activities for men and women.

gender stereotype A set of beliefs about what individuals of a certain gender are and should do and be.

independent cultures Cultures where people are viewed as separate, unique individuals whose qualities are indepen- dent of their social connections.

interdependent cultures Cultures where people are viewed as enmeshed within social connections such that the person cannot be described adequately with- out social context and connections. Also referred to as collectivistic cultures.

personal space The bubble of space around an individual over which a person feels some kind of ownership.

sex Biological sex, based on chromosomes or genitalia. Contrast with gender.

mathematical ability and aggression with provocation. Differences that do exist can often be traced to differences within cultures’ social roles. Evolutionary theory helps explain differences in men’s and women’s acceptance of casual sex, desired number of sexual partners, desired qualities in a mate, and reasons for jealousy. Some of these differences can also be explained by the ways societies tend to build social structures to address bio- logical differences.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. What are some advantages of living in an independent culture? What are some advantages of living in an interdependent culture?

2. If cognition, emotion, and motivation are different in independent and interde- pendent cultures, what else about people might be different?

3. The chapter discusses the effect of independent and interdependent cultures on sense of self. How might Hofstede’s cultural dimensions influence a person’s sense of self?

4. What other gender differences might exist? Do you think these differences are based in biology or have been developed because of social factors?

5. At times, evolutionary explanations for behavior make people uncomfortable because someone might claim these differences are based in evolutionary history and cannot be changed or controlled by the individual. Is such a claim legiti- mate? How would you respond to someone who made that argument?

Key Terms

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