editing needed in 6 hours
ContentServer (1)aaaa.pdf
AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR Volume 38, pages 281–287 (2012)
Effects of Prosocial, Neutral, and Violent Video Games on Children’s Helpful and Hurtful Behaviors Muniba Saleem∗, Craig A. Anderson, and Douglas A. Gentile
Department of Psychology, Center for the Study of Violence, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa
: : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :
Recent research reveals that playing prosocial video games increases prosocial cognitions, positive affect, and helpful behaviors [Gentile et al., 2009; Greitemeyer and Osswald, 2009, 2010, 2011]. These results are consistent with the social-cognitive models of social behavior such as the general learning model [Buckley and Anderson, 2006]. However, no experimental studies have examined such effects on children. Previous research on violent video games suggests that short-term effects of video games are largely based on priming of existing behavioral scripts. Thus, it is unclear whether younger children will show similar effects. This research had 9–14 years olds play a prosocial, neutral, or violent video game, and assessed helpful and hurtful behaviors simultaneously through a new tangram measure. Prosocial games increased helpful and decreased hurtful behavior, whereas violent games had the opposite effects. Aggr. Behav. 38:281–287, 2012. C© 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
: : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :
Keywords: prosocial media; media violence; video games; aggression; helping
INTRODUCTION
Effects of Prosocial, Neutral, and Violent Video Games on Helpful and Hurtful Behaviors
A major development in mass media over the last 25 years has been the advent and rapid growth of the video game industry. From the earliest arcade- based console games, video games have been imme- diately and immensely popular, particularly among young people. Additionally, the introduction of video games to the home market only served to further ele- vate their prevalence [Gentile, 2009]. Because of their widespread popularity, social scientists, parents, and politicians have been concerned with the potential ef- fects of video games, focusing particularly on games with violent content and their harmful effects on chil- dren. This is evident in the recent Schwarzenegger vs. Entertainment Merchants Association Supreme Court case that debated state regulation of video game sales to minors.
Although there is an extensive base of scientific lit- erature on the negative effects of violent video games [see Anderson et al., 2010 for a metaanalysis], re- search on prosocial games is much more limited. Few empirical studies have tested the effect of prosocial video game content on helpful and hurtful behaviors and results from these studies suggest that prosocial content in games can in fact increase prosocial be-
havior in the short and long terms [e.g., Gentile et al., 2009; Greitemeyer and Osswald, 2010, 2009]. Additionally, recent studies have started to explore the causal mechanisms responsible for the effects of prosocial video games on helpful and hurtful behav- iors. Results from some studies suggest that these ef- fects may be due to changes in cognitive beliefs [e.g., Gentile et al., 2009; Greitemeyer and Osswald, 2010, 2011], whereas other studies suggest these effects are due to changes in affect [Greitemeyer and Osswald, 2010; Saleem et al., 2012]. Overall, both types of ef- fects are consistent with social-cognitive models of so- cial behavior, including the General Leaning Model [GLM; Buckley and Anderson, 2006; Maier and Gen- tile, 2012].
Briefly, social-cognitive learning theories (e.g., GLM) propose that input variables (personal and situational) affect a person’s internal states (cogni- tion, affect, and arousal) and ultimately guide the person’s learning (through multiple mechanisms) and behavioral responses [Buckley and Anderson, 2006;
∗Correspondence to: Muniba Saleem, Department of Psychology, Iowa State University, W112 Lagomarcino Hall, Ames, IA 50010. E-mail: [email protected]
Received 18 July 2011; Accepted 1 February 2012
Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com). DOI: 10.1002/ab.21428
C© 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
282 Saleem et al.
Bushman and Huesmann, 2006; Gentile and Gentile, 2008; Huesmann and Kirwil, 2007; Maier and Gen- tile, 2012; Swing et al., 2008]. Specific to the present study, these theories suggest that playing a prosocial video game should prime knowledge structures re- lated to prosocial actions, including associated cogni- tions, feelings, and physiological arousal. Of course, the efficacy of priming prosocial behavioral scripts depends on the existence of such scripts and chronic accessibility. For example, Bushman and Huesmann (2006) showed that brief experimental manipulations of media violence tend to produce somewhat larger short-term effects on older participants (mostly col- lege students) than on younger ones. This difference in short-term effects occurs because short-term ef- fects of media exposure are primarily attributed to activation of existing knowledge structures and chil- dren have less developed knowledge structures and fewer existing encoded cognitions based on their lim- ited experience. Although previous work has tested the short-term effect of violent content on children, the short-term effect of prosocial content on children remains unexplored.
In addition to short-term effects the social-cognitive learning theory predicts that repeated practice with prosocial (or antisocial) behavioral scripts can yield several long-term effects, including the develop- ment of and changes in precognitive and cogni- tive constructs (perception and expectation schemata, beliefs, scripts), cognitive-emotional constructs (at- titudes and stereotypes) and affective traits (condi- tioned emotional responses, empathy, trait hostility). Indeed, recent longitudinal studies (some as short as 3 months, others as long as 30 months) have found that children and adolescents who play a lot of vio- lent video games become more aggressive over time, even after controlling for earlier aggressiveness and other theoretically relevant variables [Anderson et al., 2007, 2008; Hopf et al., 2008; Moller and Krahe, 2009; Wallenius and Punamaki, 2008]. Aggressive be- haviors in these studies included getting into fights and delinquency. In terms of prosocial video game ef- fects, the only published longitudinal study found that prosocial video game exposure significantly predicted prosocial behavior 4–5 months later, even after statis- tically controlling for other relevant variables [Gentile et al., 2009].
In addition to situation variables, the social- cognitive learning theories suggest that person vari- ables (e.g., trait aggression) may also directly or in- directly influence prosocial and antisocial outcomes. For example, individual differences in aggressiveness might interact with the presence of violent stim- uli in the elicitation of aggression-related thoughts,
emotional states, action tendencies, and behavioral responses. More specifically, high trait aggressive in- dividuals might manifest all of these responses to aggressive cues more than individuals low on trait aggression, because they have more extensive ag- gressive cognitive-associative networks. Indeed, Bush- man (1995) found that media violence was more likely to evoke aggressive affect and behavior in high rather than low trait aggressive individuals. Similarly, Gentile et al. (2009) found trait aggression to be pos- itively related to hurting and negatively related to helping behavior. These findings are important in un- derstanding the complicated interactions between ha- bitual personality variables (e.g., trait aggression) and situational variables (e.g., media violence exposure). Thus, in the present study a measure of trait aggres- sion was included to better understand the combined influence of person and situation variables on helpful and hurtful behaviors.
In sum, previous research finds support for the short- and long-term effects of violent video games on helpful and hurtful behaviors using samples of children as well as adults [see Anderson et al., 2010 for a metaanalytic review). Similarly, prior re- search on prosocial video games has tested short- term (experimental) effects on adults, and long-term (cross-sectional, longitudinal) effects on children and adolescents [Gentile et al., 2009; Greitemeyer and Osswald, 2009, 2011]. However, one gap concerns whether brief exposure to prosocial games (relative to violent and neutral games) increases helpful and de- creases harmful behavior among children. This ques- tion is important considering short-term effects of media exposure are usually attributed to the priming of existing well-encoded scripts, schemas, and beliefs, cognitive structures that are not as well developed in children as in adults. Thus, the main focus of the cur- rent research was to examine the effects of prosocial, neutral, and violent video games on helpful and hurt- ful behaviors using a sample of 9–14 years olds. A secondary focus was to further validate the help/hurt tangram measure [Gentile et al., 2009, Study 3), which simultaneously assesses helpful and hurtful behaviors, with a different age group.
METHODS
Participants
Participants were recruited for this study by an ad- vertisement in the local paper and by contacting inter- ested parents compiled from previous studies. Each child participant (104 males, 87 females) with ages ranging from 9 to 14 (M = 11.4) completed the study individually and received 20 dollars. The study was
Aggr. Behav.
Helping and Hurting 283
approved by the Iowa State University’s Institutional Review Board and all participants were treated in ac- cordance with APA ethical guidelines.
Materials and Measures
Trait aggression. The 9-item physical aggres- sion subscale of the aggression questionnaire was ad- ministered prior to the experimental manipulation to assess trait aggression [Buss and Perry, 1992]. The Buss–Perry aggression questionnaire has been suc- cessfully used to assess trait aggression with a range of age groups including elementary school children [e.g., Reynes and Lorant, 2001, 2003, 2004; Walters et al., 2010; Zhen et al., 2011]. Participants rated their agreement with statements on a 5-point scale (1 = “Extremely uncharacteristic of me,” 5 = “Extremely characteristic of me”), alpha = .81.
Video games. Four E-rated video games were used: two violent (Ty2, n = 31, Crash Twin sanity, n = 32); and two neutral (Pure Pinball, n = 30, Su- per Monkey Ball Deluxe, n = 30). One E-10 game was used for the prosocial category (Chibi Robo, n = 671). Ty2 and Crash Twin sanity are action adventure games in which the goal is to complete various stages by defeating the enemies and bosses, while overcom- ing any obstacles on the way. The goal of Pinball is to keep the ball on the table using the left and right trig- gers. Super Monkey ball requires the player to guide a monkey through various puzzles toward the goal within the time limit. Chibi Robo lets the player con- trol a robot whose job is to make its family happy by cleaning up, helping them out in their chores, and everyday tasks. As the player cleans up throughout the house, they earn Happy Points that improve their robot’s ranking. The player can do several things to get happy points (e.g., picking up trash and throwing it in a trashcan, scrubbing stain marks with a tooth- brush). All video games were played for 30 min.
Helping or hurting behavior. Helping or hurt- ing behavior was assessed using the tangram puzzle procedure [Gentile et al., 2009]. Tangrams are based on seven differently shaped plastic pieces (e.g., small square, large triangle) used to form a specified out- lined shape. Participants chose 11 puzzles that their “partner” would attempt to complete from a set of ten easy, ten medium, and ten hard puzzles. Participants were told that their partner would win a $10 gift cer- tificate if he/she completed at least ten of the assigned puzzles within 10 min. Thus, participants could help
1A second prosocial game (as in Gentile et al., 2009) was initially tested, but its difficulty prevented many children from getting to the prosocial parts of the game.
their partner by assigning easy puzzles, or hurt their partner by assigning hard puzzles.
Postexperimental questionnaire. Participants rated their game on several dimensions using 10-point scales: action-packed, enjoyable, exciting, entertain- ing, fun, involving, hard to play, frustrating. They also rated their “ability on the video game task.” Repli- cating prior work [Anderson and Dill, 2000], these individual ratings formed a “fun” scale (alpha = .92) and a “difficulty” scale (alpha = .70). They were not significantly correlated with each other (r = .06). Par- ticipants also indicated their agreement with a state- ment that “The game involved helping other people” and a statement that “The game was violent.”
PROCEDURE
After arrival, both parent and child completed con- sent forms explaining the overall purpose2 and pro- cedures. Participants were told that the research in- volved how playing different video games affected performance on puzzles. Participants were told that they would play a video game by themselves, work together with a partner on a puzzle task, and that they would choose 11 tangrams for their partner to complete (there was no actual partner). If their part- ner completed ten of the 11 tangrams within 10 min, their partner would win a $10 gift certificate. They were told that after selecting tangrams for their part- ner they would receive 11 tangrams from their partner, and that although their performance would be scored they were not eligible to win a gift certificate. To jus- tify this unequal treatment, participants were told that one of the study’s goals was to determine whether a potential prize influences performance within this tangram task.
Participants received standardized tangram instruc- tions and a practice packet. After demonstrating un- derstanding of the tangram task, participants received video game instructions and practiced until they demonstrated mastery of the controls. Participants played the assigned game for 30 min by themselves. Then they chose 11 tangrams to assign their partner, and were encouraged to pick from multiple difficulty categories. Finally, participants completed the pos- texperimental questionnaire (including demograph- ics) and a funnel debriefing with open-ended probes for suspicion. Fourteen suspicious participants were identified and excluded from analyses, 11 males and
2The child was given a slightly different version of the consent form in which they were led to believe that there is an actual partner they will be participating with. The parent’s consent form revealed that there is no actual partner in this study.
Aggr. Behav.
284 Saleem et al.
three females. Suspicion was unrelated to experimen- tal condition, P > .20.
RESULTS
Scoring Tangram Choices
Participants chose medium difficulty tangrams most frequently (Mmedium = 4.65), followed by the hard (Mhard = 3.67), and easy tangrams (Measy = 2.70). Because the task had ten puzzles per difficulty level, participants had to pick from at least two cate- gories. It is possible for someone to pick ten medium tangrams and one easy (or hard) tangram to com- plete the 11 required. However, this individual is not necessarily intending to help (or harm) their partner, because the partner needed to complete only ten tan- grams to win the gift certificate. Thus, “helping” was operationally defined as the number of “easy” puzzles greater than one. Similarly, “hurting” was defined as the number of “hard” puzzles greater than one3.
Preliminary Analyses
Manipulation check. Participants’ perceptions of helpful and violent content in their assigned game were analyzed with a 3 (game type: prosocial, neu- tral, or violent) × 2 (rating type: helping or violent) analysis of variance, with rating type as a repeated measures factor. The predicted game type by rating type interaction was significant, F(2, 157) = 117.43, P < .001. The prosocial game (M = 7.18) was rated sig- nificantly higher on helpfulness than either the neutral (M = 2.13) or violent games (M = 1.84), Fs(1, 157) = 129.58 and 162.12, Ps < .001, respectively. The latter two conditions were not significantly different, F <
1.00. Also, the violent games (M = 4.54) were rated significantly higher on violence than the neutral (M = 1.07) or prosocial games (M = 1.28), Fs(1, 157) = 106.42 and 104.84, Ps < .001, respectively. The latter two were not significantly different, F < 1.00.
Covariates. Separate one-way ANOVAs (game type: prosocial, neutral, or violent) were conducted on the fun and difficulty game ratings. Difficulty ratings differed by game type, F(2, 169) = 20.07, P < .001. Contrasts revealed that the violent games (M = 4.68) were perceived as more difficult than the prosocial (M = 2.78) and neutral (M = 3.74) games, Fs(1, 169)
3For example, participants who chose 3 easy tangrams were assigned a “helping” score of 2. As in Gentile et al., 2009, the correlation between the raw # of easy and hard tangrams was large, r = −0.61, p < .001. Also as in that study, the “greater than one” scoring procedure reduced this correlation, r = −0.51, p < .001. Note that using the raw scores in the main analyses yielded results that were essentially the same as those reported here, also as in Gentile et al., 2009.
= 40.14 and 9.29, Ps < .001 and .01, respectively. The neutral games were rated as more difficult than the prosocial game, F(1, 169) = 9.51, P < .01. Thus, difficulty rating was used as a covariate in all analyses of the help/hurt tangram choices.
Fun ratings did not differ by game type, nor were any specific game contrasts significant, Fs < 2.00, Ps > .15. Furthermore, preliminary analyses found no significant effects of fun ratings or participant sex on helping and hurting behavior. Therefore, these pre- dictors were dropped.
Main Analyses: Tangram Choices
A 3 (game type: prosocial, neutral, or violent) × 2 (behavior type: helping or hurting) analysis of covari- ance was conducted on helping and hurting tangram behavior, with behavior type as a repeated factor, and trait aggression and game difficulty as covariates. The game type by trait aggression interaction was not sig- nificant and thus was not included in the final model. Game difficulty yielded no significant effects, Ps >
.50, and is not discussed further. Video game effects. The main prediction was
that playing a prosocial game would lead to increased helpful and decreased hurtful behavior, relative to vi- olent games, with neutral games yielding intermediate behaviors. The means (shown in Fig. 1) fit this model quite well, and the specific contrast testing this model (decreasing linear contrast from prosocial to neutral to violent games for helpful behavior, increasing lin- ear contrast for hurtful behavior) accounted for 97% of the predicted interaction variance, F(1, 152) = 9.02, P < .001. Furthermore, deviations from the predicted pattern were nonsignificant, F < 1.
Fig. 1. Helpful and hurtful puzzle choices as a function of video game played.
Aggr. Behav.
Helping and Hurting 285
For both helpful and hurtful behavior, the proso- cial and violent game conditions were significantly different. Those who played a prosocial game were significantly more helpful (M = 2.25; SD = 2.23) than those who had played a violent game (M = 1.43; SD = 1.48), F(1, 152) = 4.65, P < .05, d = 0.35. Those who played a violent game were significantly more hurtful (M = 3.23; SD = 1.86) than those who played a prosocial game (M = 2.01; SD = 2.03), F(1, 152) = 9.20, P < .01, d = 0.49. The neutral condition means for helpful (M = 1.77; SD = 1.47) and hurtful (M = 2.82; SD = 1.89) behaviors fell between the other two game conditions.
Trait aggression effects. The behavior type by trait aggression interaction also was significant, F(1, 152) = 5.82, P < .05, d = .39. As expected, trait aggression was positively related to hurtful behavior and negatively related to helpful behavior, bhurtful = 0.15, P < .05, bhelpful = −0.16, P < .05, respectively. This further validates the tangram task as a measure of both prosocial and aggressive behavior.
DISCUSSION
The main goal of the current study was to test if short-term exposure to prosocial video games can in- crease helpful and decrease hurtful behaviors in chil- dren compared to neutral and violent games. Results revealed that video games with prosocial content in- creased helpful and decreased hurtful behaviors in a short-term experimental context with children. In contrast, children’s games with violent content in- creased hurtful and decreased helpful behavior. This study adds to the existing literature in several ways: (1) it is the first to test experimental prosocial video game effects on children; (2) it provides additional validity tests of the Tangram procedure for assessing aspects of helpful and hurtful behavior; (3) it is one of a handful of experimental studies that have used vio- lent children’s video games rather than more graphic and realistic violent games.
Sestir and Bartholow (2010) recently demonstrated that some nonviolent games can decrease aggression, despite having no prosocial content. Whether a given game or game-type appears to increase or decrease aggression or prosocial behavior depends, of course, on the conditions with which it is being compared. No-game comparison conditions have been problem- atic in this domain, because they differ in so many ways from the key violent or prosocial game condi- tions. Among other things, they tend to be boring or even frustrating to participants, especially to those who expected to be playing a video game or who
believe that other participants are playing. There- fore, most video game experiments have all partici- pants play some type of game, and the best ones as- sess potential confounding variables (such as fun and frustration) and control for them statistically when necessary. In the present experiment, even after sev- eral theoretically relevant factors were accounted for, results revealed that prosocial game content increased helpful and decreased hurtful behavior relative to both violent and neutral games.
The idea of prosocial games increasing helpful be- haviors in children in the short term is encouraging. Of course, more significant is the potential for these short-term effects to produce long-term changes. In- deed, social-cognitve learning theories suggests that the processes that produce such short-term effects can, with repeated exposure, lead to long-term in- creases in the accessibility and use of prosocial knowledge structures (including behavioral scripts), as demonstrated in cross-sectional and longitudinal studies [Gentile et al., 2009]. Although results from the present study are encouraging in finding be- havioral effects of prosocial games, it is important to study the underlying mechanisms responsible for these behavioral effects. Previous studies on proso- cial video game effects suggest that these behavioral effects might be due to changes in cognition [e.g., Gen- tile et al., 2009; Greitemeyer and Osswald, 2010, 2011] as well as affect [Greitemeyer and Osswald, 2010; Saleem et al., 2012]. Note that the studies testing the effects of prosocial games on affect have used an adult sample. Future research should explore this link us- ing a sample of children. It would be ideal to test the effects of prosocial video game content on prosocial and antisocial cognitions, affect, and behaviors within the same study in order to do meditational analyses exploring the underlying mechanisms responsible for prosocial effects on prosocial behaviors.
Similar to the behavioral study by Gentile et al. (2009), the present study assessed helpful and hurt- ful behaviors using a single help/hurt tangram mea- sure. This method has an important advantage in that helpful and hurtful behaviors can be assessed simulta- neously. Although helpful and hurtful behaviors are conceptually distinct, they often are inversely related especially in the short-term real world contexts. For example, when people engage in a hurtful behavior toward a target person, they seldom simultaneously engage in helpful behavior toward that same target. By allowing participants the option to help, be neu- tral, or hurt another individual, this tangram measure has the potential to assess a range of interpersonal be- haviors related to conflict.
Aggr. Behav.
286 Saleem et al.
However, an important limitation of this design is that individuals who score high on helpfulness by se- lecting a greater number of easy puzzles will tend to score low on hurtfulness, and vice versa. Indeed, even after using our “greater than one” scoring proce- dure, the correlation between the helpful and hurtful scores remained at r = −.51. Thus, there is an is- sue of nonindependence in the way hurtfulness and helpfulness is assessed using the tangram measure. In previous studies [Gentile et al., 2009] and in the current study, this concern has been addressed in at least three ways: (1) ignoring the medium cate- gory for the analyses, thus reducing interdependence; (2) using the number of easy and difficult puzzles greater than one instead of raw scores so partici- pants can obtain a score of 0 on both helpfulness and hurtfulness; and (3) entering both helpful and hurtful scores as a within-subject factor. An alterna- tive scoring procedure is to derive one overall score by assigning equidistant weights to hard, medium, and easy choices, such −1, 0, +1.4 In the present study, this overall score yielded significant main ef- fects of game type, F(2, 152) = 4.43, P < .05, and trait aggression, F(1, 152) = 5.31, P < .05. The pat- tern of means was as expected, with the most positive scores by participants who had played the prosocial game and the most negative scores by those who had played a violent game. This contrast pattern was sig- nificant, F(1, 152) = 8.40, P < .01, and accounted for 95% of the between groups variance. Of course, none of these solutions completely solve the nonin- dependence question, either with the tangram task or with the broader conceptual questions of whether people can (or do) try to help and hurt others at the same time. Nonetheless, the present study found that prosocial and violent video games with unreal- istic cartoonish characters significantly affected chil- dren’s behavior in a task where they could help or hurt another child. We believe that there is a need for continued research using novel measures, such as the tangram task, in order to fully understand video game effects on children. Furthermore, additional work with the tangram task is needed to explore its conceptual and methodological advantages and lim- itations within the prosocial and aggressive behavior literatures.
4Note that statistically this is identical to assigning 1, 2, & 3 to the number of hard, medium, and easy tangram choices. We prefer −1, 0, & +1 because negative and positive scores indicate a preponderance of hard vs. easy choices.
REFERENCES
Anderson CA, Gentile DA, Buckley K. 2007. Violent video game effects on children and adolescents. New York: Oxford University Press.
Anderson CA, Sakamoto A, Gentile DA, Ihori N, Shibuya A, Yukawa S, et al. 2008. Longitudinal effects of violent video games aggres- sion in Japan and the United States. Pediatrics 122:1067–1072.
Anderson CA, Dill KE. 2000. Video games and aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behavior in the laboratory and in life. J Pers Soc Psychol 78:772–790.
Anderson CA, Shibuya A, Ihori N, Swing EL, Bushman BJ, Sakamoto A, et al. 2010. Violent video game effects on aggression, empathy, and prosocial behavior in Eastern and Western countries. Psychol Bull 136:151–173.
Buckley KE, Anderson CA. 2006. A theoretical model of the effects and consequences of playing video games. In: Vorderer P, Bryant J, editors. Playing video games—motives, responses, and conse- quences. Mahwah, NJ: LEA. pp 363–378.
Bushman BJ, Huesmann LR. 2006. Short-term and long-term effects of violent media on aggression in children and adults. Arch Pediat Adol Med 160:348–352.
Buss AH, Perry M. 1992. The aggression questionnaire. J Pers Soc Psychol 63:452–459.
Gentile DA. 2009. Pathological video game use among youth 8 to 18: A national study. Psychol Sci 20:594–602.
Gentile DA, Anderson CA, Yukawa S, Ihori N, Saleem M, Ming LK, et al. 2009. The effects of prosocial video games on prosocial be- haviors: International evidence from correlational, experimental, and longitudinal Studies. Pers Soc Psychol B 35:752–763.
Gentile DA, Gentile JR. 2008. Violent video games as exemplary teach- ers: A conceptual analysis. J Youth Adolesc 9:127–141.
Greitemeyer T, Osswald S. 2009. Prosocial video games reduce aggres- sive cognitions. J Exp Soc Psychol 45:896–900.
Greitemeyer T, Osswald S. 2010. Effects of prosocial video games on prosocial behavior. J Pers Soc Psychol 98:211–221.
Greitemeyer T, Osswald S. 2011. Playing prosocial video games in- creases the accessibility of prosocial thoughts. J Soc Psychol 151:121–128.
Huesmann LR, Kirwil L. 2007. Why observing violence increases the risk of violent behavior in the observer. In: Flannery DJ, Vazsonyi AT, Waldman ID, editors. The Cambridge handbook of violent behavior and aggression. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp 545–570.
Hopf WH, Huber GL, Weis RH. 2008. Media violence and youth violence: A 2-year longitudinal study. J Media Psychol 20:79–96.
Maier JA, Gentile DA. 2012. Learning aggression through the me- dia: Comparing psychological and communication approaches. In: Shrum LJ, editor. The psychology of entertainment media: Blur- ring the lines between entertainment and persuasion, 2nd edition. New York: Taylor & Francis. pp 267–299.
Moller I, Krahe B. 2009. Exposure to violent video games and aggres- sion in German adolescents: A longitudinal analysis. Aggr Behav 35:75–89.
Reynes E, Lorant J. 2001. Do competitive martial arts attract aggres- sive children? Percept Motor Skills 93:382–386.
Reynes E, Lorant J. 2002. Effect of traditional judo training on ag- gressiveness among young boys. Percept Motor Skills 94:21–25.
Reynes E, Lorant J. 2004. Competitive martial arts and aggressiveness: A 2-yr. longitudinal study among young boys. Percept Motor Skills 98:103–115.
Saleem M, Anderson CA, Gentile DA. 2012. Effects of prosocial, neutral, and violent video games on college students’ affect. Aggr Behav 38:263–271.
Aggr. Behav.
Helping and Hurting 287
Sestir MA, Bartholow BD. 2010. Violent and nonviolent video games produce opposing effects on aggressive and prosocial outcomes. J Exp Soc Psychol 46:934–942.
Swing EL, Gentile DA, Anderson CA. 2008. Violent video games: Learning processes and outcomes. In: Ferdig RE, editor. Hand- book of research on effective electronic gaming in educa- tion. Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference. pp 876– 892.
Wallenius M, Punamaki R. 2008. Digitial game violence and direct aggression in adolescence: A longitudinal study of the roles of sex,
age, and parent-child communication. J Appl Dev Psychol 29:286– 294.
Walters GD, Ronen T, Rosenbaum M. 2010. The latent structure of childhood aggression: A taxometric analysis of self-reported and teacher-rated aggression in Israeli schoolchildren. Psychol Assess 22:628–637.
Zhen S, Xie H, Zhang W, Wang S, Li D. 2011. Exposure to violent video games and Chinese adolescents’ physical aggression: Gen- der and developmental differences. Comput Hum Behav 27:1675– 1687.
Aggr. Behav.
Copyright of Aggressive Behavior is the property of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. and its content may not be copied
or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission.
However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.
ContentServer (1)bbbb.pdf
Nailing the Coffin Shut on Doubts That Violent Video Games Stimulate Aggression: Comment on Anderson et al. (2010)
L. Rowell Huesmann University of Michigan
Over the past half century the mass media, including video games, have become important socializers of children. Observational learning theory has evolved into social–cognitive information processing models that explain that what a child observes in any venue has both short-term and long-term influences on the child’s behaviors and cognitions. C. A. Anderson et al.’s (2010) extensive meta-analysis of the effects of violent video games confirms what these theories predict and what prior research about other violent mass media has found: that violent video games stimulate aggression in the players in the short run and increase the risk for aggressive behaviors by the players later in life. The effects occur for males and females and for children growing up in Eastern or Western cultures. The effects are strongest for the best studies. Contrary to some critics’ assertions, the meta-analysis of C. A. Anderson et al. is methodolog- ically sound and comprehensive. Yet the results of meta-analyses are unlikely to change the critics’ views or the public’s perception that the issue is undecided because some studies have yielded null effects, because many people are concerned that the implications of the research threaten freedom of expression, and because many people have their identities or self-interests closely tied to violent video games.
Keywords: violence, video games, aggression, media, meta-analysis
The emergence of the mass visual media as a fundamental element of most children’s socialization experiences has been one of the most dramatic changes in child rearing that has occurred in the past 100 years. Children no longer “see” only those in their own family, neighborhood, community, and culture. They are exposed at a very young age to the looks, behaviors, and beliefs of a wide variety of others behaving in a wide variety of manners. Inevitably, these mass media exposures contribute to a child’s socialization (Dubow, Huesmann, & Greenwood, 2006), just as exposures to family, peers, and community contribute.
A primary process in such socialization is observational learning (Bandura, 1973), taken in its broadest sense. Children and adoles- cents mimic what they see in the short run (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977) and acquire complicated scripts for behaviors, beliefs about the world, and moral precepts about how to behave in the long run from what they observe (Huesmann, 1988, 1997; Huesmann & Kirwil, 2007). It requires a tortuous logic to believe that children and adolescents are affected by what they observe in their living room, through the front window of their house, in their classroom, in their neighborhood, and among their peers but are not affected by what they observe in movies, on television, or in the video games they play. Yet many have argued just such a view in opposition to researchers who conclude that media violence stim- ulates aggression. Furthermore, the most vociferous opposition has been expressed against conclusions that violent video games might be teaching youths to behave more aggressively.
The meta-analysis by Anderson et al. (2010) is the best yet in proving beyond a reasonable doubt that exposure to video game
violence increases the risk that the observer will behave more aggressively and violently in the future. “Increases the risk,” of course, does not mean “determines.” The probability of behaving aggressively is increased for individuals in the population exposed, but for many exposed individuals no detectable change in behavior will occur. This does not diminish the concern we should have about violent video games as a public health threat. The same statements can be made about most public health threats, including exposure to cigarette smoke and lead-based paint. The probability of lung cancer or intelligence deficits is increased by exposure but is not guaranteed.
Anderson et al. (2010) showed that significant increases in risk for behaving aggressively occur in the short run, after playing a game once, and in the long run, after habitual playing of games. Although in many laboratory studies the aggressive behaviors that become more likely in the short run were relatively mild, in the longitudinal studies the aggressive behaviors showing the greatest increase were those that were most physical. If anything, effects were stronger for more violent than less violent outcomes. As social– cognitive observational-learning theory would predict, playing violent video games had a significant effect on increasing aggressive cognitions and aggressive affect as well as the risk for aggressive behavior. Significant increases in risk for aggression occurred in Western countries and in Eastern countries. Significant increases in risk occurred for males who play violent video games and for females who play violent video games. The meta-analysis provided only very weak evidence, as theory predicts, that effects are stronger for younger game players. However, the variance in ages within a design class (experiment vs. longitudinal) was quite limited (and the Johnson et al. study cited as an example of obtaining long-term effects among older subjects was actually not a study of media violence but of media use). Although predictions from theory and extrapolations from longitudinal research suggest
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to L. Row- ell Huesmann, Research Center for Group Dynamics, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 426 Thompson Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1248. E-mail: [email protected]
Psychological Bulletin © 2010 American Psychological Association 2010, Vol. 136, No. 2, 179–181 0033-2909/10/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0018567
179
Th is
d oc
um en
t i s c
op yr
ig ht
ed b
y th
e A
m er
ic an
P sy
ch ol
og ic
al A
ss oc
ia tio
n or
o ne
o f i
ts a
lli ed
p ub
lis he
rs .
Th is
a rti
cl e
is in
te nd
ed so
le ly
fo r t
he p
er so
na l u
se o
f t he
in di
vi du
al u
se r a
nd is
n ot
to b
e di
ss em
in at
ed b
ro ad
ly .
that the effects of violent video games should be stronger for younger children, a definitive conclusion about how age moderates the effects of violent video games may need to wait until longer term studies of violent video games that follow children into adulthood are conducted, as has been done with exposure to TV violence (Huesmann, Moise, Podolski, & Eron, 2003).
All of the results in the meta-analysis have more impact because of the high-quality sampling strategy and analysis techniques employed. Anderson et al. (2010) included 136 studies in their meta-analysis; the sampling frame they used is highly inclusive of both published studies and unpublished studies that have made it into computerized databases. This is probably about as exhaustive a sampling of the pre-2009 research literature as one could obtain and far more than that used in any other review of violent video game effects. Of equal importance, instead of simply excluding studies of “poor quality,” Anderson et al. did one meta-analysis for the full sample and another for the best practices sample. Both showed significant effect sizes for playing violent video games increasing the risk of behaving aggressively. Especially notewor- thy is that the effect sizes were greater for the best practice sample, as one would expect if the effects are real. One should understand that many studies were excluded from the best practices sample not simply because Anderson et al. thought they were method- ologically flawed; rather, some of the studies purporting to study this topic did not even assess the playing of violent video games but used the playing of video games in general as a proxy measure for the playing of violent video games.
Despite the seeming conclusiveness of Anderson et al. (2010), it is unlikely to change the expressed views of the many purveyors of violent video games or their ad hominem attacks on researchers like Anderson. Nor will it change the minds of the many psycho- logically unsophisticated journalists who write glibly in the pop- ular press about this topic; those of the many psychologically unsophisticated popular culture scholars who write about this topic (Jenkins, 2006); or, most disturbingly, those of the few psycho- logically sophisticated researchers who deny that media violence can have any important psychological effect on the risk for ag- gressive behavior (e.g., Ferguson & Kilburn, 2009; Freedman, 2002).
Over the course of several decades of debate on the topic of media violence, I have written two chapters and numerous essays to counter the arguments of these psychologist critics (Huesmann, Eron, Berkowitz, & Chaffee, 1991; Huesmann & Taylor, 2003). Generally, I would argue that they eliminate entire segments of research on false grounds (e.g., experiments are artificial and can never study “real aggression”); selectively examine the remaining literature; identify correctly small flaws in studies; magnify those flaws with false logic into indictments of most of the research; uncritically accept the few flawed studies or meta-analyses that show no effects as true indicators of the population; and cite other flawed reviews as facts. Most important, they usually ignore observational learning theory and the general research on imita- tion. Some of these critics have made valuable contributions in pointing out weaknesses in studies and exaggerations in statements of policy groups (Freedman, 2002). However, the intent has been to dismiss the whole body of research on media violence as incorrect. Of course, these critics have made similar arguments about the publications of the major researchers on video game violence and media violence.
Rather than engage in another round of similar debates, let me suggest that some important individual difference variables may explain a lot of the variance in the debaters’ positions. Among those psychologists who have actually done empirical research on the topic of media violence or video game violence and who understand the theory of observational learning, there is great consensus (even before the current meta-analysis was published) that media violence increases the risk for aggressive behavior (Murray, 1984). Among those scholars with a vested interest in video games, either because playing these games is an important part of their identity (e.g., Ferguson; Jenkins) or because they have been funded by the media industry (e.g., Freedman), there is a lasting expressed disbelief that media violence can cause aggres- sive behavior. Their disbelief seems to be compounded by their failure to grasp observational learning theory. Of course, such disbelief may also be indirectly fueled in all of us by our American distaste for anyone telling us what we should look at or play. Freedom of speech and publication is an essential element of our free society, and any discussion of “inappropriate content” in the mass media inevitably primes our negative reactions to censorship or control on free speech.
Most scientists have seen the flaws in the critiques of psychol- ogists and nonpsychologists alike, but the influence these critiques have had on the general public has unfortunately been substantial. There is a general perception among journalists and the public that the issue of whether media violence causes aggressive behavior is undecided. I doubt that the Anderson et al. (2010) meta-analysis will change that public perception much. The public perception that the issue is undecided is undoubtedly aided by disingenuous presentations by some writers of irrelevant data as if it were relevant. For example, in their comment in this issue Ferguson and Kilburn present a graph showing that sales of video games (violent and nonviolent) have increased over the last 12 years while youth violence has decreased, as if that negative .95 correlation between these 12 time-series points was some evidence that video game violence was not related to youth violence. Of course, the data are completely irrelevant to the theory that kids who play violent video games more are more at risk for aggression; just as data showing that youth crime increased dramatically when TV sales increased are irrelevant to concluding that kids who watch more TV violence behave more aggressively.
Despite my pessimism about the prospects for this meta-analysis changing the views of the “deniers,” this meta-analysis represents an important step forward for our knowledge about the causes of aggressive behavior. Not only does it confirm that playing violent video games increases the risk for aggressive behavior in the short run and in the long run, it also adds credence to the social– cognitive theory that has emerged to explain the processes through which passive or interactive media violence causes aggression. About 38 years ago, Jesse Steinfeld, then Surgeon General of the United States, reviewed the research that had been conducted to date on the effects of TV violence on youth behavior. He stated in testimony before Congress, “It is clear to me that the causal relationship between [exposure to] televised violence and antiso- cial behavior is sufficient to warrant appropriate and immediate remedial action. . . . There comes a time when the data are suffi- cient to justify action. That time has come” (Steinfeld, 1972, pp. 25–27).
180 HUESMANN
Th is
d oc
um en
t i s c
op yr
ig ht
ed b
y th
e A
m er
ic an
P sy
ch ol
og ic
al A
ss oc
ia tio
n or
o ne
o f i
ts a
lli ed
p ub
lis he
rs .
Th is
a rti
cl e
is in
te nd
ed so
le ly
fo r t
he p
er so
na l u
se o
f t he
in di
vi du
al u
se r a
nd is
n ot
to b
e di
ss em
in at
ed b
ro ad
ly .
With the evidence provided by Anderson et al. (2010), it would now be fair to make the same statement about violent video games. It is time for the public health establishment to accept the fact that playing violent video games increases the “risk” that the player will behave more aggressively.
References
Anderson, C. A., Shibuya, A., Ihori, N., Swing, E. L., Bushman, B. J., Sakamoto, A., . . . Saleem, M. (2010). Violent video game effects on aggression, empathy, and prosocial behavior in Eastern and Western countries. Psychological Bulletin, 136, 151–173.
Bandura, A. (1973). Aggression: A social learning theory analysis. Engle- wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Dubow, E. F., Huesmann, L. R., & Greenwood, D. (2006). Media and youth socialization: Underlying processes and moderators of effects. In J. Grusec & P. Hastings (Eds.), The handbook of socialization (pp. 404–430). New York, NY: Guilford Press.
Ferguson, C. J., & Kilburn, J. (2009). The public health risks of media violence: A meta-analytic review. Journal of Pediatrics, 154, 759–763.
Freedman, J. (2002). Media violence and its effect on aggression. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: University of Toronto Press.
Huesmann, L. R. (1988). An information processing model for the devel- opment of aggression. Aggressive Behavior, 14, 13–24.
Huesmann, L. R. (1997). Observational learning of violent behavior: Social and biosocial processes. In A. Raine, P. A. Brennen, D. P. Farrington, & S. A. Mednick (Eds.), Biosocial bases of violence (pp. 69–88). London, England: Plenum.
Huesmann, L. R., Eron, L. D., Berkowitz, L., & Chaffee, S. (1991). The effects of television violence on aggression: A reply to a skeptic. In P. Suedfeld & P. E. Tetlock (Eds.), Psychology and social policy (pp. 191–200). New York, NY: Hemisphere.
Huesmann, L. R., & Kirwil, L. (2007). Why observing violence increases the risk of violent behavior in the observer. In D. J. Flannery, A. T. Vazsonyi, & I. D. Waldman (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook of violent behavior and aggression (pp. 545–570). Cambridge, England: Cam- bridge University Press.
Huesmann, L. R., Moise, J., Podolski, C. P., & Eron, L. D. (2003). Longitudinal relations between childhood exposure to media violence and adult aggression and violence: 1977–1992. Developmental Psychol- ogy, 39, 201–221.
Huesmann, L. R., & Taylor, L. D. (2003). The case against the case against media violence. In D. Gentile (Ed.), Media violence and children (pp. 107–130). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
Jenkins, H. (2006). The war between effects and meaning: Rethinking the video game violence debate. In D. Buckingham & R. Willett (Eds.), Digital generations: Children, young people, and new media (pp. 19– 31). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Meltzoff, A. N., & Moore, K. M. (1977, October 7). Imitation of facial and manual gestures by human neonates. Science, 109, 77–78.
Murray, J. P. (1984). Results of an informal poll of knowledgeable persons concerning the impact of television violence. Newsletter of the American Psychological Association Division of Child, Youth, and Family Ser- vices, 7(1), 2.
Steinfeld, J. (1972). Statement in hearings before Subcommittee on Com- munications of Committee on Commerce (United States Senate, Serial No. 92–52, pp. 25–27). Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.
Received November 30, 2009 Revision received November 30, 2009
Accepted December 1, 2009 �
181NAILING THE COFFIN SHUT: COMMENT
Th is
d oc
um en
t i s c
op yr
ig ht
ed b
y th
e A
m er
ic an
P sy
ch ol
og ic
al A
ss oc
ia tio
n or
o ne
o f i
ts a
lli ed
p ub
lis he
rs .
Th is
a rti
cl e
is in
te nd
ed so
le ly
fo r t
he p
er so
na l u
se o
f t he
in di
vi du
al u
se r a
nd is
n ot
to b
e di
ss em
in at
ed b
ro ad
ly .
ContentServer (1)ccccc.pdf
EMPIRICAL RESEARCH
Video Games and Youth Violence: A Prospective Analysis in Adolescents
Christopher J. Ferguson
Received: 24 September 2010 / Accepted: 9 November 2010 / Published online: 14 December 2010
� Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010
Abstract The potential influence of violent video games
on youth violence remains an issue of concern for psy-
chologists, policymakers and the general public. Although
several prospective studies of video game violence effects
have been conducted, none have employed well validated
measures of youth violence, nor considered video game
violence effects in context with other influences on youth
violence such as family environment, peer delinquency,
and depressive symptoms. The current study builds upon
previous research in a sample of 302 (52.3% female)
mostly Hispanic youth. Results indicated that current levels
of depressive symptoms were a strong predictor of serious
aggression and violence across most outcome measures.
Depressive symptoms also interacted with antisocial traits
so that antisocial individuals with depressive symptoms
were most inclined toward youth violence. Neither video
game violence exposure, nor television violence exposure,
were prospective predictors of serious acts of youth
aggression or violence. These results are put into the
context of criminological data on serious acts of violence
among youth.
Keywords Computer games � Mass media � Aggression � Violence � Adolescence
Introduction
Concerns about the potential influence of violent video
games on serious acts of youth aggression and violence
have been debated in the general public, among policy
makers and among social scientists for several decades. At
present, a general consensus on video game violence
effects has been elusive, with great debate occurring among
scholars in this field. Some scholars have concluded that
strong video game violence effects on aggression have
been conclusively and causally demonstrated in wide
segments of the population (e.g., Anderson et al. 2008;
Anderson 2004). Others have concluded that video game
violence may have only weak effects on youth aggression,
or may only influence some youth, particularly those
already at-risk for violence (e.g., Giumetti and Markey
2007; Kirsh 1998; Markey and Scherer 2009). Still others
have concluded that video game violence effects on youth
aggression are either essentially null, or that the field of
video game violence studies has difficulties with method-
ological problems to such an extent that meaningful con-
clusions cannot be made about the existing research (e.g.,
Durkin and Barber 2002; Kutner and Olson 2008; Olson
2004; Savage and Yancey 2008; Sherry 2007; Unsworth
et al. 2007). For instance, as some have noted (e.g., Olson
2004), the increased popularity of video game play among
youth has been correlated with a societal reduction in youth
violence rather than an increase in youth violence.
The divergence in findings may be understood as a
function of methods used. As has been found for television
research (Ferguson and Kilburn 2009; Savage and Yancey
2008; Paik and Comstock 1994), studies of video games
that use well validated measures of aggression or violence
find less evidence for harmful effects, as do studies that
employ greater statistical controls for third variables
Although several prospective studies of video game effects refer to
themselves as ‘‘longitudinal’’, none use multiple assessment periods
over years that typically mark longitudinal designs. Rather they are
short-term prospective studies by and large.
C. J. Ferguson (&)
Department of Behavioral, Applied Sciences and Criminal
Justice, Texas A&M International University,
Laredo, TX 78045, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
123
J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391
DOI 10.1007/s10964-010-9610-x
(Ferguson and Kilburn 2009). Thus, put generally, it
appears that more careful controls are correlated with
weaker effects, which essentially was the conclusion of
Ferguson and Kilburn (2009) in their review of the
research. For example, Ybarra et al. (2008) found weak
bivariate correlations between video game violence expo-
sure and youth violence. However, as indicated in their
Fig. 2, these correlations vanished once other relevant
factors were controlled, such as family environment and
personality. Similarly, Ferguson and colleagues (Ferguson
et al. 2008) found that controlling for ‘‘third’’ variables in a
correlational study, and using a well-standardized aggres-
sion measure in an experimental design (as opposed to ad
hoc unstandardized measures often used as discussed in
Ferguson et al. 2008) resulted in no correlational or
experimental evidence for harmful effects.
Prospective Studies of Violent Video Game Effects
At present, a small number of prospective designs have
examined video game violence influences on player
aggression. Thus far, results have been mixed and arguably
limited by use of aggression measures that do not neces-
sarily tap well into serious aggression or violence, nor use
sophisticated controls for third or confounding variables.
As such, the generalizability of existing prospective
designs to behavioral outcomes of most interest, namely
serious/pathological aggression and criminally violent
behavior, may be limited (see Gauntlett 1995; Savage and
Yancey 2008 for a discussion of aggression measure
validity issues). Below, a review of prospective studies of
video game violence appearing in peer-reviewed journals
follows.
The first prospective study of video game violence was
by Williams and Skoric (2005). This study was unusual
in that it employed an experimental design, randomly
assigning 213 volunteers to either play a violent on-line
game Asheron’s Call 2, or to a control group that did not
play the game (none of the participants had previously
played the game). Outcome measures included a scale of
normative beliefs in aggression (NOBAGS) as well as a
self-report measure of engaging in verbal aggression such
as arguments and name calling with others. Results indi-
cated that, controlling for previous game exposure, ran-
domized exposure to the violent game did not influence
players’ normative beliefs in aggression, nor frequency of
verbal altercations. However, this study has some signifi-
cant weaknesses. First, the prospective period was fairly
short (1 month). Second, the outcome measures are more
relevant for mild or non-serious aggression (i.e., intention
physical assaults were not measured) and cannot be gen-
eralized to more serious aggressive acts. Further the out-
come measures related to constructs such as ‘‘normative
beliefs’’ in aggression are among those criticized for not
predicting actual aggressive behavior effectively (Savage
and Yancey 2008).
Anderson et al. (2008) reported on several prospective
studies, two occurring with Japanese samples and one with
an American sample, all involving youth. The prospective
periods in these studies ranged from 3 to 6 months. The
authors found small but statistically significant prospective
effects (ranging from .075 to .152, suggesting the covari-
ance between video game violence exposure and aggres-
sion may range between .5 and 2.3% when time 1
aggression is controlled). Although the authors interpret
these findings as highly significant and generalizable to
serious youth violence, it is not clear how to interpret such
small effects (falling mainly near or below Cohen’s 1992
guidelines for trivial findings). None of these prospective
results control for third variables, thus it is possible that the
actual effects may even be lower than reported here.
Finally, the aggression measures used in this study again
fall under the category of those that have been criticized in
the past for validity problems (Gauntlett 1995; Savage and
Yancey 2008), particularly when generalizing to serious
aggression or violence.
Shibuya et al. (2008) report a prospective study of 591
fifth-grade Japanese youth with a prospective period of
1-year. Gender and living area (urban or rural) were con-
trolled as third variables, but other variables known to be
predictive of youth violence (peer delinquency, depressive
symptoms, family environment, etc.) were not. The out-
come measure was trait aggression, once again not clearly
well-validated as a predictor of serious youth aggression
and violence (Gauntlett 1995; Savage and Yancey 2008).
Interestingly in this study, time spent playing violent video
games (exposure to violent games 9 time spent playing
interaction) was related to reduced trait aggression (b =
-.15) in boys, but had no influence on girls. Weaknesses of
this study are similar to those above. Although the authors
did control for gender and living area, other third variables
were not controlled, nor was a well-validated measure of
serious aggression employed.
Finally, Moller and Krahe (2009) provide a prospective
analysis of 143 German youth with a 30 month prospective
period. Outcome measures included normative beliefs
about aggression (NOBAGS. similar to Williams and
Skoric 2005), hostile attribution bias and a measure of trait
aggression (divided into physical and relational aggression
subscales). Results of this study were inconsistent. At Time
1, video game violence exposure was not related to phys-
ical aggression (b = .09, NS), but was slightly related to
relational aggression (i.e., arguing, spreading rumors,
similar to Williams and Skoric 2005, b = .19). In the
prospective analyses, exposure to violent video games did
not have direct effects on either physical aggression
378 J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391
123
(b = .11, NS) or relational aggression (b = .02, NS), but
did potentially indirectly influence physical aggression
through a small moderating relationship with normative
aggressive beliefs (b = .26). This indirect relationship was
not found for relational aggression.
In summary, among existing prospective studies of
video game violence on aggression, two do not find evi-
dence of effects or (in the case of Shibuya et al. 2008)
suggest violent game exposure may reduce aggression for
boys. One study (Moller and Krahe 2009) finds inconsistent
evidence for an indirect relationship between video game
violence and physical but not relational aggression, but no
evidence for direct effects, and the last finds consistent
effects but of small magnitude. Arguably, across these
studies, prospective analyses of video game violence
effects raise little cause for alarm.
Despite whether individual prospective studies appear to
support or not support causal beliefs in negative video
game violence effects, these studies display several con-
sistent flaws including the failure to consider and control
for third variables (family environment, peer delinquency,
etc.) and reliance on outcome measures that are not well
validated as measures of pathological youth aggression and
violence. To qualify in the latter category, it would be
desirable for outcome measures to demonstrate high pre-
dictive validity coefficients (.3–.4 or above) with patho-
logical outcomes. Otherwise, it is unclear if research
studies are merely examining minor fluctuations in normal,
even healthy levels of aggression (see Hawley and Vaughn
2003). The intent here is not to be overly critical of the
above studies, it is merely to argue that much remains to be
known about the prospective influences of violent video
games on pathological aggression.
Three Theoretical Views of the Video
Game Violence/Serious Aggression Relationship
There are three basic views of the potential relationship
between video game violence exposure and serious
aggressive behavior among youth. Quite simply, these are:
first, video game violence exposure has a learning-based
causal influence on subsequent serious aggression; second,
individuals with high levels of a priori aggression are
subsequently drawn to video game violence or; third that
any correlation between the video game playing and
aggression is due to underlying third variables. Each of
these views present different hypotheses for the ways in
which video game violence and serious aggression/youth
violence relate.
The ‘‘causal’’ view, namely that video game violence
exposure causes subsequent serious aggression in players,
has roots in Bandura’s social learning experiments in
which children modeled aggressive behavior of adults in
experimental videos (e.g., Bandura et al. 1961, 1963),
although elements of the same view can be traced back at
least to the Payne Fund studies of movie violence (Blum-
mer 1933) or even Plato’s concerns that Greek plays would
cause rebelliousness and licentiousness in youth who
watched them (Griswold 2004). As noted above, much of
the debate on video game violence focuses on whether this
theoretical perspective is ‘‘true.’’ Proponents of this view
tend to express considerable certitude (e.g., Anderson
2004; Huesmann 2007) where as detractors suggest that
existing evidence is not sufficient to support this view
(Cumberbatch 2008; Mitrofan et al. 2009; Olson 2004;
Savage and Yancey 2008) or suggest the causal view relies
on outdated tabula rasa theories (Pinker 2002).
The second view, that a priori aggression leads to
extensive video game violence use, is most often offered as
a counterargument by skeptical scholars (e.g., Freedman
2002; Gauntlett 1995) to the causal view. However, this
basic position is likely consistent with both social and
biological theories that emphasize influences more proxi-
mal to youth than media effects, such as family environ-
ment, peer influences and evolutionary and biological
influences (e.g., Beaver et al. 2007, 2009; Buss and
Shackelford 1997; Pinker 2002). Similarly, research has
indicated that exposure to and selection of different forms
of media is not a passive process but that individuals
actively seek out certain forms of media and these prefer-
ences are correlated with pre-existing personality profiles
(e.g., McCown et al. 1997; Rentfrow and Gosling 2003). In
relation to video game violence, two models have emerged
that typify this view to varying degrees. First the ‘‘catalyst’’
model developed by Ferguson et al. (2008) suggests that
serious aggression and violence results from a combination
of genetic and proximal environmental influences (such as
family and peers) but that distal environmental factors such
as media, have little influence on behavior. Patrick Markey
(Giumetti and Markey 2007; Markey and Scherer 2009)
has developed a somewhat different view in which a priori
personality traits such as psychoticism interact with violent
video game exposure to produce serious aggression.
Finally, it could be argued that video game violence use
and serious aggression have little real influence on each
other. Some correlation between aggression and video
game violence use may exist, but such correlations are
expected to be rather small in size, and due to underlying
third variables rather than any direct relationship between
aggression and video game violence. For example, boys
play more violent video games and are more inclined
toward aggressive and violent behavior than girls. As such,
gender is an obvious and important ‘‘third’’ variable,
although one still overlooked in some studies. Similarly,
aggressive or antisocial personality traits may direct indi-
viduals to be more inclined to violent games and violent
J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391 379
123
behavior. Peer and family influences may have a similar
impact, and individuals with certain mental health prob-
lems may be both more inclined toward aggression and
seek violent games as a form of cathartic release (Olson
2010). This perspective appears to be endorsed by research
indicating that video game use, including the use of violent
games, is widespread among even non-violent youth, par-
ticularly boys (e.g., Lenhart et al. 2008; Kutner and Olson
2008; Olson et al. 2007). It is important to note that tem-
poral sequencing cannot rule out this possibility. For
instance, maturational processes that lead to increased
violent video game use in early childhood may not nec-
essarily produce increased aggression until later in ado-
lescence. Thus, the temporal sequence of video game
violence use and the emergence of aggression, even if
correlated, does not rule out the influence of third variables.
The Current Study
The current study intends to improve upon past designs in
several ways. First, the present study will focus to a much
greater extent on clinical and criminological measures that
are well validated as outcome measures for pathological,
serious aggression and rule-breaking (i.e., parent and youth
report versions of the Child Behavior Checklist; CBCL),
bullying other children (the Olweus Bullying Question-
naire; OBQ) and criminologically violent behavior (Neg-
ative Life Events, NLE). A focus on these clinical and
criminological outcome measures will help illuminate the
potential impact of violent game exposure on serious levels
of aggression and violent crime among youth. Second,
most previous prospective studies have employed only
basic controls and have not considered the potential influ-
ence of third variables.
Several hypotheses will be tested in the current article.
First, it is hypothesized that exposure to violent content in
video games will be consistent across time (H1). Second,
the frequency of exposure to violent content in video
games at Time 1 will predict serious aggressive behavior
across outcome measures 1-year later once third variables
have been controlled (H2). Third, aggression level (com-
posite across aggression measures) at Time 1 will be pre-
dictive of video games exposure at Time 2 (H3).
As a note, H2 and H3 essentially are opposing per-
spectives, both presented in the affirmative. Finding evi-
dence for H2 but not H3 would support the overarching
theory that video game violence exposure comes first in the
temporal pattern, where as finding evidence for H3 but not
H2 would suggest that aggressive tendencies come first in
the temporal sequence. Finding support for H2 and H3
would suggest the relationship is bidirectional, whereas
finding evidence for neither H2 nor H3 would suggest that
the interaction between violent video game exposure and
aggression is limited (meaning that children’s choice to
play violent video games is not dependent upon their
aggressiveness nor vice versa).
Methods
Participants
Participants in the current study were recruited from a prior
study of youth violence (Ferguson et al. 2009). This study
examined cross section data on correlates of youth violence
in a sample of 603 mainly Hispanic youth. Results from
this study indicated that depressive symptoms and peer
delinquency were the best predictors of concurrent
aggression and violence, as were antisocial traits and
parental psychological aggression. Video game and tele-
vision violence were not strong correlates of youth vio-
lence. The present study presents prospective data not
included in the prior study, thus there is no resubmission of
prior existing data (i.e., data presented here do not overlap
with that presented in the previous study). 536 children
(89%) from the original sample volunteered to participate
in this prospective design at Time 1 (T1). As with the
discussion of the T2 dropout below, the sample who vol-
unteered for the prospective study did not systematically
differ from those who did not. As this sample was drawn
from a small Hispanic-majority city population on the
border of Mexico, this sample of youth were almost all
(519; 96.8%) Hispanic. Proportions of Caucasian, African
American, Asian American and other ethnic groups were
all at 1% or less. This ethnic composition is consistent with
the ethnic composition of the city from which the sample
was drawn and represents a ‘‘convenience’’ sample,
meaning that Hispanics were not specifically recruited for a
theoretical reason. However, to date, no prospective (and
few cross sectional or experimental) studies of video game
violence have considered Hispanic majority samples. As
such, examining such a sample may help generalize this
research to ethnic groups beyond Causasians and Japanese.
All participants were between the ages of 10 and 14 at T1
(M = 12.34, SD = 1.33) as this age was viewed as that
likely to see high rates of video game play (Griffiths and
Hunt 1995; Lenhart et al. 2008; Olson et al. 2007) yet
young enough that developmental processes may still be
strong and easily observable. About an equal number of
boys (275, 51.3%) and girls (261, 48.7%) were included in
the study. Children included in this study were from the
general community, not specifically at-risk children for
serious aggression.
380 J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391
123
Recruitment
Recruitment of a representative community sample of
youth was obtained using a modified multimethod
‘‘snowball’’ approach. Snowball sampling, like other forms
of non-random sampling, is not without the potential for
certain kinds of biases. At the same time snowball sam-
pling has been shown to be an effective sampling approach
under most conditions and is better at detecting ‘‘hidden
populations’’ as may be the case with violent youth, than
are institutional sampling techniques (Goodman 1961;
Salganik and Heckathorn 2002). In snowball sampling,
respondents for a sample are drawn from associates nom-
inated by an initial group of study participants. Several
variations on this approach were used in this study in an
attempt to achieve as representative a sample as possible.
First an approach similar to that used by McCrae et al.
(2002) in which college students at a local university
nominated relatives or associates within the targeted age
range for inclusion in exchange for extra credit, was
employed. Second, several community social organizations
were approached for nominations of children to be inclu-
ded in the study. Third, the study was advertised in the
local newspaper and on several popular local FM radio
stations (catering to both English and Spanish language
music), including interviews between the DJ and lead
investigator on several radio stations during prime (i.e.,
morning traffic) listening hours. These interviews were
very brief, requesting participants for a study of ‘‘youth
health.’’ No discussion of video games or youth violence
took place during any of these media appeals. Families
were encouraged to nominate themselves for the study. No
compensation was offered for participation.
Analysis of T2 Nonresponse/Drop-Out
All participants who volunteered at T1 were contacted
again approximately 12 months later for the Time 2 (T2)
assessment. T2 assessments were conducted via phone
interview with a trained research assistant using a stan-
dardized scripted interview comprised mainly of items
taken from the outcome assessments (CBCL, OBS, NLE)
and video game use. At T2 302 children and their families
completed the follow up assessment representing a com-
pletion rate of 56%. This figure is reasonably representative
of dropout rates typical in prospective studies although at
greater issue is whether drop-out is selective or random
(Wolke et al. 2009). In particular, were children with
greater rates of serious aggression or violent behaviors to
drop from the study than children without these problem
behaviors, results obtained in this study would potentially
be confounded. To examine for this potential t-test com-
parisons on all outcome variables (CBCL parent and child
report, OBQ, NLE violent and non-violent crime subscales,
all of which are described below) were conducted. All
t-test comparisons were non-significant (p [ .05) lending
confidence to the conclusion that drop-out in this study was
random rather than selective. Gender (52.3% female), age
and ethnicity composition of the final T2 sample of 302
children was essentially identical in proportion to that
reported above for the T1 original sample. Given that the
local city includes a fairly high proportion of both migrant
workers and transient government employees (e.g., Border
Patrol, FBI. DEA. etc.,), some degree of dropout was
expected. Retention rates for the current study reflect the
general pattern from other prospective studies of video
game violence. Williams and Skoric (2005) report a
retention rate of approximately 75% at 3 months, Shibuya
et al. (2008) report a retention rate of 62% at 1-year,
whereas Moller and Krahe (2009) report a retention rate of
48% at 30 months. Anderson et al. (2008) do not report
retention rates.
Measures
With exceptions noted below, all materials used Likert-
scale items and demonstrate psychometric properties suit-
able for use in multiple regression and path analyses. All
measures were included in the T1 assessment. For the T2
follow up, only the media exposure, depressive symptoms
and outcome variables were reassessed. Alphas reported
are for T1; T2 alphas did not differ greatly.
Media Violence Questionnaire
Child participants were asked to list their 3 favorite tele-
vision shows and video games and estimate how often they
play or view the media in question. Many media studies in
the past asked respondents to rate violence levels in media
they watched, although this runs the risk of variable esti-
mates between respondents. In the current study, I took a
slightly different approach, using existing Entertainment
Software Ratings Board (ESRB) video game ratings as an
estimate of video game violence exposure. ESRB ratings
were obtained for each game reported by the respondent,
and ordinally coded (a maximal score of 6 for ‘‘Adults
Only,’’ 5 for ‘‘Mature,’’ 4 for ‘‘Teen,’’ etc.). This ordinal
coding system was designed to correspond to the levels of
the ESRB rating system. The ESRB system has been
supported by the Federal Trade Commission (2009) and
the Parent Teacher Association (2008) as effective and
reliable.
Many factors go into an ESRB rating, including lan-
guage, sexual content, and use of (or reference to) drugs or
gambling. However, among those factors that determine
the age-based rating, violence appears to take priority. Of
J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391 381
123
the 30 ‘‘content descriptors’’ that accompany ratings, ten
concern violence. Descriptors of listed games were
reviewed to ensure that high ratings had not been obtained
primarily for sexual content; this was not the case for any
of the games reported by youth. The ESRB rating system
was also tested by pulling a random sample of ten com-
mercially available games (Lego Star Wars II: The Original
Trilogy, Call of Duty 4, F.E.A.R., Bioshock, Race Pro,
Baja: Edge of Control, Sonic Unleashed, Spiderman 3,
Silent Hill: Homecoming. Lego Indiana Jones). Each of the
games were played (for approximately 45 min each) by
two independent student RAs (one male, one female, nei-
ther heavy gamers). The RAs had not played any of the
games previously, and was not aware of the ESRB ratings
for each game. The RAs were provided with and trained on
a standardized 5-point violence assessment ranking system
and asked to code each game on this system after playing.
Each RA was alone while playing and ranking the games
and did not know of each others’ ratings. Interrater reli-
ability was high (kappa = .95). The RAs’ rankings, which
focused exclusively on violence, were then correlated with
the categorical ESRB ratings for each game. The correla-
tion between the mean RA rankings and the ESRB ratings
was .98, providing external evidence for validity of the
ESRB ratings as estimates of violent content.
The ESRB ratings were multiplied against the respon-
dents’ reported time spent playing each game then summed
across the 3 games listed. For television ratings a similar
approach was employed using the TV Parental Guidelines
System (PGS; i.e., TV-Y through TV-MA). As with the
video game ratings, the television ratings were checked for
violent content using the external check process described
above. The sampled television shows were Wizards of
Waverly Place, Hannah Montana, Spongebob Squarepants,
South Park, Zoey 101, Heroes, CSI, Chowder, WWE
Superstars and Robot Chicken, all shows reported by youth
in our current database as among those watched. Interrater
reliability between the RAs for rating violent content in the
shows was kappa = .88. The correlation between the mean
RA rating and the PGS was .89, lending evidence to the
validity of using the PGS system as an estimate of violent
content in television shows.
This general approach has been used with success in the
past (Olson et al. 2009). As with all attempts to assess
game or television content exposure, this is only an esti-
mate; however, it removes some of the subjectivity inher-
ent in previous methods.
Negative Life Events
The Negative Life Events instrument is a commonly used
and well validated measure of youth behaviors used in
criminological research (NLE; Paternoster and Mazerolle
1994) and includes the following scales used in this study
as third variables:
1. Neighborhood problems (e.g., How much of a problem
are each of the following in your neighborhood?
Vandalism, traffic, burglaries, etc.; alpha in current
sample = .86).
2. Negative relations with adults (e.g., My parents think I
break rules, My parents think I get in trouble, etc.;
alpha = .95)
3. Antisocial personality (e.g., It’s important to be honest
with your parents, even if they become upset or you
get punished, To stay out of trouble, it is sometimes
necessary to lie to teachers, etc.; alpha = .70)
4. Family attachment (e.g., On average, how many after-
noons during the school week, from the end of school or
work to dinner, have you spent talking, working, or
playing with your family, etc.; alpha = .86)
5. Delinquent peers (e.g., How many of your close
friends purposely damaged or destroyed property that
did not belong to them, etc.; alpha = .84).
This measure tapped multiple constructs related to family,
peer and school environment as well as delinquent
behavior and beliefs. Scales described here are used as
predictor third variables, although two scales (violent
crimes and non-violent crimes) related to delinquent
behaviors (described below) function as outcome variables.
There are no item overlaps between subscales.
Family Environment
The Family Environment Scale (FES; Moos and Moos
2002) is a 90-item true–false measure designed to assess
styles of family interaction and communication. Research
on this instrument has demonstrated good internal consis-
tency and test–retest reliability, as well as validity in dis-
tinguishing between functional families and families
experiencing a variety of dysfunctions including psychiat-
ric and substance abuse problems and physical abuse. The
family conflict subscale (alpha = .57) was used in the
current project. Sample items include ‘‘We fight a lot in our
family’’ and ‘‘Family members sometimes get so angry
they throw things.’’
Family Violence
The child’s primary guardian was asked to fill out the
Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS; Straus et al. 2003), a measure
of positive and negative behaviors occurring in marital or
dating relationships. The CTS has been shown to have
good reliability and corresponds well to incidents of dating
and family violence. It is used here to get a measure of
conflict and aggression occurring between the primary
382 J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391
123
caregiver and their spouse or romantic partners and thus a
sense of the child’s exposure to domestic violence. Sub-
scales related to physical assaults (e.g., ‘‘I beat up my
partner’’; ‘‘I pushed or shoved my partner’’; alpha = .88)
and psychological aggression (‘‘I insulted or swore at my
partner’’; ‘‘I called my partner fat or ugly’’; alpha = .81)
were used in the current study. The physical assaults sub-
scale was found to have a significantly skewed distribution
and a square-root transformation was conducted to produce
a normalized distribution.
Depressive Symptoms
The withdrawal/depression scale of the Child Behavior
Checklist Youth Self-Report (YSR; Achenbach and Resc-
orla 2001) indicated child depressive symptoms. This scale
has no item overlaps with the aggression/rule breaking
scales described below. Depressive symptoms were reas-
sessed at T2 and this variable, current depressive symp-
toms, is used in the regression equations described below.
Coefficient alpha of the scale with the current sample was
.80. Sample items include ‘‘I feel sad’’ and ‘‘I would rather
be alone.’’
Serious Aggression
Regarding mental health, youth and their primary care-
givers filled out the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL,
Achenbach and Rescorla 2001). The CBCL consists of a
youth self-report and parent report on problematic behav-
iors which may represent psychopathology. The CBCL is a
well researched and validated tool for measuring behav-
ioral problems in children and adolescents. Research
indicates the CBCL is highly valid in diagnosing serious
externalizing behavior problems in children including
conduct disorder (Hudziak et al. 2004; Tackett et al. 2003).
Caregivers filled out the parental version of the CBCL,
whereas children filled out the YSR on themselves. These
indices were used to indicate outcomes related to delin-
quency and aggressiveness. All alphas with the current
sample were above .70. Sample items for the aggression
scale (from the child prospective, parents items are simply
reworded) include ‘‘I attack people’’ and ‘‘I threaten oth-
ers’’ and for the rule breaking scale ‘‘I lie or cheat’’ and ‘‘I
skip school.’’
Bullying
The Olweus Bullying Questionnaire (OBQ; Olweus 1996)
was used to measure bullying behaviors in the current
study. This measure is commonly used and well researched
with high reliability and validity reported. With the current
sample, alpha was .83. Sample items include ‘‘In the past
month I have called another kid ‘‘stupid, fat, ugly’’ or other
mean names’’ and ‘‘In the past month I have Forced
another kid to do something they didn’t want to do.’’
Delinquent Behavior
The NLE questionnaire, described above has a subscale
related to general delinquency (e.g., How many times in
the following year have you stolen something worth more
than $50, etc.). The general delinquency scale can be fur-
ther divided into non-violent (alpha = .96) and violent
(alpha = .98) criminal activities. As indicated above, these
scales are widely used in criminological research and do
not overlap in items with the third variable predictor scales
described above.
Statistical Analyses
Main analyses consisted of hierarchical multiple regression
equations. Separate hierarchical multiple regressions were
run for each of the outcome measures related to patho-
logical aggression (parent and child versions of the CBCL
aggression and rule-breaking scales, violent and non-
violent crime commission as reported on the NLE, and
bullying behavior). In each case, gender, depressive
symptoms and T1 pretest score for the specific scale were
entered on the first step, NLE variables (neighborhood,
negative adult relationships, antisocial personality, family
attachment and delinquent peers) were entered on the
second step, the FES conflict scale was entered on the third
step, CTS psychological aggression and physical assault
were entered on the fourth step and television and video
game violence exposure entered on the fifth step. Lastly,
interaction terms between antisocial traits and depressive
symptoms and media violence exposure (a composite of
television and video games) were included on the final
step. The antisocial, depressive symptoms and media vio-
lence terms were first centered before creating the inter-
action terms to avoid multicollinearity. This hierarchy was
designed theoretically to extend from most proximal vari-
ables outward (e.g., Bronfenbrenner 1979). Out of concern
that placing video game violence exposure in the last step
may artificially reduce the predictive value of this variable
on youth aggression, each regression equation was then
rerun with video game violence exposure included as a step
1 variable. Multicollinearity was examined using tolerance
and VIF statistics and found to be acceptable in all cases.
Highest VIF values were 1.9, and lowest tolerance values
were .54, which fall within most recommended acceptable
guidelines (Keith 2006). Secondary analyses involved the
use of path analysis to test alternate causal models
regarding the development of pathological youth
J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391 383
123
aggression as well as temporal relationships between video
game violence exposure and youth violence outcomes.
Power Analysis
A post-hoc power analysis was conducted to examine the
sensitivity of the current design and sample to pick up
small effects. Results indicated that the current design is
capable of detecting effects as statistically significant at or
just below the r = .14 level, close to Cohen’s threshold for
trivial effects (Cohen 1992).
Results
Prevalence of Violent Game Exposure and Criminal
Activity
At T2 75% of children reported playing some video games
on computer, console or other devices in the preceding
month. 40.4% of children reported playing games with
violent content as indicated by their own self-ratings of
violence in games. Using the ESRB ratings, 20.9% repor-
ted playing an M-rated game in the preceding month.
Consistent with past research (Griffiths and Hunt 1995;
Olson et al. 2007), boys were more likely to play violent
video games than girls [t(234) = 6.65, p B .001, r = .40,
.30 B r B .49]. Video game violence exposure was not
correlated with age of the child r = .02, nor reported GPA
of the child (r = -.02), nor did hours spent playing video
games predict GPA (r = -.09).
As for criminal activity, at T2 22 children (7.3%)
reported engaging in at least one criminally violent act over
the previous 12 months based specifically on the results
from the NLE. Most common violent crimes were physical
assaults on other students and strong-arm robbery (i.e.,
using physical force to take an object or money from
another person). Regarding non-violent crimes, 52 (19.2%)
of children reported engaging in at least one non-violent
crime over the past 12 months based on the NLE. Most
common non-violent crimes include thefts of small objects
(i.e., shoplifting) and thefts occurring on school property.
The commission of violent and non-violent crimes was
highly correlated (r = .51, p B .01, .42 B r B .59).
Consistency Among Parent and Child Reports
of Aggression on the CBCL and YSR
One intended strength of the current research design is that
it includes both parent and child report based outcome
assessments. Consistency between child and parent report
on the CBCL/YSR rule-breaking scales was r = .57
(.49 B r B .64), and for aggressive behavior, r = .52
(.43 B r B .60). Paired samples t-tests indicated that chil-
dren tended to report both higher levels of rule-breaking
[t(301) = 8.16, r = .43, .34 B r B .52] and aggression
[t(301) = 6.62, r = .36, .26 B r B .46]. Taken together,
these results suggest that parents have a good idea of the
‘‘gist’’ of how problematic the behavior of their children is
relative to other children, but generally are unaware of the
full scope of children’s behavior problems.
Consistency in Video Game Violence Exposure Over
Time (H1)
Table 1 presents bivariate correlations between video game
violence exposure at time 1 and time 2.
Video game violence exposure at T1 was significantly
correlated with video game violence exposure at T2
(r = .33, p B .01, .23 B r B .43); however, the effect size
was small, allowing a considerable amount of variance
across time in video game violence exposure, probably as
children put away older games and pick up news games
that are different in genre and violence content.
Long-Term Relationships Between Aggression
and Video Game Violence Exposure (H2, H3)
Bivariate Correlations Between Video Game Violence
Exposure at T1 and Violence and Aggression Related
Outcomes
Table 1 presents bivariate correlations between video game
violence exposure at T1 and aggression related outcomes at
T1 and T2. A Bonferroni correction due to multiple com-
parisons of p = .004 was applied. As can be seen, bivariate
correlations between T1 video game violence exposure
were significant only for bullying at T1, and T2, but not for
the other six outcome variables. Those results that were
significant were still small in size with none reaching
r = .2.
Table 1 T1 Video game violence bivariate correlations with
aggression and violence related outcomes at T1 and T2
Outcome variable Time 1
outcome
Time 2
outcome
CBCL rule breaking (parent report) .05 .05
YSR rule breaking (child report) .12 .10
CBCL aggression (parent report) .06 .01
YSR aggression (child report) .12 .06
OBQ .18* .18*
NLE violent crimes .06 .09
NLE non-violent crimes .03 .07
* p B .004
384 J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391
123
Prospective Hierarchical Multiple Regressions (H2)
Seven sets of hierarchical multiple regressions were run
with the steps described above in the procedure section.
These results are presented in Table 2. Steps in the hier-
archical model are broken down by double solid lines in the
Table, with delta R2 reported at each step. Standardized
regression coefficients (beta-weights) presented are for the
final model in each case, as all model steps were statisti-
cally significant. A representation of the depressive
symptoms/antisocial personality interaction (using a com-
posite of the aggression/violence/bullying measures) is
provided in Fig. 1. Both variables were split into four
categories (i.e., ‘‘quartiles’’) based on mean and standard
deviation scores to make visualization easier; however, it
should be clearly stated that continuous scores were used in
the regression model. Quartiles based on means and stan-
dard deviations were viewed as more clinically meaningful
than percentile splits. As can be seen, the influence of
depressive symptoms on violence was most severe for
individuals with preexisting antisocial personality traits. In
each case, reversing the step on which the video game
violence variable was entered did not influence results.
For the child-report aggression YSR outcome variable,
current level of depressive symptoms predicted aggres-
siveness and this was a strong predictor (b = .66) of T2
aggression as was the interaction between antisocial traits
and depressive symptoms (b = .15). Video game violence
exposure was not predictive of T2 aggression.
For the child-report rule-breaking YSR outcome vari-
able, current level of depressive symptoms predicted rule
breaking and this was a strong predictor (b = .62) of T2
rule breaking whereas peer delinquency at T1 was a sig-
nificant but weaker predictor (b = .12) as was the antiso-
cial/depressive symptoms interaction (b = .12). Video
game violence exposure was not predictive of T2 rule-
breaking.
For the parent-report aggression CBCL outcome vari-
able, T1 CBCL aggression (b = .22), current depressive
symptoms (b = .54), the antisocial/depressive symptoms
interaction (b = .14) and parental level of psychological
abuse in relationships (b = .15) were all predictive of T2
aggression. Video game violence exposure was not pre-
dictive of T2 aggression.
For the parent-report rule-breaking CBCL outcome
variable, T1 CBCL rule breaking (b = .20), current
depressive symptoms (b = .52), and parental level of
psychological abuse in relationships (b = .15) were all
predictive of T2 rule-breaking. Video game violence
exposure was not predictive of T2 rule-breaking.
For NLE non-violent crimes at T2, T1 commission of
nonviolent crimes (b = .26) was significant predictive of
T2 commission on non-violent crimes as was the
interaction of antisocial traits and depressive symptoms
(b = .12) and between antisocial traits and media violence
(b = .18). An examination of this latter interaction sug-
gested that individuals who were low in antisocial traits,
but who were exposed to more violent media committed
fewer non violent crimes than their peers. However, the
most antisocial youth who also consumed the most violent
media committed more non-violent crimes than their peers.
Direct video game violence exposure was not predictive of
T2 non-violent criminal behavior.
For NLE violent crimes at T2, attachment to family at
T1 served as a protective factor (b = -.15) at T2, whereas
the interaction between antisocial traits and depressive
symptoms (b = .17) and between antisocial traits and
media violence (b = .14). An examination of this latter
interaction suggested that individuals who were low in
antisocial traits, but who were exposed to more violent
media committed fewer violent crimes than their peers.
However, the most antisocial youth who also consumed the
most violent media committed more violent crimes than
their peers. No other variables were significant predictors
of T2 violent criminal behavior. Video game violence
exposure was not predictive of T2 violent criminal
behavior.
For the OBQ at T2, only current depressive symptoms
(b = .32) and T1 antisocial personality (b = .12) were
significant predictors. Video game violence exposure was
not predictive of T2 bullying behavior.
The above regressions were rerun with T1 depressive
symptoms replacing current (T2) depressive symptoms on
step 1. T1 depressive symptoms did not prove to be pre-
dictive of T2 aggressive or violent outcomes in any of the
equations. As such, current depressive symptoms rather
than a past history of depressive symptoms is most pre-
dictive of violent outcomes. In each of these regressions
with T1 depressive symptoms, T1 violent video game
exposure remained non-significant as a predictor of T2
aggression and violence outcomes.
Prospective Video Game Violence Analysis (H3)
To examine the temporal sequence between aggression and
video game violence use, a hierarchical multiple regression
was run with video game violence use at T2 as the
dependent variable. Ordering of variables was the same as
described for the regressions above, with the exception that
video game violence exposure at T1 was entered on step 1
(just as aggression T1 variables were included on step 1 for
the aggression regressions). T1 aggression was entered
along with T1 television violence exposure on step 5 (this
gave T1 aggression the same positioning in this regression
as T1 video game exposure had in the aggression regres-
sions). In order to avoid multicollinearity, a composite
J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391 385
123
T a
b le
2 M
u lt
ip le
re g
re ss
io n
re su
lt s
fo r
m u
lt ip
le m
ea su
re s
o f
p at
h o
lo g
ic al
y o
u th
ag g
re ss
io n
at T
2
P re
d ic
to r
v ar
ia b
le Y
S R
ac Y
S R
rb c
C B
C L
ap C
B C
L rb
p N
V C
ri m
e V
C ri
m e
B u
ll y
M al
e g
en d
er .0
4 .0
7 -
.0 1
- .0
6 -
.0 2
.0 5
- .0
6
T 2
d ep
re ss
iv e
sy m
p to
m s
.6 6
(. 5
9 ,
.7 3
)* .6
2 (.
5 5
, .6
9 )*
.5 4
(. 4
6 ,
.6 1
)* .5
2 (.
4 3
, .6
0 )*
.0 3
.0 7
.3 2
(. 2
2 ,
.4 2
)*
P re
te st
sc o
re .1
1 .1
0 .2
2 (.
1 1
, .3
3 )*
.2 0
(. 0
9 ,
.3 0
)* .2
6 (.
1 5
, .3
7 )*
.0 1
.0 9
D R
2 .4
1 *
.3 8
* .3
5 *
.3 1
* .0
7 *
.0 1
.1 3
*
N ei
g h
b o
rh o
o d
p ro
b le
m s
.0 5
- .0
2 .0
3 .0
0 .0
7 -
.0 3
.0 7
N eg
. re
l. w
it h
ad u
lt s
.0 4
- .0
2 .0
5 .0
5 -
.0 1
.0 8
.0 3
A n
ti so
ci al
p er
so n
al it
y .0
8 .0
9 .0
0 .0
2 -
.0 4
- .0
1 .1
2 (.
0 4
, .2
1 )*
F am
il y
at ta
ch m
en t
.0 6
.0 4
.0 4
.0 1
.0 0
- .1
5 (-
.0 7
, -
.2 4
)* .1
0
D el
in q
u en
t p
ee rs
.0 8
.1 2
(. 0
4 ,
.2 1
)* -
.0 4
.0 6
.0 6
.0 4
.0 7
D R
2 .0
3 *
.0 2
.0 1
.0 1
.0 1
.0 4
.0 3
F E
S co
n fl
ic t
- .0
7 -
.5 .0
1 .0
3 .0
3 .0
3 -
.0 6
D R
2 .0
1 .0
0 .0
0 .0
0 .0
0 .0
0 .0
0
C T
S p
sy ch
o lo
g ic
al ag
g .
- .0
1 -
.0 3
.1 5
(. 0
7 ,
.2 4
)* .1
5 (.
0 7
, .2
4 )*
- .1
2 .0
8 -
.1 0
C T
S p
h y
si ca
l ab
u se
- .0
2 -
.0 4
.0 4
- .0
9 -
.0 4
.0 6
D R
2 .0
0 .0
0 .0
3 *
.0 2
* .0
2 .0
1 .0
1
T el
ev is
io n
v io
le n
ce .0
4 .0
7 -
.0 4
- .0
9 -
.0 4
- .0
8 .0
5
V id
eo g
am e
v io
le n
ce -
.0 3
- .0
1 -
.0 1
.0 9
.0 7
.0 7
.1 2
D R
2 .0
0 .0
1 .0
0 .0
1 .0
0 .0
0 .0
2
A n
ti so
ci al
/D S
in t.
.1 5
(. 0
7 ,
.2 4
)* .1
2 (.
0 4
, .2
1 )*
1 4
(. 0
6 ,
.2 3
)* .0
8 .1
2 (.
0 4
, .2
1 )*
.1 7
(. 0
8 ,
.2 8
)* .0
5
A n
ti so
ci al
/m ed
ia in
t. .0
1 -
.0 2
.0 6
.0 2
.1 8
(. 0
9 ,
.2 9
)* .1
4 (.
0 6
, .2
3 )*
.0 3
D R
2 .0
2 *
.0 1
.0 2
* .0
1 .0
4 *
.0 4
* .0
1
N u
m b
er s
in p
ar en
th es
es re
p re
se n
t 9
5 %
co n
fi d
en ce
in te
rv al
fo r
st an
d ar
d iz
ed re
g re
ss io
n co
ef fi
ci en
ts .
C o
n fi
d en
ce in
te rv
al s
in cl
u d
ed o
n ly
fo r
si g
n ifi
ca n
t re
su lt
s. P
re te
st sc
o re
= T
1 sc
o re
fo r
th e
sp ec
ifi c
o u
tc o
m e
m ea
su re
. It
al ic
iz ed
v al
u es
re p
re se
n t
st ep
s in
th e
re g
re ss
io n
m o
d el
. A
d ju
st ed
R 2
is re
p o
rt ed
fo r
ea ch
st ep
in th
e h
ie ra
rc h
ic al
m o
d el
s
Y S
R a
c y
o u
th se
lf re
p o
rt , ag
g re
ss io
n ,
ch il
d , Y
S R
rb c
y o
u th
se lf
re p
o rt
, ru
le b
re ak
in g
, ch
il d
, C
B C
L a
p ch
il d
b eh
av io
r ch
ec k
li st
, ag
g re
ss io
n , p
ar en
t, C
B C
L rb
p ch
il d
b eh
av io
r ch
ec k
li st
, ru
le b
re ak
in g
,
p ar
en t,
N V
C ri
m e
n o
n v
io le
n t
cr im
e, N
L E
, V
C ri
m e
v io
le n
t cr
im e,
N L
E ,
B u
ll y
O lw
eu s
B u
ll y
in g
Q u
es ti
o n
n ai
re ,
D S
d ep
re ss
iv e
sy m
p to
m s
* S
ta ti
st ic
al si
g n
ifi ca
n ce
386 J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391
123
aggression measure was created from the sum of the
seven individual aggression measures. This composite
measure showed high consistency (alpha = .81). The
resulting regression equation was statistically significant
[F(15,250) = 6.20, R = .52, adj R2 = .23] through the last
step. Male gender (b = .31, .20 B r B .41), current (T2)
level of depressive symptoms (b = .30, .19 B r B .40) and
T1 video game use (b = .16, .05 B r B .27) were all sig-
nificant predictors of T2 video game use. Aggressive
behavior at T1 was not predictive of video game use at T2.
Adding aggression to step 1 rather than step 5 of the
regression did not change the outcome.
Path Analysis of Temporal Sequencing of Video Game
Violence Exposure and Aggression (H2, H3)
Path analysis can be used to test the temporal sequence of
video game violence exposure and aggressive behavior,
using each variable and T1 and T2. If video game violence
exposure at T1 is predictive of aggression at T2, but
aggression at T1 is not predictive of video game violence
exposure at T2 this lends support to causal beliefs that
video game violence exposure leads to subsequent
aggression as the alternative hypothesis (that aggression
leads to subsequent video game violence use) is ruled out
(however the data remains correlational, and alternate
explanations based on third variables cannot be ruled out).
The basic path analysis was based on that used by
Moller and Krahe (2009), and is represented in Fig. 2.
Using path analysis, goodness of fit can be evaluated both
through a non-significant chi-squared analysis, as well as
by several goodness of fit indices such as the ‘‘Adjusted
Goodness of Fit Index’’ or root mean squared error of
approximation (RMSEA).
Separate path analyses were run with T1 video game
exposure leading to T2 aggression and T1 aggression
leading to T2 video game exposure (these paths are rep-
resented by the divided arrows in Fig. 2). Aggression was
measured by the T1 and T2 composite measures described
above. Neither of these proved to be good fits to the data,
nor did a combined path analysis with T1 aggression and
video game violence exposure both leading to T2 aggres-
sion and video game violence exposure.
Next, a path model was developed based on the
regression results with aggression pre-score, current
depressive symptoms, and the antisocial/depressive symp-
toms interaction each functioning as separate, direct con-
tributors to the composite youth aggression measure at T2.
Although close to the criteria described above, this model
did not prove a good fit. Antisocial personality traits were
then added to the model as a contributor to T1 aggression.
This model proved to be a good fit to the data [v2(6) =
23.8, p C .05, NFI = .91, CFI = .92, RMSEA = .09] and
is presented in Fig. 3.
Discussion
The issue of video game violence exposure remains
a pressing one in Western society. The US State of
California, as well as nations ranging from Australia and
Switzerland to China and Venezuela, are considering
efforts to restrict youth access to violent video games. As
of yet, the empirical understanding of the long-term
influences of video games on youth violence remain
murky. Although several short-term prospective studies of
youth violence have been published (Anderson et al. 2008;
Moller and Krahe 2009; Shibuya et al. 2008; Williams and
Skoric 2005), these have been inconsistent in results and
have been limited by the low clinical validity of the
aggression/violence measures used, and paucity of statis-
tical controls for other relevant variables. The current study
represents the first prospective study to employ well-vali-
dated clinical measures of aggression and violence, and to
control carefully for a number of other relevant factors that
may influence youth violence.
Interaction Effect of Depression and Antisocial Personality on Composite Aggression Score
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1 2 3 4
Depression Quartile
Antisocial 1st Quartile
Antisocial 2nd Quartile
Antisocial 3rd Quartile
Antisocial 4th Quartile
C o
m p
o si
te A
g g
re ss
io n
Fig. 1 Depressive symptoms/antisocial interaction
Fig. 2 Initial time sequenced path model
J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391 387
123
Several important conclusions can be made from the
current study. First, hypothesis H1, that video game use
would be consistent over time, was moderately supported
by the current data with a stability coefficient at 1 year of
r = .33, as indicated in the bivariate correlations. This
indicates moderate stability in video game violence expo-
sure over time, but this stability coefficient is far smaller,
for instance, than that seen in personality research (McCrae
et al. 2002). This suggests that children’s video game genre
selection may be reasonably variable over time.
Relevant to H2, that video game violence exposure at T1
would prospectively predict serious acts of aggression at
T2, no evidence was found to support this hypothesis either
in the regression analyses for the seven outcome measures,
or for the path analysis using the composite aggression
score. No evidence across any of the outcome measures
supported H2. This remained true whether video game
violence exposure was entered on step 1 or step 5 of the
hierarchical multiple regressions. It would be reasonable to
express the concern that, despite a reasonable level of
power in the current analysis, small effects might have
been missed. However, with the exception of bullying
(b = .12), all of the effects for video game violence
exposure were at or below Cohen’s (1992) suggested
threshold of r = .10 for trivial effects (the effect for bul-
lying nonetheless fell below Ferguson’s 2009 recommen-
dations for interpretation of practical significance). The
effect for bullying was slightly larger than for other out-
comes. It is important not to overinterpret this, as the
bullying finding remained non-significant and very small in
effect size. Nonetheless, it may be simply that less serious
forms of aggression show slightly higher relations with
video game violence than do more serious forms of
aggression, an observation made previously in the literature
(Ferguson and Kilburn 2009).
It appears reasonable to conclude that, in the current
sample, little evidence supported a significant predictive
relationship between violent video game exposure and
serious user aggression. Results of the current study are, in
fact, not out of league with previous prospective studies, all
of which have found only small effects (hovering on either
side of r = .10) of video game violence on subsequent
aggression. What seems to vary between reports is the
language used in interpreting these effects ranging from
attempts to generalize findings to serious acts of youth
violence (Anderson et al. 2008) to the conclusion that such
small effects effectively represent null findings (Williams
and Skoric 2005). It may be prudent for scholars to be more
temperate and conservative in their interpretations in the
future, particularly where effect sizes have tended to be
generally weak.
In the current study, results by and large are at or below
r = .10 with confidence intervals that, as such, cross the
zero mark and thus, irrespective of statistical significance,
do not provide support for H2. It may be argued that some
scholars have, in the past, been overzealous in arguing for
strong, consistent and general effects, when evidence
backing such conclusions is limited (see Sherry 2007 for a
similar conclusion). The current study, however, is the first
prospective study to carefully examine pathological/serious
youth aggression and violent behavior using well validated
clinical measures. Thus, generalizability to serious youth
aggression is more possible with the current study than
with those previously mentioned.
For criminal behaviors (both violent and non-violent),
although no direct effects of video games or television
violence were seen, total media violence consumption
interacted with antisocial traits. Interestingly, for children
with low antisocial traits, media violence exposure was
associated with less criminal behavior. Only for the most
Fig. 3 Final ‘‘good fit’’ path
model
388 J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391
123
antisocial children was media violence exposure associated
with more violent crimes. There are two possible expla-
nations for this phenomenon. First, antisocial children who
are most inclined toward criminal behavior may also be
those most likely to select violent media. This is the
explanation favored by Ferguson et al. (2008) based on
similar findings as well as by Kutner and Olson (2008).
However, Giumetti and Markey (2007) alternatively sug-
gest that, although violent video games are harmless for the
vast majority of children, for those with preexisting high
antisocial traits, video game violence may exacerbate these
traits. More data is needed to ascertain which of these
possibilities is correct. These findings also should be tem-
pered by their small effect size and the fact that the media
interaction term was not a good fit for the path analysis.
Related to H3, that a priori aggressiveness predicts T2
video game use, no greater support for this view was found
in either the regression analyses or path analysis than for
H1. Indeed, aggressiveness and video game violence use do
not seem to be highly predictive of one another, at least
prospectively. Of the theoretical perspectives discussed
earlier in the article, the ‘‘third variable’’ perspective that
aggression and video game violence have little causal
impact on each other, is best supported by the results of the
current study.
Of the third variables that predicted T2 serious aggres-
sion and violence, by far the best predictor was current
(T2) depressive symptoms in both the regression and path
analyses. As such, this variable warrants some discussion.
The effect size for the T2 depressive symptoms variable on
pathological aggression was, by the standards of social
science, large (Cohen 1992), ranging between .5 and .62
for the CBCL outcomes, and .32 for bullying (but non-
significant for criminal behavior). Also depressive symp-
toms and antisocial traits appeared to interact, such that
individuals with high antisocial traits who also were
depressed were most likely to engage in aggressive and
criminal acts. By contrast, T1 depressive symptoms were
not predictive of T2 serious aggression. These results
suggest that current mood states may be more important in
the etiology of aggressiveness than historical influences, at
least for children and young adolescents. Although some
T1 third variables, such as peer delinquency and parental
psychological aggression in romantic relationships, were
predictive of some serious aggression outcomes, these
effects were generally small and inconsistent across mea-
sures. Therefore, in the current analysis, depressive
symptoms stand out as particularly strong predictors of
youth violence and aggression.
Some research has indicated that low serotonergic
functioning is related both to increased levels of depressive
symptoms and serious aggressive behavior (Carver et al.
2008) and results of the current study may reflect this.
Similarly a US Secret Service and US Department of
Education (2002) evaluation of adolescent and young adult
‘‘school shooters’’ (a group often linked with violent video
games in the popular press) found that 78% had a history of
feeling suicidal prior to their assault, and 61% had a history
of significant depressive symptoms or despondency,
although this often went undiagnosed (the figure above
reflects psychological autopsy results in which diaries or
blogs of shooters reflected serious depressive symptoms
that was not brought to the attention of mental health
professionals). Thus, current levels of depressive symp-
toms may be a key variable of interest in the prevention of
serious aggression in youth.
Results from the current study suggest that long-term
prediction of youth violence remains spotty at best and
practitioners may need to be careful not to ‘‘profile’’ youth
who have not committed serious aggressive acts. Predictive
results based on sociological variables (or video game use)
may run the risk of significant overidentification of ‘‘at
risk’’ status. Practitioners and policy makers may be eager
to identify and intervene with at-risk youth, but where
long-term prediction remains unreliable, the potential for
damage as well as good should temper and restrain efforts
in this realm.
No study is without flaws, and it is important to docu-
ment them in a research report. It should be reemphasized
that the current sample is non-random. Although efforts
were made to get the most representative sample possible,
generalizations from a non-random sample should be
undertaken only with caution. The current sample also was
a Hispanic-majority sample. Although this represents an
important extension of prospective designs into a previ-
ously neglected ethnic group, generalization to other ethnic
groups and cultures may be unwarranted. Furthermore, it is
not possible for a single research design to consider all
possible third variables. Important third variables that were
not considered in the current study but which have been
identified as important in other research (e.g., Pratt and
Cullen 2005) include poverty, substance abuse, school
influences, self-control and genetics. Further research
designs may wish to consider these predictor variables in
the future. The aggression related outcome measures used
here were designed to tap into more serious forms of
aggression, than in previous prospective studies. However,
it is reasonable to note differences even between these
measures. Arguably the severely violent criminal behaviors
referenced by the NLE differ from bullying behaviors
tapped by the OBQ. Thus, caution is warranted in gener-
alizing across these outcomes.
In conclusion, the current study finds no evidence to
support a long-term relationship between video game vio-
lence use and subsequent aggression. Although debates
about video game violence effects on player aggression are
J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391 389
123
likely to continue for some time, it is suggested that the
degree of certainty and statements regarding the strength of
causal effects should be revised in a conservative direction
(similar calls have been made by other scholars, e.g.,
Cumberbatch 2008, Freedman 2002; Olson 2004, Savage
and Yancey 2008; Sherry 2007). A reasonable argument
and debate for small influences could probably still be
made (e.g., Markey and Scherer 2009), although statements
reflecting strong, broad effects generalizable to serious acts
of youth violence are at current, likely unwarranted. This is
particularly important to note given that, as video games
have become more widespread over the past few decades,
the incidence rate of criminal youth violence has declined
sharply; it has not increased as feared (Childstats.gov
2009). Naturally, video games are an unlikely cause of this
youth violence decline (to conclude otherwise would be to
indulge in the ecological fallacy), however these results
suggest a mismatch between public fears of violent video
games and actual trends in youth violence (i.e., fears of
juvenile superpredators never materialized, see Muschert
2007). It is argued here that scientists must be cautious to
remain conservative in their conclusions lest the public be
misinformed. A continued debate over violent video games
will likely be positive and constructive, but such a debate
must be made with restraint. It is hoped that the current
article will contribute to such a debate.
References
Achenbach, T. M., & Rescorla, L. A. (2001). Manual for ASEBA school-age forms & profiles. Burlington, VT: University of
Vermont.
Anderson, C. (2004). An update on the effects of playing violent
video games. Journal of Adolescence, 27, 113–122.
Anderson, C., Sakamoto, A., Gentile, D., Ihori, N., Shibuya, A.,
Yukawa, S., et al. (2008). Longitudinal effects of violent video
games on aggression in Japan and the United States. Pediatrics, 122(5), e1067–e1072.
Bandura, A., Ross, D., & Ross, S. A. (1961). Transmission of
aggression through imitation of aggressive models. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 63, 575–582.
Bandura, A., Ross, D., & Ross, S. A. (1963). Imitation of film-
mediated aggressive models. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 66, 3–11.
Beaver, K. M., Shutt, J. E., Boutwell, B. B., Ratchford, M., Roberts,
K., & Barnes, J. C. (2009). Genetic and environmental influences
on levels of self-control and delinquent peer affiliation: Results
from a longitudinal sample of adolescent twins. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 36, 41–60.
Beaver, K. M., Wright, J. P., DeLisi, M., Walsh, A., Vaughn, M. G.,
Boisvert, D., et al. (2007). A gene 9 gene interaction between
DRD2 and DRD4 is associated with conduct disorder and
antisocial behavior in males. Behavioral and Brain Functions, 3,
Retrieved December 30, 2009, from http://www.behavioraland
brainfunctions.com/content/3/1/30.
Blummer, H. (1933). Movies and conduct. New York: MacMillan.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Buss, D., & Shackelford, T. (1997). Human aggression in evolution-
ary psychological perspective. Clinical Psychology Review, 17,
605–619.
Carver, C., Johnson, S., & Joormann, J. (2008). Serotonergic function,
two-mode models of self-regulation, and vulnerability to depres-
sion: What depression has in common with impulsive aggres-
sion. Psychological Bulletin, 134(6), 912–943. doi:10.1037/
a0013740.
Childstats.gov. (2009). America’s children: Key national indicators of well-being, 2009. Retrieved December 30, 2009, from http://
www.childstats.gov/.
Cohen, J. (1992). A power primer. Psychological Bulletin, 112,
155–159.
Cumberbatch, G. (2008). Mass media: Continuing controversies. In
D. Albertazzi, & P. Cobley (Eds.), London: Pearson Education.
Durkin, K., & Barber, B. (2002). Not so doomed: Computer game
play and positive adolescent development. Applied Develop- mental Psychology, 23, 373–392.
Federal Trade Commission. (2009). Marketing violent entertainment to children. Retrieved March 14, 2010, from http://www.ftc.gov/
os/2009/12/P994511violententertainment.pdf.
Ferguson, C. J. (2009). An effect size primer: A guide for clinicians
and researchers. Professional Psychology: Research and Prac- tice, 40(5), 532–538.
Ferguson, C. J., & Kilburn, J. (2009). The public health risks of media
violence: A meta-analytic review. Journal of Pediatrics, 154(5),
759–763. Ferguson, C. J., Rueda, S., Cruz, A., Ferguson, D., Fritz, S., & Smith,
S. (2008). Violent video games and aggression: Causal relation-
ship or byproduct of family violence and intrinsic violence
motivation? Criminal Justice and Behavior, 35, 311–332.
Ferguson, C. J., San Miguel, C., & Hartley, R. D. (2009). A
multivariate analysis of youth violence and aggression: The
influence of family, peers, depression and media violence.
Journal of Pediatrics, 155(6), 904–908.
Freedman, J. (2002). Media violence and its effect on aggression: Assessing the scientific evidence. Toronto: University of Toronto
Press.
Gauntlett, D. (1995). Moving experiences: Understanding television’s influences and effects. Luton: John Libbey.
Giumetti, G. W., & Markey, P. M. (2007). Violent video games and
anger as predictors of aggression. Journal of Research in Personality, 41, 1234–1243.
Goodman, L. A. (1961). Snowball sampling. Annals of Mathematical Statistics, 32, 148–170. doi:10.1214/aoms/1177705148.
Griffiths, M., & Hunt, N. (1995). Computer game playing in
adolescence: Prevalence and demographic indicators. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology, 5, 189–193.
Griswold, C. (2004). Plato on rhetoric and poetry. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved January 5, 2010, from
http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2004/entries/plato-rhetoric/.
Hawley, P., & Vaughn, B. (2003). Aggression and adaptive function:
The bright side to bad behavior. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 49,
239–242.
Hudziak, J., Copeland, W., Stanger, C., & Wadsworth, M. (2004).
Screening for DSM-IV externalizing disorders with the child
behavior checklist: A receiver-operating characteristic analysis.
Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45(7), 1299–1307.
doi:10.1111/j.1469-7610.2004.00314.x.
Huesmann, L. (2007). The impact of electronic media violence:
Scientific theory and research. Journal of Adolescent Health, 41(6), S6–S13. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2007.09.005.
Keith, T. (2006). Multiple regression and beyond. Boston: Pearson.
390 J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391
123
Kirsh, S. (1998). Seeing the world through Mortal Kombat-colored
glasses: Violent video games and the development of a short-
term hostile attribution bias. Childhood: A Global Journal of Child Research, 5(2), 177–184.
Kutner, L., & Olson, C. (2008). Grand theft childhood: The surprising truth about violent video games and what parents can do. New
York: Simon & Schuster.
Lenhart, A., Kahne, J., Middaugh, E., MacGill, A., Evans, C., &
Mitak, J. (2008). Teens, video games and civics: Teens gaming experiences are diverse and include significant social interaction and civic engagement. Retrieved January 2, 2010 from http://
www.pewinternet.org/PPF/r/263/report_display.asp.
Markey, P. M., & Scherer, K. (2009). An examination of psychot-
icism and motion capture controls as moderators of the effects of
violent video games. Computers in Human Behavior, 25,
407–411.
McCown, W., Keiser, R., Mulhearn, S., & Williamson, D. (1997).
The role of personality and gender in preferences for exagger-
ated bass in music. Personality and Individual Differences, 23,
543–547.
McCrae, R., Costa, P., Terracciano, A., Parker, W., Mills, C., De
Fruyt, F., et al. (2002). Personality trait development from age 12
to age 18: Longitudinal, cross-sectional and cross-cultural
analyses. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83(6),
1456–1468. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.83.6.1456.
Mitrofan, O., Paul, M., & Spencer, N. (2009). Is aggression in
children with behavioural and emotional difficulties associated
with television viewing and video game playing? A systematic
review. Child: Care, Health and Development, 35(1), 5–15.
doi:10.1111/j.1365-2214.2008.00912.x.
Moller, I., & Krahe, B. (2009). Exposure to violent video games and
aggression in German adolescents: A longitudinal analysis.
Aggressive Behavior, 35, 79–89.
Moos, R., & Moos, B. (2002). Family environment scale manual. Palo
Alto: Mindgarden.
Muschert, G. (2007). The Columbine victims and the myth of the
juvenile superpredator. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 5(4), 351–366.
Olson, C. (2004). Media violence research and youth violence data:
Why do they conflict? Academic Psychiatry, 28, 144–150.
Olson, C. (2010). Children’s motivations for video game play in the
context of normal development. Review of General Psychology, 14(2), 180–187. doi:10.1037/a0018984.
Olson, C., Kutner, L., Baer, L., Beresin, E., Warner, D., & Nicholi, A.
(2009). M-rated video games and aggressive of problem
behavior among young adolescents. Applied Developmental Science, 13(4), 1–11.
Olson, C., Kutner, L., Warner, D., Almerigi, J., Baer, L., Nicholi, A., et al.
(2007). Factors correlated with violent video game use by adolescent
boys and girls. Journal of Adolescent Health, 41, 77–83.
Olweus, D. (1996). The revised Olweus Bully/Victim Questionnaire.
Bergen, Norway: University of Bergen.
Paik, H., & Comstock, G. (1994). The effects of television violence
on anti-social behavior: A meta-analysis. Communication Research, 21, 516–546.
Parent Teacher Association. (2008). ESRB and PTA launch new national campaign to educate parents about game ratings, parental controls and online video game safety. Retrieved March
14, 2010, from http://www.pta.org/2787.htm.
Paternoster, R., & Mazerolle, P. (1994). General strain theory and
delinquency: A replication and extension. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 31(3), 235–263.
Pinker, S. (2002). The blank slate: The modern denial of human nature. New York, NY: Penguin.
Pratt, T., & Cullen, C. (2005). Assessing macro-level predictors and
theories of crime: A meta-analysis. In Michael. Tomry (Ed.),
Crime and justice: A review of research (Vol. 32, pp. 373–450).
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Rentfrow, P., & Gosling, S. (2003). The do re mi’s of everyday life:
The structure and personality correlates of music preferences.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84(6),
1236–1256. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.84.6.1236.
Salganik, M., & Heckathorn, D. (2002). Sampling and estimation in
hidden populations using respondent driven sampling. Sociolog- ical Methodology, 34(1), 193–240. doi:10.1111/j.0081-1750.
2004.00152.x.
Savage, J., & Yancey, C. (2008). The effects of media violence
exposure on criminal aggression: A meta-analysis. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 35, 1123–1136.
Sherry, J. (2007). Violent video games and aggression: Why can’t we
find links? In R. Preiss, B. Gayle, N. Burrell, M. Allen, &
J. Bryant (Eds.), Mass Media effects research: Advances through meta-analysis (pp. 231–248). Mahwah, NJ: L. Erlbaum.
Shibuya, A., Sakamoto, A., Ihori, N., & Yukawa, S. (2008). The
effects of the presence and context of video game violence on
children: A longitudinal study in Japan. Simulation and Gaming, 39(4), 528–539. doi:10.1177/1046878107306670.
Straus, M., Hamby, S., & Warren, W. (2003). The conflict tactics scales handbook. Los Angeles, CA: WPS.
Tackett, J., Krueger, R., Sawyer, M., & Graetz, B. (2003). Subfactors
of DSM-IV conduct disorder: Evidence and connections with
syndromes from the child behavior checklist. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 31(6), 647–654. doi:10.1023/
A:1026214324287.
United States Secret Service and United States Department of
Education. (2002). The final report and findings of the Safe School Initiative: Implications for the prevention of school attacks in the United States. Retrieved December 12, 2009, from
http://www.secretservice.gov/ntac/ssi_final_report.pdf.
Unsworth, G., Devilly, G., & Ward, T. (2007). The effect of playing
violent videogames on adolescents: Should parents be quaking in
their boots? Psychology, Crime and Law, 13, 383–394.
Williams, D., & Skoric, M. (2005). Internet fantasy violence: A test of
aggression in an online game. Communication Monographs, 72,
217–233.
Wolke, D., Waylan, A., Samara, M., Steer, C., Goodman, R., Ford, T.,
et al. (2009). Selective drop-out in longitudinal studies and non-
biased prediction of behavior disorders. The British Journal of Psychiatry, 195, 249–256. doi:10.1192/bjp.bp.108.053751.
Ybarra, M., Diener-West, M., Markow, D., Leaf, P., Hamburger, M.,
& Boxer, P. (2008). Linkages between internet and other media
violence with seriously violent behavior by youth. Pediatrics, 122(5), 929–937.
Author Biography
Christopher J. Ferguson is an associate professor of clinical and
forensic psychology at Texas A&M International University. His
research has focused on the positive and negative effects of violent
video games, and on youth violence more broadly. He lives in Laredo,
TX with his wife and young son.
J Youth Adolescence (2011) 40:377–391 391
123
Copyright of Journal of Youth & Adolescence is the property of Springer Science & Business Media B.V. and
its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's
express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.
ContentServer (1)dddd.pdf
EMPIRICAL RESEARCH
Video Game Violence Use Among ‘‘Vulnerable’’ Populations: The Impact of Violent Games on Delinquency and Bullying Among Children with Clinically Elevated Depression or Attention Deficit Symptoms
Christopher J. Ferguson • Cheryl K. Olson
Received: 18 April 2013 / Accepted: 17 July 2013 / Published online: 24 August 2013
� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract The issue of children’s exposure to violent
video games has been a source of considerable debate for
several decades. Questions persist whether children with
pre-existing mental health problems may be influenced
adversely by exposure to violent games, even if other
children are not. We explored this issue with 377 children
(62 % female, mixed ethnicity, mean age = 12.93) dis-
playing clinically elevated attention deficit or depressive
symptoms on the Pediatric Symptom Checklist. Results
from our study found no evidence for increased bullying or
delinquent behaviors among youth with clinically elevated
mental health symptoms who also played violent video
games. Our results did not support the hypothesis that
children with elevated mental health symptoms constitute a
‘‘vulnerable’’ population for video game violence effects.
Implications and suggestions for further research are
provided.
Keywords Video games � Aggression � Violence � Mental health
Introduction
Whether violent video games do or do not contribute to
behavioral aggression and societal violence among youth
has been debated, at the time of this writing, for three
decades. By societal violence, we refer to a range of
behaviors, from bullying and physical fighting to criminal
assault and even homicide, which are of concern to law-
makers and parents. We contrast societal violence with the
measures of relatively mild aggression (or perhaps com-
petition) often used in laboratory studies of college stu-
dents, which arguably do not tap well into the issue of
societal violence (Kutner and Olson 2008). Caution is
required in generalization of laboratory aggression mea-
sures to societal violence as the potential for misinformation
is considerable (Ferguson et al. 2011). To date, no con-
sensus has been reached on the matter of whether violent
games and societal violence are linked: some scholars argue
that violent games contribute to behavioral aggression
(Fraser et al. 2012) or even societal violence (Strasburger
2007), while others suggest that video games have a neg-
ligible influence on aggression (Puri and Pugliese 2012) or
may even reduce aggression (Colwell and Kato 2003).
Existing societal concerns about video games have
intensified after the 1999 Columbine High School massacre
(Ferguson 2013) and other well-publicized school shootings.
The tragic 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School murders in
Newtown, Connecticut resurrected these debates amid
reports that the 20-year-old shooter was an avid gamer (e.g.,
Henderson 2012). The Newtown shooting also brought
renewed attention to wide discrepancies in opinion regarding
whether violent video games influence criminal behavior.
The Brown v EMA (2011) Supreme Court decision, in which
the Court ruled that a California law restricting the sale or
rental of violent games to minors was an unconstitutional
violation of the First Amendment, highlighted the limitations
of existing studies of violent video games and the difficulty
of applying this pool of research to policy-relevant questions.
A series of appellate court rulings made similar points (see
Brown v EMA 2011, p. 12). Given these court rulings, and
C. J. Ferguson (&)
Department of Psychology, Stetson University,
DeLand, FL 32729, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
C. K. Olson
Reston, VA, USA
123
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136
DOI 10.1007/s10964-013-9986-5
the recurring media focus on video games, researchers need
to do more to answer the questions of greatest public concern
regarding video games and any potential harm to youth. The
recurrence of these concerns with each school shooting or
court ruling points to the need for studies that can mean-
ingfully inform policy and legal debates.
Video Game Violence Research: What is the Evidence?
Much speculation focuses on the issue of whether violence
in video games or other entertainment media, such as
television, can contribute to real-life violence. Evidence to
date is scant. For instance, in a recent meta-analysis that
focused on criminal aggression, Savage and Yancey (2008)
found that exposure to media violence shared only trivial
amounts of variance with criminal aggression. Similarly, in
a large sample of youth aged 10–15, Ybarra et al. (2008)
found that violent media exposure did not predict violence
once other confounding variables were controlled. It is also
noteworthy that the explosion in popularity and availability
of video games has coincided with a precipitous decline in
youth violence, not a rise (see Ferguson 2013 for
discussion).
There exists a large pool of studies examining video
game violence effects in college students using laboratory
methods and measures of relatively mild aggression. The
validity of these measures has been debated within the
research community (e.g. Giancola and Zeichner 1995;
Ritter and Eslea 2005). One point of contention is the lack
of clear correspondence between these measures and the
types of aggressive behaviors of interest to policy makers
and parents. For instance, such studies have examined
outcomes such as filling in the missing letters of words,
where ‘‘kill’’ rather than ‘‘kiss’’ is considered more
aggressive (Farrar et al. 2013); self-ratings of hostile
feelings (Williams 2011); or administering non-painful
bursts of annoying noise to consenting opponents in a
reaction-time test (Anderson and Dill 2000). Taken at face
value, such studies may be generalizable to competitive-
ness rather than aggression, or perhaps to mild aggressive
acts (the equivalent of children sticking tongues out at each
other), but cannot be generalized to societal violence. Even
these studies produce mixed results, however, and have
been criticized for methodological issues such as failing to
match violent and non-violent video game play conditions
carefully (Adachi and Willoughby 2011), using unstan-
dardized outcome measures that may allow researchers to
pick and choose outcomes fitting their hypotheses (Fergu-
son 2013), and high potential for demand characteristics.
By contrast, studies of video game effects on violent
behaviors among children, conducted outside laboratory
settings, remain relatively few in number. Such studies
differ in quality and standardized approach to measure-
ment. One study (Anderson et al. 2008) found weak links
between video game violence and aggression in US and
Japanese children, although interpretation of results is
complicated by the use of non-standard measures of
aggression and inadequate control for other variables. A
later German study tying media violence, including video
game play, to aggression in children (Krahé et al. 2012)
also did not use standardized assessments. That study may
have been compromised by the introduction of a media
education program into the schools mid-way through the
longitudinal period (e.g., Möller et al. 2012) introducing
demand characteristics (i.e., advertising the study hypoth-
eses to prime respondents to answer surveys in a particular
way, not representative of how they actually behave).
Another recent study that links violent games with
aggression, by Willoughby et al. (2012), carefully con-
trolled for important ‘‘third’’ variables. With other vari-
ables controlled, exposure to violent video games
correlated with later aggression with an effect size equiv-
alent to r = .07, indicating that violent game use was
associated with approximately half a percent increase in
aggressive behavior. The authors noted, however, that it
may be competitive qualities of the games, not violent
content, which led to this increase (see Adachi and Wil-
loughby 2011). In a follow-up longitudinal study (Adachi
and Willoughby 2013), the authors confirmed that com-
petition predicts later aggression, irrespective of violent
game exposure history.
Few other studies of children and video games have
made a solid case for a connection to aggression or violent
outcomes. Several have suggested that use of violent video
games might reduce aggression (Colwell and Kato 2003;
Shibuya et al. 20081). Others indicate that, with other
factors controlled, effects are null (Ferguson 2011; von
Salisch et al. 2011; Wallenius and Punamäki 2008; Ybarra
et al. 2008) or that effects may be idiosyncratic among
children (Unsworth et al. 2007). Meta-analyses (e.g.,
Sherry 2007) have found weaker effects in studies of
children than for college students, the opposite of what
might be expected developmentally. Thus, overall, it is
1 We note the issue that some research reports insinuate links
between violent games and aggression, where their data fail to support
such insinuations. We note that in Shibuya et al. 2008, in their
Table 2, the video game exposure by violence presence variable is
associated with a reduction in aggression in boys, but not girls. For
Ybarra et al. (2008) the null effect for violent video games is noted in
their Figure 2, although they largely ignore their own results to imply
links between violent games and youth aggression. These papers
highlight the need to closely examine research results when under-
standing the true implications of a research study. The rhetoric
employed by scholars in their abstracts and discussion sections does
not always match their data.
128 J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136
123
difficult to make clear conclusions about links between
video game violence and childhood aggression or violence.
Post-Sandy Hook, a view emerged, typified by the report
of the US House of Representatives Gun Violence Pre-
vention Task Force (2013), that current research probably
did not support concerns that the average child was harmed
by video game violence. Rather, attention should be
focused on prevention and early intervention with ‘‘at-risk
youth,’’ with particular emphasis on mental health. This is
a reasonable hypothesis, but one that has not been studied
extensively. Several studies of college students by Patrick
Markey found that violent video games may interact with
preexisting anger symptoms in some young adults to
increase hostility, although he has been cautious about
extending these findings to violence in children (Giumetti
and Markey 2007; Markey and Markey 2010; Markey and
Scherer 2009). These warnings are consistent with those of
criminologists who warn against generalizing laboratory
aggression measures to criminal violence (Savage 2008).
One recent analysis with children (Ferguson 2011) was
unable to confirm the hypothesis that children with pre-
existing antisocial traits were adversely influenced by
violent video games. However, more research would cer-
tainly be welcome.
The Current Study
The current study is intended to address gaps in the existing
literature by considering the impact of exposure to violence
in video games on criminal delinquency and bullying
behaviors in a sample of children with clinically elevated
mental health symptoms. It is important to note at the
outset that the vast majority of children with mental health
symptoms do not engage in violent behavior. Although
some symptoms of mental health problems such as
depression (Ferguson 2011) and attention deficit disorder
(Wymbs et al. 2012) have been identified as risk factors for
aggressive or violent behavior, this occurs only in combi-
nation with other significant risk factors, not as a direct
result of the mental health symptoms. Thus, scholars must
exercise caution not to further stigmatize mental illness by
insinuating links with violence.
Rather, our analyses are intended to address the
hypothesis that children with clinically elevated mental
health symptoms consistitute a ‘‘vulnerable’’ population of
individuals who may be susceptible to video game violence
effects even if clinically ‘‘normal’’ children are not. We
thus test two main hypotheses. First, it was hypothesized
that children with clinically elevated symptoms of
depression will demonstrate a correlation between violent
video game exposure and criminal delinquency and bul-
lying behavior-related outcomes. Second, it was
hypothesized that children with clinically elevated atten-
tion deficit symptoms will demonstrate a correlation
between violent video game exposure and criminal delin-
quency and bullying behavior related outcomes.
Methods
Participants
The current study includes a subset of participants from a
large federally funded project examining video game vio-
lence effects on youth. Details related to the initial devel-
opment and recruitment for this project can be found at
Kutner and Olson (2008). Only children who scored in the
clinically significant range on clinically validated scales
related to depressive or attention deficit symptoms (scales
discussed below) were included in the current analyses.
These included 377 children: 182 with clinically elevated
attention deficit symptoms, and 284 with clinically ele-
vated depressive symptoms. Clinically elevated symptoms
were comorbid for 89 (23.6 %) children. There were 234
females in the sample and 140 males (3 chose not to report
their gender). The mean age of the children was 12.93
(SD = .76). Children were recruited from both an urban
and suburban school. The ethnic makeup of students in the
urban school was 50 % white, 43 % black, 2 % Asian, 5 %
Hispanic and\1 % other. The ethnic makeup of students in
the suburban school was 90 % white, 4 % black, 4 %
Asian, 1 % Hispanic and 1 % other (individual students
were not asked to report their ethnic background).
Measures
Depression/Attention Symptoms
Symptoms of depression and attention-deficit/hyperactivity
problems were assessed using the relevant subscales of the
youth self-report version of the Pediatric Symptom Check-
list—17 (PSC; Gardner et al. 1999). This instrument is a
validated, brief screening device for mental health problems
in children, and provides clinical cut-offs to identify children
whose symptoms merit further evaluation. Participants were
asked to rate whether they experienced particular mental
health symptoms ‘‘never,’’ ‘‘sometimes’’ or ‘‘often.’’ With
the current sample, coefficient alpha for the ADHD subscale
was .75 and for the depression subscale .80. The sample
reported mean was 5.41 and standard deviation was 2.28.
Trait Aggression
The Attitudes Toward Conflict scale (ATC; Dahlberg et al.
1998) consists of eight Likert items related to potential
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136 129
123
aggressive responses to various hypothetical situations.
Sample items include, ‘‘It’s OK for me to hit someone to
get them to do what I want’’ and ‘‘I try to talk out a
problem instead of fighting.’’ Due to the stability in trait
aggression it is commonly regarded as an important control
variable and we include it here for this reason. Trait
aggression correlated with video game exposure at r = .24
for youth with elevated attention deficit symptoms and .23
for youth with elevated depressive symptoms. However,
predictive relationships between exposure to video game
violence and trait aggression became non-significant in
regression equations with gender, parental involvement,
stress and family/peer support controlled. Thus, we are
confident that our use of trait aggression as a control var-
iable does not miss relationships between video game
violence and trait aggression with other factors controlled.
Coefficient alpha for the current sample for the ATC was
.76. The sample reported mean was 16.48 and standard
deviation was 4.60.
Parental Involvement
To measure parents’ involvement with their children’s
media use, sharing media consumption with children and
making media consumption decisions for them, a nine-item
Likert-scale was created for this study. Examples of
questions included in this scale are ‘‘My parents play
electronic games with me,’’ and ‘‘My parents tell me I can’t
play a particular electronic game.’’ Coefficient alpha for
the current sample was .68. The sample reported mean was
18.48 and standard deviation was 4.12.
Support from Others
We compiled a sixteen item Likert-scale measure of per-
ceived support from peers and family. This measure was
based on two existing measures (Lerner et al. 2005; Phillips
and Springer 1992) of peer support and family support.
Overall coefficient alpha for the resultant scale was .87.
The sample reported mean was 44.35 and standard devia-
tion was 10.22.
Stress
The Stressful Urban Life Events scale (SULE; Attar et al.
1994), a 19 item yes/no scale, was used to measure total
stress that children in the current sample had experienced
during the past year. The SULE addressed stressors such as
getting suspended from school, getting poor grades on
one’s report card, or experiencing the death of a family
member. Coefficient alpha for the total stress scale was .67
for the current sample. The sample reported mean was 4.82
and standard deviation was 2.96.
Exposure to Video Game Violence
In the current study, we used Entertainment Software
Ratings Board (ESRB) video game ratings as an estimate
of exposure to violence in video games. Respondents were
asked to write the names of five video games that they had
‘‘played a lot’’ in the past 6 months. ESRB ratings were
then obtained for each game, and ordinally coded (a
maximal score of 5 for ‘‘Mature,’’ 4 for ‘‘Teen,’’ etc.). The
sample reported mean was 29.97 and standard deviation
was 30.09.
Many factors go into an ESRB rating, including lan-
guage, sexual content, and use of (or reference to) drugs or
gambling. However, among those factors that determine
the age-based rating, violence appears to take priority.
Descriptors of listed games were reviewed to ensure that
high ratings had not been obtained primarily for sexual
content; this was not the case for any of the games.
Common violence-containing games named by participants
included those in the Halo, Grand Theft Auto, and Mortal
Kombat series. The ratings were summed across the 5
games listed, then multiplied by the number of hours per
week that the child reported playing video games. As with
all attempts to assess game content exposure, this is only an
estimate; however, it removes some of the subjectivity
inherent in previous methods. This approach has been
found to be reliable and valid in previous research (Fer-
guson 2011; Lenhart et al. 2008).
Delinquency
A six-item Likert scale of general delinquency was com-
piled from several existing delinquency scales (Brener
et al. 2002; Elliot et al. 1985; Leffert et al. 1998). Ques-
tions addressed physical aggression (been in a physical
fight; hit or beat up someone) as well as more general
delinquency (stole something from a store; got into trouble
with the police; damaged property just for fun, such as
breaking windows, scratching a car, or putting paint on
walls; skipped classes or school without an excuse). Par-
ticipants were asked to report how often these behaviors
occurred within the previous twelve months. Coefficient
alpha for the resultant scale was .75 for the current sample.
The sample reported mean was 3.00 and standard deviation
was 3.95.
Bullying
The Revised Olweus Bully/Victim Questionnaire (Olweus
1996) was used to assess bullying behaviors. The bullying
perpetration scale consisted of 9 items in which partici-
pants were asked to rate how often they had engaged in
bullying behaviors over the past couple of months. Items
130 J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136
123
inquire about physical aggression, verbal aggression,
threats and social exclusion. A coefficient alpha of .86 was
obtained for the current sample. The sample reported mean
was 2.68 and standard deviation was 4.27.
Procedure
All procedures described within this study were approved
by local IRB and designed to comport with APA standards
for ethical human research. An ‘‘opt out’’ procedure was
used for student involvement, with parents notified of the
study through school newsletters and notices sent home to
students. Youth assent for participation was obtained for all
participants. Teachers were not present during data col-
lection, which occurred during the school day.
Primary data analysis used for the testing of the study
hypotheses were OLS multiple regressions. Gender,
parental involvement, trait aggression, stress, family/peer
support and exposure to video game violence, as well as
the interaction between exposure to violent video game and
trait aggression, were entered simultaneously in the
regression equation. In keeping with the recommendations
of Simmons et al. (2011), we certify that this analysis
approach was selected in advance and was not altered to
produce particular results. An interaction between trait
aggression and exposure to video game violence was tested
by first centering the variables to avoid multicollinearity.
Collinearity diagnostics for all regressions revealed
absence of any concerns with all VIFs below 2.0. Youth
with depressive or attention deficit symptoms will be
considered separately.
Results
Video Game Exposure
Children in our sample were generally very familiar with
electronic games. Of our sample, 84.4 % reported playing
video games on a computer, 81.2 % on a console and
50.4 % on a handheld device in the previous 6 months.
Only 6.1 % reported playing no games at all during that
time. Similarly, only 11.4 % of our sample had no expo-
sure to violent video games. Boys had considerably more
exposure to violent video games than did girls
[t(189.24) = 9.07, p \ .001, r = .46, 95 % CI = .38, .54].
Kurtosis and skew were acceptable, suggesting a normal
distribution of scores.
Video Game Influences
With the sample of children with clinically elevated
depressive symptoms and regarding delinquent criminality
as an outcome only stress (b = .30) and trait aggression
(b = .42) were predictive of delinquent criminality. Nei-
ther exposure to video game violence nor the interaction
between trait aggression and exposure to video game vio-
lence were predictive of delinquent outcomes. The adjusted
R2 for this regression equation was .36. These results are
presented in Table 1.
With the same sample of children with clinically ele-
vated depressive symptoms but considering bullying
behaviors as an outcome, once again only stress (b = .23)
and trait aggression (b = .28) were predictive of bullying
behaviors. Neither exposure to video game violence nor the
interaction between exposure to video game violence and
trait aggression were predictive of bullying related out-
comes. The adjusted R2 for this regression equation was
.22. These results are presented in Table 2.
With the sample of children with clinically elevated
attention deficit symptoms and regarding delinquent crim-
inality, as with the sample of children with clinically
Table 1 Delinquency regression: beta weights and significance of
entered variables for adolescents with clinical elevated depressive
symptoms
Variable b 95 %
confidence
interval
t test Significance
Gender .06 0.92 .36
Parental involvement -.01 -0.05 .96
Stress .30 (.19, .40) 4.73 .001*
Family/peer support -.07 -0.96 .34
Trait aggression .42 (.32, .51) 6.08 .001*
VGV .04 0.55 .59
VGV 9 trait aggression .04 0.64 .53
VGV exposure to video game violence
Table 2 Bullying regression: beta weights and significance of
entered variables for adolescents with clinical elevated depressive
symptoms
Variable b 95 %
confidence
interval
t test Significance
Gender -.11 -1.74 .14
Parental involvement -.01 -0.09 .92
Stress .23 (.12, .34) 3.24 .001*
Family/peer support -.05 -0.67 .50
Trait aggression .28 (.17, .38) 3.74 .001*
VGV -.07 -0.95 .34
VGV 9 trait aggression -.02 -0.23 .82
VGV exposure to video game violence
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136 131
123
elevated depressive symptoms only stress (b = .32) and
trait aggression (b = .38) were predictive of delinquent
criminality. Neither exposure to video game violence nor
the interaction between trait aggression and exposure to
video game violence were predictive of delinquent out-
comes. The adjusted R2 for this regression equation was
.37. These results are presented in Table 3.
Finally, with the sample once again of children with
clinically elevated attention deficit symptoms and with
regards to bullying behavior only trait aggression (b = .41)
was predictive of bullying behaviors along with the inter-
action between trait aggression and exposure to violent
games (b = -.22) suggesting that highly trait aggressive
children who also played violent video games were less
likely to engage in bullying behaviors. Exposure to Video
game violence was not a significant predictor of bullying
behaviors. The adjusted R2 for this regression equation was
.19. These results are presented in Table 4.
Discussion
The 2011 Supreme Court (Brown v EMA 2011) case
seemed to have briefly cooled speculation about video
game violence effects on children. The tragic 2012 shoot-
ing of young children in Newtown, Connecticut by a
20-year-old male reportedly fond of playing violent video
games put the issue back on the front burner (Gun Violence
Prevention Task Force 2013). The consensus from the
government (e.g., Gun Violence Prevention Task Force
2013) seems to have been that current research does not
consistently link exposure to video game violence with
aggression or societal violence, but more research is nec-
essary to assess effects on potentially vulnerable subgroups
of children. The current study is an attempt to fill that gap
by considering correlational violent video game effects in a
sample of youth with clinically elevated mental health
symptoms. Our results did not provide support for the
hypotheses that exposure to violent video games would be
associated with increased delinquency or bullying behav-
iors in children with elevated mental health symptoms.
Our results indicated that violent video games were
associated with neither delinquent criminality nor bullying
behaviors in children with either clinically elevated
depressive or attention deficit symptoms. Nor did we find
support for the belief that trait aggression would interact
with video game violence within this sample of youth. That
is a particularly interesting finding given that a combina-
tion of mental health symptoms and long-term aggressive
traits are common elements to attackers who carried out
school shootings (US Secret Service and US Department of
Education 2002). Our results cannot, of course, be gen-
eralized to mass homicides. We do note that our findings
with more general forms of youth violence are similar to
those of the Secret Service report, in that trait aggressive-
ness and stress were risk factors for negative outcomes
where exposure to video game violence was not. The only
exception was our finding that, for children with elevated
attention deficit symptoms, trait aggression and video game
violence interacted in such a way as to predict reduced
bullying. This could be considered some small correla-
tional evidence for a cathartic type effect, although we note
it was for only one of four outcomes and small in effect
size. Thus we caution against overinterpretation of this
result.
None of the hypotheses related to video game violence
effects on vulnerable youth were supported. Although this
is only one piece of evidence, this early result does not
support the belief that certain at-risk populations of youth,
at least related to clinically elevated depression and
attention deficit symptoms and trait aggression, demon-
strate negative associations between violent video games
and aggression related outcomes. It may be that the
Table 3 Delinquency regression: beta weights and significance of
entered variables for adolescents with clinical elevated attention
deficit symptoms
Variable b 95 %
Confidence
interval
t test Significance
Gender .06 0.71 .48
Parental involvement .06 0.70 .49
Stress .32 (.18, .44) 4.21 .001*
Family/peer support -.15 -1.69 .10
Trait aggression .38 (.25, .50) 4.23 .001*
VGV .04 0.45 .65
VGV 9 trait aggression .03 0.39 .70
VGV = exposure to video game violence
Table 4 Bullying regression: beta weights and significance of
entered variables for adolescents with clinical elevated attention
deficit symptoms
Variable b 95 %
confidence
interval
t test Significance
Gender -.06 -0.61 .54
Parental involvement .06 0.65 .52
Stress .12 1.38 .17
Family/peer support .01 0.02 .99
Trait aggression .41 (.28, .52) 4.17 .001*
VGV .06 0.60 .55
VGV 9 trait
aggression
-.22 (-.08, -.35) -2.27 .03*
VGV exposure to video game violence
132 J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136
123
influence of media is simply too distal to impact children,
even those with mental health symptoms. We do note that
our results do not rule out motivational models of media
use, wherein effects are driven by user motivations rather
than automatic modeling of content. However, we found
little evidence to support beliefs in reliable probabilistic
models of automatic media modeling of violence in chil-
dren with elevated depressive or attention deficit
symptoms.
We note that our results differ from those of Patrick
Markey (Giumetti and Markey 2007; Markey and Markey
2010; Markey and Scherer 2009). There are several pos-
sible explanations for the differing results. For example,
Markey’s work considered hostile feelings in the short term
as outcome. It may be that such feelings do not persist or
do not extend to actual violent behavior. Markey’s work
also examined college students, whereas ours look at
youth. Differences between laboratory-based work and
correlational work also may help explain the differences in
findings.
Developmental and Theoretical Perspectives
Across youth and across outcomes, the current levels of
stress and trait aggression were the most consistent pre-
dictors of negative outcomes in youth. These results are
consistent with a model of aggression known as the Cata-
lyst Model, which is basically a diathesis stress model of
violence (Ferguson et al. 2008). Although we did not
specifically set out to test the Catalyst Model, our results
are a good fit for this theory’s predictions that violence is
the product of crystallized personality traits coupled with
stressful triggers from the environment.
From a developmental perspective, the Catalyst Model
suggests that such personality traits results from a combi-
nation of genetic propensity coupled with harsh upbring-
ing, although these were variables beyond our current
dataset. However, the Catalyst Model generally assumes
that exposure to media violence is a normative rather than
deviant experience (see also Olson 2010). This may differ
from the perspective of many commentators concerned
about harmful media influences. For instance, much
attention has focused on whether Adam Lanza (the New-
town, Connecticut shooter) had significant exposure to
violent video games (e.g. Henderson 2012). It is worth
noting that, statistically speaking, it would be more unusual
if he did not play violent video games, given that the
majority of youth and young men play such games at least
occasionally (Lenhart et al. 2008; Olson et al. 2007). Thus,
it may be a mistake to take the perspective that exposure to
violent video games or other media is a developmentally
abnormal experience. Our results support that generally
accepted thinking, even for children with elevated mental
health systems, may need to be changed.
The Catalyst Model has the advantage of acknowledging
that not all learning opportunities are equal. That is to say,
proximal influences, such as family environment, are
considered to have a greater impact than distal influences,
such as electronic media. We believe that this is superior to
traditional social cognitive models of aggression that
equate all learning opportunities and thus lack nuance and
an acknowledgement of developmental trends in which
children are known to process different sources of infor-
mation differently (Woolley and Van Reet 2006). The
Catalyst Model also relies less on the assumption that
aggressive cognitions and behaviors are based primarily on
cognitive aggressive scripts, which does not appear to be an
effective approach to understanding serious aggression.
The Catalyst Model fits best with our observations of stress
and trait aggression as the primary predictors of delin-
quency and bullying in youth, although as a correlational
study our findings can not address the causal assumptions
of the Catalyst Model.
In addition to looking at violence from more of a
diathesis-stress approach, there may be value in viewing
media use from more of a motivational perspective, such as
the uses and gratifications approach (Sherry et al. 2006) or
Self-Determination Theory (Przybylski et al. 2010; Ryan
et al. 2006). These theoretical approaches have in common
the value of taking the user experience as a primary driving
factor of the relationship between the user and media,
rather than presuming that content drives the relationship.
In the typical ‘‘hypodermic needle model’’ of media
effects, effects are traditionally conceptualized as Stimu-
lus/Response, or perhaps Stimulus/Organism/Response if
the individual is considered as a moderating variable (see
Ferguson and Dyck 2012 for discussion). There may be
greater value in considering the relationship from more of
an Organism/Stimulus/Response arrangement, with the
organism rather than the stimulus as the primary driving
force of the relationship between media and behavior. That
is to say, individuals may select certain kinds of media in
order meet needs they have or reach desired emotional
states. Even specific forms of media may have idiosyn-
cratic effects on users dependent upon how they consume
and process media.
Limitations and Conclusions
As with all studies, ours has limitations that are important
to consider. First, our sample includes children with mental
health symptoms above clinical cut-off points on a vali-
dated screening tool, but screening results do not constitute
official diagnoses of mental health disorders. Further,
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136 133
123
although we considered mental health and trait aggression,
it is possible that other issues may place some children in
vulnerable populations that we did not identify. Our study
involves concurrent correlational data; thus, it is not pos-
sible to make causal inferences or to test the directionality
of observed relationships. Reliabilities of the stress and
parental involvement scales were also lower than ideal.
These two scales appear to tap into a broad array of issues,
which may explain this result; future researchers may wish
to consider more narrowly constructed scales. Lastly,
although our delinquency scale was compiled from existing
well-validated scales, it would be valuable to see our
results replicated using clinical outcomes such as the Child
Behavior Checklist or criminological outcomes such as the
Negative Life Events scale (Paternoster and Mazerolle
1994).
Our results suggest that the association between violent
video games and aggression related outcomes in children,
even those with clinically elevated mental health symp-
toms, may be minimal. Our research contributes to the field
of youth and media by providing evidence that a timely,
policy-relevant, and seemingly reasonable hypothesis—
that mentally vulnerable children may be particularly
influenced by violent video games—does not appear to be
well supported. However, more research on this popula-
tion, and on others likely to be at increased risk (such as
children exposed to violence in their homes or neighbor-
hoods), is needed to guide parents, health professionals and
policymakers. It may be valuable for future researchers to
consider alternate models of youth’s media use, particu-
larly those that focus on motivational models in which
users, rather than content, drive experiences. Content-based
theoretical models do not appear to be sufficient for a
sophisticated understanding of media use and effects.
A Word of Caution
Scholarship produced in the emotional and politicized
environment that follows a national tragedy (see Ferguson
2013) can give the appearance of a ‘‘wag the dog’’ effect,
with research commissioned based upon, and then used to
support, an a priori political agenda. As Hall et al. (2011)
noted in their article on the Supreme Court and video
games, a rush to judgment grounded in legislators’ inter-
pretations of ‘‘unsettled science’’ may damage the credi-
bility of the scientific process. Scholars would be wise to
proceed carefully, with close attention to sound method-
ology and discussion of limitations, as they design and
conduct the next wave of studies. Studies which move
beyond traditional social cognitive automatic processes to
consider how youth select, interpret and involve media in
their identity development as active consumers of media
would be of particularly high value.
Author contributions CJF conducted the main analyses for the
paper and wrote the initial draft. CO collected the data an contributed
to revising drafts of this paper. Both authors participated equally in
conceiving and designing the analyses. Both authors read and
approved of the final manuscript.
References
Adachi, P. C., & Willoughby, T. (2011). The effect of video game
competition and violence on aggressive behavior: Which char-
acteristic has the greatest influence? Psychology of Violence,
1(4), 259–274.
Adachi, P. C., & Willoughby, T. (2013). Demolishing the competi-
tion: The longitudinal link between competitive video games,
competitive gambling, and aggression. Journal of Youth and
Adolescence,. doi:10.1007/s10964-013-9952-2.
American Psychological Association. (2005). Resolution on violence
in video games and interactive media. Retrieved July 3, 2011
from http://www.apa.org/about/governance/council/policy/inter
active-media.pdf.
Anderson, C. A., Gentile, D. A., & Dill, K. E. (2012). Prosocial,
antisocial, and other effects of recreational video games. In D.
G. Singer & J. L. Singer (Eds.), Handbook of children and the
media (2nd ed., pp. 249–272). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Anderson, C., Sakamoto, A., Gentile, D., Ihori, N., Shibuya, A.,
Yukawa, S., et al. (2008). Longitudinal effects of violent video
games on aggression in Japan and the United States. Pediatrics,
122(5), e1067–e1072.
Attar, B., Guerra, N., & Tolan, P. (1994). Neighborhood disadvan-
tage, stressful life events, and adjustment in urban elementary-
school children. Special issue: Impact of poverty on children,
youth, and families. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 23(4),
391–400.
Australian Government, Attorney General’s Department. (2010).
Literature review on the impact of playing violent video games
on aggression. Commonwealth of Australia.
Bavelier, D., Green, C., Han, D., Renshaw, P. F., Merzenich, M. M.,
& Gentile, D. A. (2011). Brains on video games. Nature Reviews
Neuroscience, 12(12), 763–768.
Brener, N., Kann, L., McManus, T., Kinchen, S., Sundberg, E., &
Ross, J. (2002). Reliability of the 1999 Youth Risk Survey
Questionnaire. Journal of Adolescent Health, 34, 336–342.
Brown v EMA. (2011). Retrieved July 1, 2011 from http://www.
supremecourt.gov/opinions/10pdf/08-1448.pdf.
Cohen, J. (1992). A power primer. Psychological Bulletin, 112,
155–159.
Colwell, J., & Kato, M. (2003). Investigation of the relationship
between social isolation, self-esteem, aggression and computer
game play in Japanese adolescents. Asian Journal of Social
Psychology, 6(2), 149–158.
Dahlberg, C., Toal, S., & Behrens, C. (Eds.). (1998). Measuring
violence-related attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors among youths:
A compendium of assessment tools. Atlanta, GA: Center of
Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury
Prevention and Control.
Elliot, D., Huizinga, D., & Ageton, S. (1985). Explaining delinquency
and drug use. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Ferguson, C. J. (2011). Video games and youth violence: A
prospective analysis in adolescents. Journal of Youth and
Adolescence, 40(4), 377–391.
Ferguson, C. J. (2013). Violent video games and the Supreme Court:
Lessons for the scientific community in the wake of Brown v
EMA. American Psychologist, 68(2), 57–74.
134 J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136
123
Ferguson, C. J., Coulson, M., & Barnett, J. (2011). Psychological
profiles of school shooters: Positive directions and one big wrong
turn. Journal of Police Crisis Negotiations, 11(2), 141–158.
Ferguson, C. J., & Dyck, D. (2012). Paradigm change in aggression
research: The time has come to retire the General Aggression
Model. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 17(3), 220–228.
doi:10.1016/j.avb.2012.02.007.
Ferguson, C. J., Rueda, S., Cruz, A., Ferguson, D., Fritz, S., & Smith,
S. (2008). Violent video games and aggression: Causal relation-
ship or byproduct of family violence and intrinsic violence
motivation? Criminal Justice and Behavior, 35, 311–332.
Fraser, A. M., Padilla-Walker, L. M., Coyne, S. M., Nelson, L. J., &
Stockdale, L. A. (2012). Associations between violent video
gaming, empathic concern, and prosocial behavior toward
strangers, friends, and family members. Journal of Youth and
Adolescence, 41(5), 636–649.
Gardner, W., Murphy, M., Childs, G., Kelleher, K., Pagano, M.,
Jellinek, M., et al. (1999). The PSC-17: A brief pediatric symptoms
checklist with psychosocial problem subscales. A report of PROS
and ASPN. Ambulatory Child Health, 5, 225–236.
Giancola, P. R., & Zeichner, A. (1995). Construct validity of a
competitive reaction-time aggression paradigm. Aggressive
Behavior, 21, 199–204.
Giumetti, G. W., & Markey, P. M. (2007). Violent video games and
anger as predictors of aggression. Journal of Research in
Personality, 41(6), 1234–1243.
Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. (2013). It’s time to act: A
comprehensive plan that reduces gun violence and respects the
2nd amendment rights of law-abiding Americans. Washington,
DC: US House of Representatives.
Hall, R., Day, T., & Hall, R. (2011). A plea for caution: Violent video
games, the Supreme Court, and the role of science. Mayo Clinic
Proceedings, 86(4), 315–321.
Henderson, B. (2012). Connecticut school massacre: Adam Lanza
‘spent hours playing Call of Duty.’ The Telegraph. Retrieved
April 18, 2013 from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/
northamerica/usa/9752141/Connecticut-school-massacre-Adam-
Lanza-spent-hours-playing-Call-Of-Duty.html.
Krahé, B., Busching, R., & Möller, I. (2012). Media violence use and
aggression among German adolescents: Associations and trajec-
tories of change in a three-wave longitudinal study. Psychology
of Popular Media Culture, 1(3), 152–166.
Kutner, L., & Olson, C. (2008). Grand theft childhood: The surprising
truth about violent video games and what parents can do. New
York: Simon & Schuster.
Leffert, N., Benson, L., Scales, P., Sharma, A., Drake, D., & Blyth, D.
(1998). Developmental assets: Measurement and prediction of
risk behaviors among adolescents. Applied Developmental
Science, 2, 209–230.
Lenhart, A., Kahne, J., Middaugh, E., MacGill, A., Evans, C., &
Mitak, J. (2008). Teens, video games and civics: Teens’ gaming
experiences are diverse and include significant social interaction
and civic engagement. Pew Internet & American Life Project.
Retrieved December 29, 2010 from http://www.pewinternet.org/
PPF/r/263/report_display.asp.
Lerner, R., Lerner, J., Almerigi, J., Theokas, C., Phelps, E.,
Gestsdottir, S., et al. (2005). Positive youth development,
participation in community youth development programs, and
community contributions of fifth-grade adolescents: Findings
from the first wave of the 4-H study of positive youth
development. Journal of Early Adolescence, 25, 17–71.
Lewis, T. (2013). Report links violent media, mental health and guns
to mass shootings. Consumer Affairs. Retrieved February 21,
2013 from http://www.consumeraffairs.com/news/report-links-
violent-media-mental-health-and-guns-to-mass-shootings-021413.
html.
Markey, P. M., & Markey, C. N. (2010). Vulnerability to violent
video games: A review and integration of personality research.
Review of General Psychology, 14(2), 82–91.
Markey, P. M., & Scherer, K. (2009). An examination of psychot-
icism and motion capture controls as moderators of the effects of
violent video games. Computers in Human Behavior, 25(2),
407–411.
Möller, I., Krahé, B., Busching, R., & Krause, C. (2012). Efficacy of
an intervention to reduce the use of media violence and
aggression: An experimental evaluation with adolescents in
Germany. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 41(2), 105–120.
Olson, C. K. (2010). Children’s motivations for video game play in
the context of normal development. Review of General Psychol-
ogy, 14(2), 180–187.
Olson, C., Kutner, L., Warner, D., Almerigi, J., Baer, L., Nicholi, A.,
et al. (2007). Factors correlated with violent video game use by
adolescent boys and girls. Journal of Adolescent Health, 41,
77–83.
Olweus, D. (1996). The Revised Olweus Bully/Victim Questionnaire.
Mimeo. Bergen: Research Center for Health Promotion (HEMIL
Center), University of Bergen.
Paternoster, R., & Mazerolle, P. (1994). General strain theory and
delinquency: A replication and extension. Journal of Research in
Crime and Delinquency, 31(3), 235–263.
Phillips, J., & Springer, F. (1992). Extended National Youth Sports
Program 1991-1992 evaluation highlights, part two: Individual
Protective Factors Index (IPFI) and risk assessment study.
Report prepared for the National Collegiate Athletic Association.
Sacramento, CA: EMT Associates.
Przybylski, A. K., Rigby, C., & Ryan, R. M. (2010). A motivational
model of video game engagement. Review of General Psychol-
ogy, 14(2), 154–166. doi:10.1037/a0019440.
Puri, K., & Pugliese, R. (2012). Sex, lies, and video games: Moral
panics or uses and gratifications. Bulletin of Science, Technology
& Society, 32(5), 345–352.
Reinecke, L. (2009). Games and recovery: The use of video and
computer games to recuperate from stress and strain. Journal of
Media Psychology: Theories, Methods, And Applications, 21(3),
126–142.
Ritter, D., & Eslea, M. (2005). Hot sauce, toy guns and graffiti: A
critical account of current laboratory aggression paradigms.
Aggressive Behavior, 31, 407–419.
Ruggiero, T. E. (2000). Uses and gratifications theory in the 21st
century. Mass Communication & Society, 3(1), 3–37.
Russoniello, C. V., O’Brien, K., & Parks, J. M. (2009). The
effectiveness of casual video games in improving mood and
decreasing stress. Journal of Cybertherapy and Rehabilitation,
2(1), 53–66.
Ryan, R. M., Rigby, C., & Przybylski, A. (2006). The motivational
pull of video games: A self-determination theory approach.
Motivation and Emotion, 30(4), 347–363.
Savage, J. (2008). The role of exposure to media violence in the
etiology of violent behavior: A criminologist weighs in.
American Behavioral Scientist, 51, 1123–1136.
Savage, J., & Yancey, C. (2008). The effects of media violence
exposure on criminal aggression: A meta-analysis. Criminal
Justice and Behavior, 35, 1123–1136.
Sherry, J. (2007). Violent video games and aggression: Why can’t we
find links? In R. Preiss, B. Gayle, N. Burrell, M. Allen, & J.
Bryant (Eds.), Mass media effects research: Advances through
meta-analysis (pp. 231–248). Mahwah, NJ: L. Erlbaum.
Sherry, J. L., Lucas, K., Greenberg, B. S., & Lachlan, K. (2006).
Video game uses and gratifications as predictors of use and game
preference. In P. Vorderer & J. Bryant (Eds.), Playing video
games: Motives, responses, and consequences (pp. 213–224).
Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136 135
123
Shibuya, A., Sakamoto, A., Ihori, N., & Yukawa, S. (2008). The
effects of the presence and context of video game violence on
children: A longitudinal study in Japan. Simulation and Gaming,
39(4), 528–539.
Simmons, J. P., Nelson, L. D., & Simonsohn, U. (2011). False-
positive psychology: Undisclosed flexibility in data collection
and analysis allows presenting anything as significant. Psycho-
logical Science, 22(11), 1359–1366. doi:10.1177/09567976114
17632.
Strasburger, V. (2007). Go ahead punk, make my day: It’s time for
pediatricians to take action against media violence. Pediatrics,
119, e1398–e1399.
Swedish Media Council. (2011). Våldsamma datorspel och aggres-
sion—en översikt av forskningen 2000–2011. Retrieved January
14, 2011 from http://www.statensmedierad.se/Publikationer/
Produkter/Valdsamma-datorspel-och-aggression/.
United States Secret Service and United States Department of
Education. (2002). The final report and findings of the Safe
School Initiative: Implications for the prevention of school
attacks in the United States. Retrieved July 2, 2011 from http://
www.secretservice.gov/ntac/ssi_final_report.pdf.
Unsworth, G., Devilly, G., & Ward, T. (2007). The effect of playing
violent videogames on adolescents: Should parents be quaking in
their boots? Psychology, Crime and Law, 13, 383–394.
Von Salisch, M., Oppl, C., & Kristen, A. (2006). What attracts
children? In P. Vorderer, J. Bryant, P. Vorderer, & J. Bryant
(Eds.), Playing video games: Motives, responses, and conse-
quences (pp. 147–163). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates Publishers.
von Salisch, M., Vogelgesang, J., Kristen, A., & Oppl, C. (2011).
Preference for violent electronic games and aggressive behavior
among children: The beginning of the downward spiral? Media
Psychology, 14(3), 233–258.
Wallenius, M., & Punamäki, R. (2008). Digital game violence and
direct aggression in adolescence: A longitudinal study of the
roles of sex, age, and parent–child communication. Journal of
Applied Developmental Psychology, 29(4), 286–294.
Willoughby, T., Adachi, P. C., & Good, M. (2012). A longitudinal
study of the association between violent video game play and
aggression among adolescents. Developmental Psychology,
48(4), 1044–1057.
Woolley, J., & Van Reet, J. (2006). Effects of context on judgments
concerning the reality status of novel entities. Child Develop-
ment, 77, 1778–1793.
Wymbs, B., Molina, B., Pelham, W., Cheong, J., Gnagy, E.,
Belendiuk, K., et al. (2012). Risk of intimate partner violence
among young adult males with childhood ADHD. Journal of
Attention Disorders, 16(5), 373–383.
Ybarra, M., Diener-West, M., Markow, D., Leaf, P., Hamburger, M.,
& Boxer, P. (2008). Linkages between internet and other media
violence with seriously violent behavior by youth. Pediatrics,
122(5), 929–937.
Author Biographies
Dr. Christopher J. Ferguson is associate professor and department
chair at Stetson University. His research interests focus on media
effects on children and adolescents, particularly violent media, and
thin images on body dissatisfaction.
Dr. Cheryl K. Olson is currently working as a consultant. Her
research interests have focused on public health and policy related to
media issues.
136 J Youth Adolescence (2014) 43:127–136
123
Copyright of Journal of Youth & Adolescence is the property of Springer Science & Business Media B.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.
- Video Game Violence Use Among ‘‘Vulnerable’’ Populations: The Impact of Violent Games on Delinquency and Bullying Among Children with Clinically Elevated Depression or Attention Deficit Symptoms
- Abstract
- Introduction
- Video Game Violence Research: What is the Evidence?
- The Current Study
- Methods
- Participants
- Measures
- Depression/Attention Symptoms
- Trait Aggression
- Parental Involvement
- Support from Others
- Stress
- Exposure to Video Game Violence
- Delinquency
- Bullying
- Procedure
- Results
- Video Game Exposure
- Video Game Influences
- Discussion
- Developmental and Theoretical Perspectives
- Limitations and Conclusions
- A Word of Caution
- Author contributions
- References
ContentServer.pdf
The impact of prolonged violent video-gaming on adolescent sleep: an experimental study
DAN I E L L . K I NG 1 , 2 , M I CHAEL GRAD I SAR 1 , A ARON DRUMMOND 3 , N I COLE LOVATO 1 , J ASON WESSEL 1 , GOR I CA M I C I C 1 , P AU L DOUGLAS 1 and PAUL DEL FABBRO 2
1School of Psychology, Flinders University, Adelaide, SA, Australia, 2School of Psychology, The University of Adelaide, Adelaide, SA, Australia, 3School of Education, Flinders University, Adelaide, SA, Australia
Keywords adolescence, polysomnography, sleep–wake activity, video-games, violent media
Correspondence Daniel L. King, PhD, School of Psychology, Level 4, Hughes Building, The University of Adelaide, Adelaide, SA 5005, Australia. Tel.: +61 8 83033740; fax: +61 8 8303 3770; e-mail: [email protected]
Accepted in revised form 12 September 2012; received 23 April 2012
DOI: 10.1111/j.1365-2869.2012.01060.x
SUMMARY Video-gaming is an increasingly prevalent activity among children and adolescents that is known to influence several areas of emotional, cognitive and behavioural functioning. Currently there is insufficient experimental evidence about how extended video-game play may affect adolescents’ sleep. The aim of this study was to investigate the short- term impact of adolescents’ prolonged exposure to violent video-gaming on sleep. Seventeen male adolescents (mean age = 16 ± 1 years) with no current sleep difficulties played a novel, fast-paced, violent video- game (50 or 150 min) before their usual bedtime on two different testing nights in a sleep laboratory. Objective (polysomnography-measured sleep and heart rate) and subjective (single-night sleep diary) measures were obtained to assess the arousing effects of prolonged gaming. Compared with regular gaming, prolonged gaming produced decreases in objective sleep efficiency (by 7 ± 2%, falling below 85%) and total sleep time (by 27 ± 12 min) that was contributed by a near-moderate reduction in rapid eye movement sleep (Cohen’s d = 0.48). Subjective sleep-onset latency significantly increased by 17 ± 8 min, and there was a moderate reduction in self-reported sleep quality after prolonged gaming (Cohen’s d = 0.53). Heart rate did not differ significantly between video-gaming conditions during pre-sleep game-play or the sleep-onset phase. Results provide evidence that prolonged video-gaming may cause clinically significant disruption to adolescent sleep, even when sleep after video-gaming is initiated at normal bedtime. However, physiological arousal may not necessarily be the mechanism by which technology use affects sleep.
INTRODUCTION
Video-gaming is a prevalent pastime among adolescent males in Western industrial countries, with at least 75% playing video-games every week (Desai et al., 2010) and up to 9% reporting an excessive video-gaming habit (Gentile, 2009). Several risks of video-gaming have been docu- mented, including ‘addiction’ (King et al., 2011), aggressive behaviour (Anderson et al., 2010), attention problems (Swing et al., 2010), depression and anxiety (Mentzoni et al., 2011), poor academic achievement (Smyth, 2007), reduced empathy (Bartholomew et al., 2005), and impaired social functioning (Gentile et al., 2011). Despite survey findings
indicating negative sleep consequences of video-gaming (Eggermont and Van den Bulck, 2006; Oka et al., 2008; Schochat et al., 2010; Suganuma et al., 2007; National Sleep Foundation, 2011), there is scant experimental research evaluating the causality, magnitude and mecha- nisms of purported effects. Models have been proposed to explain how electronic
media may negatively impact on sleep in several ways, including: (a) direct displacement of normal sleep; (b) increased mental, emotional or physiological arousal; and (c) bright light exposure causing delay of circadian rhythm (Cain and Gradisar, 2010; Gradisar and Short, in press). Available survey-based evidence has suggested that
ª 2012 European Sleep Research Society 137
J Sleep Res. (2013) 22, 137–143 Children and adolescents
electronic media may displace sleep; however, the physical effects of pre-sleep video-gaming are not well understood. Experimental studies are necessary for the field to under- stand the cause-and-effect relationship between technology use and sleep (Gradisar and Short, in press). However, there have been only four experimental studies investigating video- gaming and sleep (Dworak et al., 2007; Higuchi et al., 2005; Ivarsson et al., 2009; Weaver et al., 2010), which surprisingly have documented smaller than expected effects. In Higuchi et al.’s study, young adults’ (N = 7) pre-sleep video-gaming of 2 h 45 mins increased sleep-onset latency (SOL) by 2.3 min, as compared with control conditions. Similar findings were reported in a study of older male adolescents (N = 13, aged 14–18 years), with SOL extended by 3.5 min after 50 min of playing a violent video-game (Weaver et al., 2010). Larger effects were reported in a sample of schoolchildren (N = 11, aged 12–14 years) with ‘excessive’ (60 min) video- gaming directly before bedtime increasing SOL by 22 min (Dworak et al., 2007). Finally, no effects on sleep were found for 19 boys (12–15 years) after playing video-games at home; however, they did go to bed later compared with a non-video-game control condition (Ivarsson et al., 2009). Although the effects of video-gaming on sleep architecture
appear to be minimal (Dworak et al., 2007; Higuchi et al., 2005) or negligible (Weaver et al., 2010), it has been noted that the relatively low level of exposure to video-gaming (i.e. 60 min) may be insufficient to produce discernible effects (Weaver et al., 2010). The aim of the present study was to examine the impact of prolonged (i.e. excessive) video- gaming on sleep. It was hypothesised that prolonged exposure (150 min) to a novel violent video-game before bedtime would be more disruptive to adolescent sleep than shorter-duration (50 min) exposure. Specifically, it was pre- dicted that prolonged video-gaming would result in an increase in SOL and subjective alertness before sleep, and a reduction in total sleep time (TST). It was expected that sleep disturbances would be explained by heightened phys- iological arousal [i.e. heart rate (HR)] due to the fast-paced violent nature of the electronic media. Potential differences in sleep architecture, subjective measures of sleep quality and mood between video-gaming conditions were also examined.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Subjects
Seventeen males, aged 16 ± 1 years, were recruited via advertisements at an on-campus high school at Flinders University, Adelaide, South Australia. Inclusion criteria were: males, aged 15–17 years, good physical health, no medica- tions, no serious psychopathological symptomology, ‘evening type’ sleeping activity, and no current sleep disorders or complaints. Male subjects were selected because they spend more than three times as much time playing video-games (Desai et al., 2010), and are four times more likely to be excessive video-gamers than females (Gentile, 2009).
Evening type was defined as a score of 16–41 on the Owl and Lark Questionnaire (Horne and Östberg, 1976). Partic- ipants’ mean score on this measure was 31.1 (SD = 4.9) Adolescents were required to be ‘regular’ video-game play- ers. Regular was defined as playing video-games every week in the preceding 3-month period. This was to ensure that participants were sufficiently familiar with video-games and gaming devices, such that normal gaming behaviour would be observed (as opposed to observing learning to master video-gaming, i.e. skill acquisition). Adolescents reported having played video-games for an average of 7.9 ± 3.4 years, and to currently play 17.7 ± 6.1 h of video- games per week. Informed consent was obtained from all subjects and their parents. The project was approved by the Flinders University Social and Behavioural Ethics Committee.
Experimental conditions and procedure
Each subject underwent two testing nights, 1 week apart, at the Flinders University Sleep Laboratory. Prior to testing nights, adolescents undertook an afternoon familiarisation session–including introduction to polysomnography, bed- rooms and gaming equipment–to minimise ‘first-night’ effects on sleep (Gradisar et al., 2006). Subjects were exposed to either 50 or 150 min of video-gaming (counterbalanced) directly before bedtime on each testing night. Fifty minutes of video-gaming exposure was considered ‘normal’, given males aged 13–18 years play video-games between 34 and 76 min day�1 (Marshall et al., 2006). Video-gaming for an uninterrupted 150 min period was considered ‘prolonged’ (i.e. >2 SDs above the mean). The study was conducted on weekdays during the school term, from October to November 2011. Adolescents arrived at the sleep laboratory after school
(15:30 hours), where physical activity, naps and caffeine consumption were restricted. Upon arrival, they engaged in normal after-school routines (e.g. converse, read, do home- work) in a shared waiting lounge. A 7-day sleep diary was completed for the week prior to the initial testing night, and the week between testing nights, enabling calculation of mean school night bedtimes. Diaries were used to schedule pre-sleep video-gaming and bedtime. At 18 : 00 hours, an evening meal was provided, and all electronic media (e.g. laptops, mobile phones) were removed. Subjects changed into night gear, and polysomnographic and HR measures were affixed. On each testing night, subjects played the video-game
(Warhammer 40 000: Space Marine; THQ, Agoura Hills, CA, USA) on a PlayStation 3® (PS3) console. This video-game contained rapid action and ‘strong violence’ according to its age-restricted classification (MA15 + ). The Australian com- mercial release of the video-game coincided with the com- mencement of data collection; thus, the novelty and appeal of the video-game was not compromised by practice effects. All participants reported that they had not previously played the video-game. Each subject was assigned a private bedroom
ª 2012 European Sleep Research Society
138 D. L. King et al.
with a single bed and video-gaming apparatus. Subjects created a personal profile on the PS3 in order to resume the game without losing progress on the subsequent testing night. Adolescents were instructed to maintain a semisupine position in bed during video-gaming. Distance to the televi- sion (2 m), sound level (80 dB), bedroom light (<30 lux) and temperature (24 ± 1 °C) were controlled across conditions. Video-gaming was scheduled to conclude 10 min before the subjects’ usual bedtime to enable a check of polysomno- graphic and HR instruments, assess mood and subjective sleepiness, and allow the subject to use the bathroom. HR was recorded from the start of video-gaming to the following morning. Polysomnographic data were recorded from lights out to the next morning. Morning waking (lights on) occurred at 07:00hours. Mann–Whitney U-tests indicated no significant effect of
order of testing nights on study variables of subjective and objective SOL, TST and sleep efficiency, P = 0.350–0.875. Sleep history was also assessed as a potential confounding variable. A paired samples t-test indicated no significant difference in bedtime on each testing night (DM = 7.3 min, t = 0.74, P = 0.47). Similarly, comparison of sleep diary data on weekdays preceding testing nights indicated no significant differences in mean time in bed (t = 0.04, P = 0.96), TST (t = 0.70, P = 0.49) and SOL (t = 0.57, P = 0.58). Night-time awakening could not be assessed as only one participant reported an awakening on one night preceding the testing night.
Data recording and analysis
Electroencephalogram, electrooculography and electromy- ography measurements via a portable Compumedics Somte (Compumedics, Melbourne, Vic., Australia) assessed SOL, TST and sleep architecture [e.g. slow-wave sleep (SWS) and rapid eye movement (REM) sleep]. Measurements of sleep architecture included minutes and percentage of each stage of sleep (Stages 1–4, REM) in addition to TST. Polysomno- graphic data were analysed retrospectively using computer- ised software (PSG, E-Series; Compumedics, Melbourne, Australia). Consistent with previous research (Weaver et al., 2010), SOL was calculated as the latency (min) from lights out to the first of three consecutive epochs (one epoch = 30 s) of any stage of sleep (Rechtschaffen, 1968). Sleep efficiency was calculated using the formula: [(time asleep/time in bed) 9 100]. Heart rate in beats min�1 (BPM) was assessed by a
Polar RS800CX WearLink® and wireless transmitter, and analysed using the Polar Protrainer v.5 software (Polar Electro; Kempele, Finland). The transmitter enabled time markers, such as at the start and finish of video-gaming. The software yielded HR measurements in 5-s intervals, binned into 5-min intervals during each phase of the experiment. This approach was a refinement of past methods, such as measuring HR at a single time-point
(Higuchi et al., 2005) or at three time-points only (Weaver et al., 2010). Questionnaire sleep measures were administered after
video-gaming, and on the morning after each testing night. The Stanford Sleepiness Scale assessed subjective level of sleepiness directly after video-gaming (Hoddes et al., 1973). Subjects indicated their mood (i.e. frustration, excitement, enjoyment, boredom, interest) after video-gaming by marking a line representing a continuum from 0 (i.e. ‘not at all’) to 10 (i.e. ‘extremely’). Subjects were asked if they had played for ‘long enough’ and how much longer (in min) they would have continued video-gaming. A single-night sleep diary adminis- tered within 15 min of waking provided a subjective measure of SOL, TST and sleep quality.
RESULTS
Sleep variables and video-gaming exposure
Table 1 presents a summary of statistical comparisons of sleep–wake activities for the two video-gaming conditions. Sleep–wake parameters after prolonged video-gaming were negatively affected as compared with regular video-gaming. However, not all observed effects reached statistical signif- icance. After prolonged video-gaming, TST decreased by 27 ± 12 min, sleep efficiency decreased by 7 ± 2% and subjective SOL increased by 17 ± 8 min, as compared with regular video-gaming. These differences were moderately sized (i.e. Cohen’s d = 0.59–0.63). Polysomnographic mea- surement recorded a 3.5-min increase in SOL in the prolonged video-gaming condition. Despite a moderate effect size, this result was neither statistically significant nor clinically meaningful. Sleep architecture (SWS and REM sleep) in minutes or percentage time spent in sleep phase did not differ significantly between the two experimental condi- tions. However, a small effect for SWS and a near-moderate effect for REM sleep were found in the expected direction. Likewise, a moderate effect was found for self-reported sleep quality, with poorer ratings occurring after the prolonged video-gaming condition.
Sleep variables and physiological arousal
Fig. 1 plots the HR trajectories for each condition during video-gaming, pre-sleep and sleep initiation phases. During video-gaming, subjects’ HR was predominantly in a state comparable to normal rest (i.e.� 85 BPM; Palatini, 1999). Repeated-measures ANOVAs were conducted to assess the significance of change in HR in each condition during: (a) video-gaming; and (b) sleep onset. The within-subjects factor of ‘Time’ was converted to ratio measurements at equivalent intervals during video-gaming [i.e. from time 1 (baseline) to time 6 (endpoint)]. HR measurements were converted to mean ratings within 5-min intervals during the sleep-onset phase.
ª 2012 European Sleep Research Society
Prolonged video-gaming and adolescent sleep 139
A 2 (Condition: 50, 150 min) 9 6 (Time: 5-min intervals) repeated-measures ANOVA assessed HR differences during video-gaming. No main effects for Condition (F1,30 = 2.43, P = 0.13), Time (F5,150 = 1.17, P = 0.33) or the interaction effect of Time 9 Condition (F5,150 = 0.65, P = 0.66), were observed. A 2 (Condition: 50 min, 150 min) 9 8 (Time: baseline, then at 5-min intervals for 40 min) repeated- measures ANOVA assessed HR differences following lights out. No significant main effects of Condition (F1,25 = 0.31, P = 0.59) or Time 9 Condition (F7,175 = 0.36, P = 0.92) were evident. However, there was a significant main effect of Time (F7,175 = 7.10, P < 0.001, Cohen’s d = 1.29), indi-
cating that, as expected, significant declines in HR occurred following lights out, independent of video-gaming condition.
Sleep variables and mood differences
Table 2 presents subjects’ subjective mood after video- gaming. Mood did not differ significantly between the prolonged and regular video-gaming conditions. However, subjects appeared ‘satiated’ in the prolonged condition, reporting greater satisfaction and less desire to continue playing. The size of these effects was moderate to large (Cohen, 1992). Follow-up analyses revealed that, in the
Table 1 A comparison of sleep–wake activity resulting from regular (50 min) versus prolonged (150 min) video-gaming exposure
Variable
V-G: 50 min V-G: 150 min
M1�M2 P Cohen’s dM SD M SD
Polysomnography SOL (min) 12.6 13.3 16.1 19.4 3.5 NS 0.21 Stage 1 (min) 8.0 6.4 7.1 6.9 0.9 NS 0.14 Stage 2 (min) 132.7 38.7 129.9 48.5 2.8 NS 0.06 Stages 3 + 4 (SWS) 164.3 47.4 153.2 47.5 11.0 NS 0.23 REM sleep (min) 113.6 21.9 101.0 28.9 12.6 NS 0.48 TST (min) 418.6 42.9 391.3 49.1 27.3 <0.05 0.59 Sleep efficiency (%) 88.9 8.8 81.9 12.9 7.0 <0.05 0.63
Survey and sleep diary Sleepiness rating (PS) 4.2 1.5 4.6 1.4 0.4 NS 0.28 SOL (min) 22.0 18.8 39.1 36.1 17.1 <0.05 0.59 Sleep quality (/5) 2.7 1.0 2.3 0.4 0.6 NS 0.53 TST (min) 427.8 49.3 416.5 51.7 7.3 NS 0.22 Restedness (/10) 4.9 2.1 4.5 2.1 0.4 NS 0.26
NS, non-significant; SOL, sleep-onset latency; SWS, slow-wave sleep; TST, total sleep time; V-G, video-gaming.
90
85
80
75
50 min 150 min
70
65
Sleep-onset
P re
sl ee
p
Video-gaming (50 min)
Video-gaming (150 min)
Time (mins)
H R
(b ea
ts p
er m
in )
Figure 1. Mean and standard error of heart rate (HR) trajectories (BPM) during video-gaming, pre-sleep and initiation of sleep onset.
ª 2012 European Sleep Research Society
140 D. L. King et al.
regular video-gaming condition, desire to continue video- gaming was significantly positively correlated with subjective SOL (r = 0.49, P < 0.05) and objective SOL (r = 0.62, P < 0.01), but was not related to subjective sleepiness. Subjective excitement was significantly positively correlated with subjective SOL (r = 0.72, P < 0.001), but was not related to subjective sleepiness or objective SOL.
DISCUSSION
The present study found that prolonged violent video- gaming (150 min) led to a 27-min decrease in adolescents’ TST and a 7% sleep efficiency decrease, as compared with regular video-gaming (50 min). This sleep efficiency reduc- tion fell below the clinically accepted cut-off of 85% used to indicate several sleep disorders (e.g. insomnia). Objective SOL increased by 3.5 min, although subjects were able to fall asleep within healthy limits (i.e. <30 min; Espie et al., 2001). Prolonged video-gaming had no significant effect on sleep architecture, yet a small effect was found for SWS and a near-moderate effect for REM sleep. Indeed, the 12.6-min REM sleep reduction in the present study is strikingly similar to that found in a previous study (12.8-min REM sleep reduction; Higuchi et al., 2005). Interestingly, mood and the desire to continue video-gaming were positively correlated with SOL in the regular video-gaming condition. These data confirm epidemiological survey findings (Eggermont and Van den Bulck, 2006; Li et al., 2007; Suganuma et al., 2007) and provide further evidence of the negative influence of video-gaming on adolescents’ sleep–wake activity. Theoretical models have proposed several mechanisms
by which electronic media may negatively impact on sleep (Cain and Gradisar, 2010; Gradisar and Short, in press). The present study assessed the mechanism of increased physiological arousal following video-gaming. The non-sig- nificant differences in HR indicate that physiological arousal did not account for differences in TST and efficiency in the
present study. Adolescents’ HR during engagement in video-gaming was within normal limits for resting state (i.e. � 85 BPM). It is therefore proposed that the impact of video-gaming on sleep may operate via an alternative mechanism than the disturbance of resting HR. Further research should assess alternative physiological mecha- nisms that may be impacted by video-game play, with possible effects on sleep. Prolonged video-gaming reduced adolescents’ sleep effi-
ciency to below the established clinical cut-off used to indicate sleep disruption (i.e. <85%; Buysse et al., 2006). In contrast, sleep efficiency after regular video-gaming was within the normal range. This finding suggests that prolonged video-gaming may pose a clinically significant risk to TST, even when sleep is initiated at normal bedtime. Polysomno- graphic recording identified an average sleep reduction of 27 min. A habitual pattern of prolonged video-gaming, such as on weeknights, may therefore result in sleep restriction and poor sleep quality among adolescents. Chronic sleep reduction has significant implications for adolescents’ aca- demic functioning (Dewald et al., 2010). It is possible that sleep efficiency was lowered in both conditions due to participants sleeping in a novel environment; however, this does not detract from the significant reduction in sleep efficiency caused by the prolonged video-game exposure. The present study also suggests that video-gaming may
disrupt sleep by displacing sleep time (i.e. delaying bedtime). Subjects reported significantly lower satisfaction with the duration of video-gaming after 50 min as compared with 150 min, desiring a further 37 min (compared with 14 min more for the 150 min condition) to feel they had played ‘long enough’. Therefore, unmonitored regular video-gaming seems unlikely to be self-limiting (i.e. cease at normal bedtime). This finding is consistent with qualitative research reporting almost no amount of time is subjectively considered ‘long enough’ for adolescent video-gamers (King and Delfabbro, 2009). The desire to continue video-gaming was significantly correlated to objective SOL in the regular
Table 2 Mood levels after video-gaming exposure on experimental nights
Variable
V-G: 50 min V-G: 150 min
M1�M2 P Cohen’s dM SD M SD
Mood state (/10) Enjoyment 6.5 1.0 6.5 1.5 0.0 NS 0.00 Excitement 6.0 1.4 6.3 1.9 0.4 NS 0.18 Frustration 3.2 3.3 5.1 3.3 1.9 NS 0.58 Boredom 3.4 2.3 3.3 2.5 0.1 NS 0.04 Curiosity 5.5 1.6 6.0 1.5 �0.5 NS 0.32
Cognitive Played ‘long enough’?* (/4) 2.3 1.2 3.4 0.8 1.1 <0.01 1.08 Extra time?† (min) 37.7 43.4 14.1 18.9 23.6 <0.01 0.71
*Scoring: 1, no; 2, somewhat; 3, almost; 4, yes. †Item: ‘How much longer would you have liked to play?’. NS, non-significant; V-G, video-gaming.
ª 2012 European Sleep Research Society
Prolonged video-gaming and adolescent sleep 141
video-gaming condition, suggesting cognitive engagement with a video-game may affect sleep onset when pre-sleep video-gaming activity is considered insufficient. Past polysomnographic studies of video-gaming and sleep
vary in terms of sample characteristics, measures, and type and duration of exposure. In Dworak et al.’s (2007) study of 10 children aged 12–14 years, video-gaming for 60 min reduced SWS and increased SOL by 22 min relative to control. Changes in HR, blood pressure, respiratory rate and energy expenditure were observed, suggesting sleep impair- ments were due to increased arousal of the central nervous system. By comparison, studies using samples of older adolescents and adults reported the impact of pre-sleep video-gaming on sleep (e.g. SOL) was significant but minimal (2.3 min, Higuchi et al., 2005; 4.5; min, Weaver et al., 2010). The present study’s results (SOL diff = 3.5 min) is consistent with these findings, suggesting the impact of video-gaming on sleep may be more pronounced among persons of early childhood age (i.e. < 15 years). It is possible older adoles- cents’ physical maturation, as well as broader experience of violent media engagement, may partly account for the observed cognitive and physical desensitisation to violent game-playing.
Limitations
Notwithstanding the present study’s strengths, several limita- tions should be highlighted. First, laboratory studies have inherent difficulties in creating a video-gaming context of sufficient ecological validity to generalise observed effects. This study employed a novel video-game that involved violent action, interactivity and bright light. However, some aspects of normal video-gaming exposure may have been absent or recreated differently in the laboratory. Similarly, subjects’ motivations may have been affected by factors, such as: (a) having to play for research purposes; (b) a less familiar video-gaming system or user interface; and (c) having to play on a temporary player profile with no prospect of long-term advancement in the game. Another limitation was a lack of a condition involving no video-gaming. However, given that 50 min of video-gaming has minimal impact on adolescent sleep (Weaver et al., 2010), it was considered appropriate to compare this low level of exposure with a prolonged video- gaming condition. Additionally, given the high prevalence of weeknight video-gaming activity among male adolescents (Desai et al., 2010), a testing night involving no exposure to electronic media may have been classifiable as ‘media deprivation’ rather than a true control. Nonetheless, further research involving a no video-game condition may be infor- mative for understanding the extent of these effects. Although the sample size was larger than the majority of polysomno- graphic studies in this area of research, a larger sample would have enhanced the study’s statistical power. Finally, the results of this study may only be generalised to evening-type older male adolescents, with no concurrent sleep difficulties andwho currently play video-games. Similarly, the resultsmay
apply only to solitary video-gaming behaviour, and not necessarily to online and/or social video-gaming that has opportunities for competition and social rewards.
CONCLUSIONS
Prolonged video-gaming before normal bedtime caused a clinically significant reduction in adolescent sleep time. It may be extrapolated that long-term or repeated prolonged video- gaming may produce cognitive deficits associated with chronic sleep reduction (Dewald et al., 2010). However, the underlying mechanistic pathways of electronic media effects on adolescent sleep remain somewhat unclear. These data suggest older male adolescents tend to play video-games of a fast-paced and violent nature in a state of physiological calm. Physiological arousal did not differ significantly between regular and prolonged video-gaming exposure, thus other modes of action need to be investigated (e.g. delaying bedtime). Male adolescent subjects played the fast-paced and violent video-game in a state of physiological calm. Thus, the proposed sleep-affecting mechanism of altered physio- logical arousal was not supported. Alternative mechanistic pathways should be explored. Further empirical research may grant insights into how excessive video-gaming can cause sleep disruption. Such evidence may guide clinicians in developing standards in assessment and treatment of sleep and health-related risks associated with prolonged video-gaming.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors wish to thank the 17 adolescents who volun- teered their school nights to play video-games and sleep in our laboratory. This study received financial support from the School of Psychology and Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences, Flinders University.
CONFLICT OF INTEREST
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
REFERENCES
Anderson, C. A., Shibuya, A., Ihori, N. et al. Violent video game effects on aggression, empathy, and prosocial behavior in Eastern and Western countries: a meta-analytic review. Psychol. Bull., 2010, 136: 151–173.
Bartholomew, B. D., Sestir, M. A. and Davis, E. B. Correlates and consequences of exposure to video game violence: hostile personality, empathy, and aggressive behavior. Pers. Soc. Psy- chol. Bull., 2005, 31: 1573–1586.
Buysse, D. J., Ancoli-Israel, S., Edinger, J. D., Lichstein, K. L. and Morin, C. M. Recommendations for a standard research assess- ment of insomnia. Sleep, 2006, 29: 1155–1173.
Cain, N. and Gradisar, M. Electronic media use and sleep in school- aged children and adolescents: a review. Sleep Med., 2010, 11: 735–742.
Cohen, J. A power primer. Psychol. Bull., 1992, 112: 155–159.
ª 2012 European Sleep Research Society
142 D. L. King et al.
Desai, R. A., Krishnan-Sarin, S., Cavallo, D. and Potenzo, M. D. Video-gaming among high school students: health correlates, gender differences, and problematic gaming. Pediatrics, 2010, 126: 1414–1424.
Dewald, J. F., Meijer, A. M., Oort, F. J., Kerkhof, G. A. and Bögels, S. M. The influence of sleep quality, sleep duration and sleepiness on school performance in children and adolescents: a meta-analytic review. Sleep Med. Rev., 2010, 14: 179–189.
Dworak, M., Schierl, T., Bruns, T. and Strüder, H. K. Impact of singular excessive computer game and television exposure on sleep patterns and memory performance of school-aged children. Pediatrics, 2007, 120: 978–985.
Eggermont, S. and Van den Bulck, J. Nodding off or switching off? The use of popular media as a sleep aid in secondary-school children. J. Paediatr. Child Health, 2006, 42: 428–433.
Espie, C. A., Inglis, S. J., Tessier, S. and Harvey, L. The clinical effectiveness of cognitive behaviour therapy for chronic insomnia: implementation and evaluation of a sleep clinic in general medical practice. Behav. Res. Ther., 2001, 39: 45–60.
Gentile, D. A. Pathological video-game use among youth ages 8–18: a national study. Psychol. Sci., 2009, 20: 594–602.
Gentile, D. A., Choo, H., Liau, A. et al. Pathological video game use among youths: a two-year longitudinal study. Pediatrics, 2011, 127: 319–329.
Gradisar, M. and Short, M. Sleep Hygiene and Environment: Role of Technology. In: A. R. Wolfson and H. Montgomery-Downs (Eds) The Oxford Handbook of Infant, Adolescent, and Child Sleep Problems: Developmental Perspectives. Oxford University Press, New York, in press.
Gradisar, M., Lack, L., Wright, H., Harris, J. and Brooks, A. Do chronic primary insomniacs have impaired heat loss when attempting sleep? Am. J. Physiol. Regul. Integr. Comp. Physiol., 2006, 290: R1115–R1121.
Higuchi, S., Motohashi, Y., Liu, Y. and Maeda, A. Effects of playing a computer game using a bright display on pre-sleep physiological variables, sleep latency, slow wave sleep and REM sleep. J. Sleep Res., 2005, 14: 267–273.
Hoddes, E., Zarcone, V., Smythe, H., Phillips, R. and Dement, W. C. Quantification of sleepiness: a new approach. Psychophysiology, 1973, 10: 431–436.
Horne, J. A. and Östberg, O. A self-assessment questionnaire to determine morningness-eveningness in human circadian rhythms. Int. J. Chronobiol., 1976, 4: 97–110.
Ivarsson, M., Anderson, M., Akerstedt, T. and Lindblad, F. Playing a violent television game affects heart rate variability. Acta Paediatr., 2009, 98: 166–172.
King, D. L. and Delfabbro, P. H. Understanding and assisting excessive players of video games: a community psychology perspective. Aust. Comm. Psychol., 2009, 21: 62–74.
King, D. L., Delfabbro, P. H., Griffiths, M. D. and Gradisar, M. Assessing clinical trials of Internet addiction treatment: a system- atic review and CONSORT evaluation. Clin. Psychol. Rev., 2011, 31: 1110–1116.
Li, S., Jin, X., Wu, S., Jiang, F., Yan, C. and Shen, X. The impact of media use on sleep patterns and sleep disorders among school- aged children in China. Sleep, 2007, 30: 361–367.
Marshall, S. J., Gorely, T. and Biddle, S. J. H. A descriptive epidemiology of screen-based media use in youth: a review and critique. J. Adolesc., 2006, 29: 333–349.
Mentzoni, R. A., Brunborg, G. S., Molde, H. et al. Problematic video game use: estimated prevalence and associations with mental and physical health. Cyberpsychol. Behav. Soc. Netw., 2011, 14: 591– 596.
National Sleep Foundation. 2011 Sleep in America Poll: Communi- cations Technology in the Bedroom. The Foundation, Washington, DC. Available from: http:www.sleepfoundation.org/2011poll.
Oka, Y., Suzuki, S. and Inoue, Y. Bedtime activities, sleep environ- ments, and sleep/wake patterns of Japanese elementary school children. Behav. Sleep Med., 2008, 6: 220–233.
Palatini, P. Need for a revision of the normal limits of resting heart rate. Hypertension, 1999, 33: 622–625.
Rechtschaffen, A. and Kales, A. (Eds) A Manual of Standardized Terminology Techniques, and Scoring Systems for Sleep Stages of Human Subjects. (US Public Health Service Publica- tion No. 204). US Government Printing Office, Washington, DC, 1968.
Schochat,T.,Flint-Bretner,O.andTzischinksy,O.Sleeppatterns,elec- tronicmedia exposure anddaytime sleep-related behaviours among Israeli adolescents. Acta Paediatr., 2010, 99: 1396–1400.
Smyth, J. M. Beyond self-selection in video game play: an experi- mental examination of the consequences of massively multiplayer online role-playing game play. Cyberpsychol. Behav., 2007, 10: 717–721.
Suganuma, N., Kikachi, T., Yanagi, K. et al. Using electronic media before sleep can curtail sleep timeand result in self-perceived insufficient sleep. Sleep Biol. Rhythms, 2007, 5: 204–214.
Swing, E. L., Gentile, D. A., Anderson, C. A. and Walsh, D. A. Television and video game exposure and the development of attention problems. Pediatrics, 2010, 126: 214–221.
Weaver, E., Gradisar, M., Dohnt, H., Lovato, N. and Douglas, P. The effect of pre-sleep video-game playing on adolescent sleep. J. Clin. Sleep Med., 2010, 6: 184–189.
ª 2012 European Sleep Research Society
Prolonged video-gaming and adolescent sleep 143
Copyright of Journal of Sleep Research is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or
emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission.
However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.
Screen Shot 2016-03-11 at 11.02.28 PM.png
Violent easy 11.docx
Aqeel M Alnemer
Andrew Copley
ENG: 101
2 – 22 -2016
Impact of Violent Video-gaming
Violent video game has caused many heated arguments in the society from a long time. Some section of the society argue that video gaming dose not effect people at all. Others argue that video gaming especially violent video game lead to change people’s attitudes and behavior of the player’s especially young adults and children. Those people who support video gaming argue that. It should be protected under the law to be freedom of speech. Also, because it is an educative tool. Those who argue against video gaming push for it to be subjected to restrictions under the law. The positive and negative effects of violent video gaming have been subjected under several scientific researches. The negative effects have been noted and they involve aggression, lack of sleep, addiction violence and social underdevelopment. However, there are some positive effect of the violent video games and they include improvement of cognitive skills, stress relief, education, pro social behavior, business skills and finally education.
Violent video gaming does more harm to the players than good therefore they should be subjected to restrictions under the law.
Research shows that violent video gaming has very many negative effects especially to the young adults and the children. The first negative effect of violent video game is increased aggression. There is an agreement amongst the researchers that contact to violent video games leads to increase the aggressive thoughts, behaviors and feelings, decrease in pro social behaviors. Aggression is the behavior the is intended to harm other people. Aggression includes intention to harm even if the try at harming fails. Violent video game increases aggression by teaching the players how to be aggress, start aggressive behaviors and also by creating aggressive state. Enactment of aggression is basically based on learning, activation and application of aggressive related knowledge that is stored in the memory of an individual. The long term effects of video violent gaming is made worse by an individual’s learning processes that is typical of human beings. From youth human beings learn through view, analysis, judgment and response to the events in the social and the physical environment. Knowledge organizations are then developed in the mind of human beings based on the daily interactions and observations. As these knowledge organization from real life or imagined like from the media are prepared in life then they stick and so are difficult to change. This is the same case of someone who engages in violent video game. Knowledge organizations are fixed in the brain and when faced with situations, they will act based on what they have observed over time. Aggressiveness also increases when a person has antisocial personality disorder. Antisocial personality disorder is characterized by rash behavior and indifference to the suffering of others. This behavior is made worse by violent video gaming because such game desensitizes people from aggression. People who are exposed to fake violence in the video games become safe to it and therefore tend to act violently in some situation and they lack empathy (Huesmann, 179-181).
Violent video gaming led to addiction problems to games. In addition, video games leads people to be sad and worry in children and young adults. Violent video gaming addiction is driven or use of computers or other media to play video games affects with the daily life of an individual. Depression, for instance, comes when the person becomes too engaged with winning a game and if they don’t, they begin to develop stress. These individuals also become nervous to win in these games, so they spend too much time in the gaming that they do not have time for social interaction with friends and family. Other areas of their life become affected in one way or another. This is not good because there is need for balance in life and too much of something is detrimental (Saleem, 281-287). .
Violent video game leads to lack of sleep and sleep illnesses. Research shows that there is a connection between violent video gaming and sleep habits. Research shows that people who play violent video games have higher levels of worry and stress and therefore do not get enough sleep. It is important for the body of a human being to have enough rest so that it may function good. The problems caused by violent video gaming may be invisible or rather they may not be too clear but they are harmful to development of a human being especially young, adults and children. Research shows that video gaming leads to make people tired and it is the type of tired that takes away the sleep. The stress level impact the quality of sleep and make it hard for the person to sleep. The video games are also very addictive so the person may harm himself or herself playing late in the night, so they have less time to rest through the night. Video gaming makes their brain work and this has physiological effect that may not be too clear this causes the sleep illnesses. Violent video games could be scary and the person playing it may end up having nightmares about it and this will sometimes disturb the sleep. Research shows that a person should sleep for almost 8 hours every day for the boy to function (King, 137-143).
Violent video games have led to increase in delinquent behaviors and criminal activities in the society. Individuals who play violent video tend to pretend actions in real life and so the increase in violent behaviors such as shooting, attack other people. These videos are sophisticated such that the violent actions in them are done in a way that it fakes the real life violence. The people playing are then predisposition to easily learn by seeing such behaviors and research shows that they are more likely to act out in a similar way (Ferguson, 377-391). In USA some criminal activities linked to various scenarios in games. Therefore, it is clear that video games that are violent teach criminal behavior to the players in one way or another. Violent video games are seen by psychologists to encourage criminal behavior because in these video games the players are rewarded on success. Video games are seen as the perfect tools that have been used to teach criminal behavior to individuals (Saleem, 281-287). Violence is an extreme of aggression such as physical murder or attack. It has also caused increase in criminal behaviors amongst people especially children. Children who play violent videos games are more likely to bully, cyber bully, get into physical fights, are hostile, argue with teachers in school. They tend to be aggressive towards their peers all year. Violent video gaming causes short term and long term aggressive behavior to others. The children could also pick up bad language that they find themselves using in their day to day lives.
Violent video gaming leads to poor development of social skills. People who are engaged in video games become addicted. Therefore, they use much of the time playing videos instead of interactions. These people tend to be withdrawn from other people and live in their own world. They fail to make friends in real life and their interactions with their peers later suffer from this. In children especially school going kids their social they start showing carelessness in their school work, they are less attentive in class and then they start performing poorly in exams. These types of children fail to develop real life connection with people. They only manage to learn the harmful behaviors from the games instead of the good behaviors (Saleem, 281-287).
In general, violent video gaming does more harm than good in the society. They promote bad behavior amongst people especially the young generation. These games should therefore be subject to restrictions by law and also parental control.
King, Daniel L., et al. "The Impact Of Prolonged Violent Video-Gaming On Adolescent Sleep: An Experimental Study." Journal Of Sleep Research 22.2 (2013): 137-143. Academic Search Complete. Web. 11 Feb. 2016.
Saleem, Muniba, Craig A. Anderson, and Douglas A. Gentile. "Effects Of Prosocial, Neutral, And Violent Video Games On Children's Helpful And Hurtful Behaviors." Aggressive Behavior 38.4 (2012): 281-287. Academic Search Complete. Web. 11 Feb. 2016.
Huesmann, L. Rowell. "Nailing The Coffin Shut On Doubts That Violent Video Games Stimulate Aggression: Comment On Anderson Et Al. (2010)." Psychological Bulletin 136.2 (2010): 179-181. Academic Search Complete. Web. 13 Feb. 2016.
Ferguson, Christopher J. "Video Games And Youth Violence: A Prospective Analysis In Adolescents." Journal Of Youth & Adolescence 40.4 (2011): 377-391. Academic Search Complete. Web. 13 Feb. 2016.
Video Game Violence Use Among ‘‘Vulnerable’’ Populations: The Impact of Violent Games on Delinquency and Bullying Among Children with Clinically Elevated Depression or Attention Deficit Symptoms