Sex Differences in Emotions

THECOUNSELINGPSYCHOLOGIST / July 2002Wester et al. / SEXDIFFERENCES INEMOTION• PROFESSIONAL FORUM Sex Differences in Emotion:

A Critical Review of the Literature and Implications for Counseling Psychology

StephenR.Wester University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee

DavidL.Vogel Iowa State University

PageK. Pressly University of Florida

MartinHeesacker University of Florida

This article examines the findings of several reviews of the empirical literature on biolog- ical sex and emotion, focusing on the degree to which perceived sex differences in emo- tionality are, and in most cases are not, supported while at the same time addressing the implications this body of research has for counseling psychologists. This article also explores potential explanations, such as gender role socialization or situational influ- ences, for the profession’s continued acceptance of large innate sex-based affective dif- ferences. Finally, the third section discusses several concerns this continued acceptance raises for the practice of counseling, whereas the last section offers a research agenda building on the review presented herein.

The purpose of this article is to explore the literature surrounding the sex-emotiondebate,with aparticular focuson the issues important to coun- seling psychologists. Emotion, defined as an individual’s “experience and expression of [affective information]” (Greenberg & Safran, 1987, p. vii), playsasignificant role incounseling, regardlessofwhetheremotionisafun- damental part of the counseling psychologist’s theoretical framework (e.g., Self Psychology: Kohut, 1977; Gestalt Therapy: Perls, 1969) or whether emotion is considered to be a significant, although not primary, element of the counseling process (e.g., Cognitive Therapy: Ellis & Grieger, 1977;

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Thecontributionof thefirst twoauthorswasapproximatelyequal.WewouldliketothankEliza- bethSkowron, Ph.D., in theDepartment ofCounselorEducation,CounselingPsychology, and RehabilitationServicesatPennStateUniversity,HannaM.Frost, inthePsychologyDepartment at theUniversityofFlorida,andDawnMarieWester for theircommentsonearlierdrafts.Corre- spondenceconcerning thisarticleshouldbeaddressed toStephenR.Wester,Ph.D.,Department of Educational Psychology, EnderisHall, University ofWisconsin–Milwaukee, P.O.Box 413, Milwaukee,WI 53154; phone: 414-229-4774; e-mail: [email protected].

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Behavior Therapy: Skinner, 1974). Indeed, “emotion and emotion-related processeslieat theheartofcounseling”(Heesacker&Bradley,1997,p.201), and, accordingly, counseling psychologists’ increased understanding of affectivephenomenamay increase their ability to facilitatecertain therapeu- ticchangeprocesses (e.g.,Greenberg&Safran,1989).However,at thesame time, less than6%of themostpopularcounseling textsmentionbasic theory or researchonemotion (Heesacker&Bradley,1997).Our reviewconfirmed these findings, suggesting thatgraduate instruction inemotionscience tends to be reduced to generalist discussions of “a sentence or two rather than a full-length treatment” (Heesacker & Bradley, 1997, p. 202) or subsumed under courses reviewing theories of counseling, psychotherapy, or psychopathology. Unfortunately, such generalist training tends to “leave unchallengedconscious and/or unconsciousbiaseswhich canbeharmful to clients” (LaFromboise, Foster, & James, 1996, p. 49) who do not meet our ideals regarding emotions and emotional expression. One example of an “unchallenged conscious and/or unconscious [bias]”

(LaFromboiseet al., 1996,p. 49) is thedegree towhichmenandwomenare considered to be emotionally different. For example, there seem to be two distinct perspectives about the interaction of sex, defined as the “biological [categories] male and female” (Lips, 1997, p. 4), and emotion within the counseling psychology literature (seeHare-Mustin&Marecek, 1988). The first perspective, traditionally informed by writings on counseling specific clients (e.g., see Brooks, 1998; Brooks & Good, 2001a, 2001b; Pollack & Levant, 1998) and reinforced by popular culture (e.g., see Farrell, 1999; Gray,1992;Tannen,1990), tends toemphasizesexdifferences inemotion. It stemsfromthebelief in“deep-seatedandenduringdifferencesbetweenmen and women in core self-structures, identity, and relational capacities” (Hare-Mustin&Marecek, 1988, p. 456). In contrast, the secondperspective concludes that “[sex] differences [in emotionality] are not universal, dra- matic, [or] enduring” (Hare-Mustin & Marecek, 1988, p. 456). Instead, if observed they tend to be either context dependent (e.g., Vogel, Tucker, Wester,&Heesacker,1999)orofsmallermagnitude thansuggestedbysoci- etal perceptions (e.g., Shields, 1995). During thecourseof thisarticle,wewill clarify these twoperspectivesby

identifying the degree to which each is, or is not, supported by empirical research. It should be noted here that we differentiate biological sex from gender,whichcanbedefinedas“theculturalexpectationsfor femininityand masculinity” (Lips, 1997, p. 4). This is an important distinction tomake, as counselorsoften seeemotionaldifferencesbetween femaleclients andmale clients stemming not frombiological sex but rather from socialized gender roles.Researchintheareasofmalegenderrolestrain(Pleck,1981,1995)and malegender roleconflict (seeO’Neil,Good,&Holmes,1995, fora review),

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for example, suggests that the socializedmale role, coupledwith situational factors,may influencehowsomemenexpress their emotions.Ourassertion, however, is thatobservationsof thesesmall, situationally influenced, learned differences in emotional behavior have become so ingrained in our profes- sionalconsciousnessthattheymaybemasqueradingasobjectivetruthsabout women’sandmen’saffectiveabilities (e.g.,Heesackeret al., 1999;Kiselica, 2001).Therefore,whereas thisarticledoesexplore theroleofsuchfactorsas gender, it focusesprimarilyonbiological sexand thedegree towhich itdoes ordoesnotaccountforaffectivedifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.Over- all, we hope to facilitate the improvement of both the delivery and the out- come of counseling, aswell as the training of counseling psychologists, by addressing an area of work not typically explored within most counseling psychology training programs (Heesacker&Bradley, 1997).

REVIEW OF RESEARCH ON SEX AND EMOTION

To ensure that we surveyed all of the reviews in this area, we used PsycLIT,PsycINFO,andERICasdatabases.Thesearch terms“sex,”“emo- tion,” and“sexandemotion”were employed.This resulted in12 reviewsof theempirical researchonemotion: (a)Canary,Emmers-Sommer,andFaulk- ner(1997),whofocusedonemotionwithinpersonalrelationships; (b)Brody (1996), who reviewed the empirical research on sex and emotion within a developmental framework that focusedonparent-childboundaries; (c)Brody andHall (1993),whoconducted tworeviews(Brody&Hall,1993,2000)on the sexandemotional experience literature; (d)Guerrero andReiter (1998), whoreviewedresearchonsexandemotion in thecontextof social skills and emotional communication; (e) Hall (1987), who conducted two meta- analyses (Hall, 1978, 1984) on sex and nonverbal communication; (f) LaFranceandBanaji (1992),whoreviewedtheempiricalresearchonsexand emotion published through the early 1990s; (g) Manstead (1998), who reviewed the research on sex and emotion across several areas, including psychophysiology, facial expressiveness, andaccuracy inperceivingothers’ emotionalstates; (h)Shields(1995),whoreviewedsexandemotionresearch in the context of gender development; (i) White and Mullen (1989), who reviewedthe jealousyresearchonrelationship-relatedfactorsandprocesses; and(j) Ickes,Gesn,andGraham(2000),whoreviewedresearchonempathic accuracy. We summarize the key findings from these reviews using Lang’s (1968,

1994) tripartite framework, which conceptualizes emotion across three dimensions: (a) overt actions, such as observable behaviors; (b) subjective reports, suchasaclient’sdescriptionofhisorherfeelings;and(c)physiolog-

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ical responses, such as heart rate or breathing.Wechose this framework for three reasons. First, although emotion has been defined in many different ways and incorporated in various interventions throughout the counseling process,organizingthis reviewwithaunifyingframeworkallowsmanyrele- vantaspectsofanindividual’semotionalexperiencetobeaddressed.Second, thisperspectivepresentsandencouragesanexaminationof the relationships among its domainswithin client-specific affective contexts (Bradley, 2000). For example, whereas clients can verbally describe affective responses, counselors can nonverbally evaluate such descriptions through observation in session, behavior measurement, and/or a sampling of physiological responses. Such a “triangulation” approach, accounting for verbal, nonver- bal, and physiological indicators of emotion, affords counseling psycholo- gistsabetterchanceof fullyunderstanding theemotionbeingexpressedand increases the likelihood that they will design more client-specific interven- tions. Indeed, disjunctions between the three dimensions are considered by sometobe important indicatorsofpsychologicaldistress (Maxmen&Ward, 1995; Safran&Greenberg, 1991). Finally, Lang’s (1968, 1994) framework allows for an easier translation of emotion science, therefore increasing scholarlyexchangesbetweenemotionresearchersandcounselingpsycholo- gists(e.g.,Heesacker&Bradley,1997;Heesacker&Carroll,1997)andplac- ingcounselingpsychologists inabetterpositiontointerpretandusethework ofemotionresearchersby“base[ing][their]psychologicalpracticeonabody of scientifically attained knowledge” (Forsyth&Leary, 1997, p. 187).

Overt Actions

Researchinthisareainvolves theuseofactualperformancemeasures, the assessmentofobservablefacialexpressions,verbalandnonverbalbehaviors, and reaction time. We summarize the research under two subheadings: (a) verbal expression and (b) nonverbal expression. Overall, these studies sug- gest that in the absenceof societal demandsonaffectivepresentations (e.g., Lips, 1997),womenandmendonot differ in their ability to process, under- stand, andexpress emotion. Indeed, the reviewsweexamineddemonstrated fewdifferences betweenwomen andmen, particularly in the area of verbal expression.Furthermore, thosedifferences thatwere foundappeared incon- sistently across studies and across reviews, suggesting that they were the resultofsituationalfactorsratherthaninnatedifferencesinaffectiveability.

Verbal expression. Empirical researchdoesnot reveal anyconsistent pat- tern of sexdifferences in the verbal communicationof emotions. For exam- ple, theIckesetal. (2000)reviewofmen’sandwomen’sverbalexpressionof empathy showed no sex differences across 7 of 10 studies. They also noted

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that resultsdemonstratingdifferences inverbalexpressionsofempathywere due toparticipants’beingmotivated topresent themselves in a stereotypical manner rather thanbiological sex(Ickesetal.,2000).Furthermore,although bothwomenandmenreportedexperiencingsadnessatsimilar levels,women tended to show more behavioral displays of sadness (i.e., crying), whereas men tended towithdraworparticipate indiversionaryactivities (e.g.,Brody, 1996; Guerrero & Reiter, 1998). Hall’s (1987) review demonstrated that although women’s voices generally have greater variation in pitch than men’s, potentially allowing more precise communication of emotions, women’soverallabilitytoexpressemotionsverballyisnotsuperiortomen’s. Shields (1995), in turn, suggested little difference in emotional ability betweenmenandwomen.Sheconcludedthatwhensexdifferencesoccurred in emotional expression (e.g., sadness, anger), they tended tobemore influ- encedbyboththecontextofasituationandsex-basedemotionalstereotypes, rather than by innate differences in emotional ability.

Nonverbal expression.Researchon thenonverbalexpressionofemotions has also produced inconsistent findings independent of situational factors. For example, Hall’s (1978, 1984) meta-analyses indicated that women smiled and gazed at othersmore, hadmore expressive faces, and displayed more expressive bodymovements thanmen.Womenhave also consistently shownaslight advantage in encodinganddecodingbothnonverbal andver- bal emotional expression (Brody, 1996; Brody & Hall, 1993; Hall, 1987; Manstead,1998;Shields,1995).Specifically,womenappeartobesomewhat better at decoding surpriseor indifference thanmen,whereasmenappear to be somewhat better at encoding sadness than women (Brody, 1996; Manstead,1998).Furthermore,onereviewindicatedthatmenhaveanadvan- tageinthecontrolofnonverbalexpressionsofanger(Canaryetal.,1997).On theother hand, several of the reviews suggested that thesedifferences in the nonverbal expressionof emotionwere basedmore on situational influences than on fundamental sex differences in affective ability. For example, although women were somewhat more nonverbally expressive of sadness thanmen,thisexpressionseemstobemorecontextdependentthanindicative ofsexdifferencesinemotionality(LaFrance&Banaji,1992).Suchinconsis- tencies have also led some researchers to speculate that any conclusions aboutsexdifferences in theencodinganddecodingofemotionmaybe influ- enced by the affective valence or intensity of the situation (Brody & Hall, 1993).

Implications of overt actions research. This body ofwork has important implications for theprofessionandpracticeofcounselingpsychology.First, although counseling psychology has been demonstrated to view women as

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hyperemotional (American Psychological Association Task Force, 1975; Broverman, Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1972; Shields, 1995), andmenashypoemotional (e.g.,Heesackeret al., 1999;Plant,Hyde, Keltner, & Devine, 2000; Shields, 1995), the inconsistent findings (Brody, 1996; Brody & Hall, 1993; Hall, 1987; Ickes et al., 2000; Manstead, 1998; Shields, 1995) suggest that any observed differences between men’s and women’s overt emotional behaviors aremore the result of situational influ- ences than innate emotional abilities. Counseling psychologists may there- fore wish to widen their focus to include the situational influences on their clients’ affective presentation, as well as the nonverbal and verbal expres- sions, rather than merely relying on biological sex as a heuristic for under- standing client emotionality. For example, counseling’s exclusive focus on verbal expressionof specificemotions (e.g., sadness, anger) could influence clients’emotionalpresentation;womenmayfeel supportedandcomfortable inbeingemotionallyexpressive,whereasmenmayfeel forced toconformto socially determined self-presentation stereotypes. Indeed, such influences havebeendemonstratedinotherareasofcounselingpsychology(e.g.,Kelly, 2000;Snyder, 1987), and thus their role indetermining emotionality should be considered. Such a shift in focus could also (a) communicate to clients both tolerance and acceptance, thus allowing clients to experience and express awider rangeof emotionality, and (b) allow therapists to assess and understand amore comprehensive emotional picture. In discussing the implications of overt action research, special mention

needs to be made of the construct alexithymia, or the inability to verbally express emotions, as it applies to counseling male clients because of its increasing prevalence in the counseling psychology literature (e.g., see Brooks, 1998; Brooks & Good, 2001a, 2001b; Pollack & Levant, 1998). Despite the view that during development, men suffer from “deficits in the arenas of intimacy [and] empathy” (Pollack, 1995, p. 35), leading to their experiencing a “narrowing of [verbal] emotional expressiveness” (Pollack, 1998,p.41),empirical researchontheverbalexpressionofemotions ingen- eral (e.g., Guerrero & Reiter, 1998; Hall, 1987; Shields, 1995), and alexithymiaspecifically,donotdemonstrateaconsistentsex-basedpatternof results (Heesacker,2001;Kiselica,2001).Forexample, tworecentstudiesof college students revealed no significant differences in alexithymia between menandwomen(Levantetal.,2000;Mallinckrodt,King,&Coble,1998). In fact, researchershavesuggested thatanysexdifferences inalexithymiamust be understood in the broader context of research showing that those with lower verbal ability are more likely to be alexithymic (Lamberty & Holt, 1995).Indeed,it ispossiblethatmen’sdemonstratedlowerverbalability,and not emotional deficits,may account for themisperception that they experi- ence greater levels of alexithymia.

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Subjective Reports

Most of the published research in the literature is subjective report research involving people’s verbal descriptions of emotions and emotional experiences, aswell as the descriptions of the type, nature, and intensity of those experiences. We summarize the research under two subheadings: (a) participants’ self-reports of perceived emotional expression and (b) partici- pants’self-reportsof their subjectiveexperienceofemotion.Taken together, research in this area has produced either inconsistent findings or findings indicativeofmenandwomenpresenting themselves stereotypically in reac- tion tosituationaldemandsorsocietalpressures (e.g.,Brody,1996;Brody& Hall,1993,2000;Canaryetal.,1997). Indeed,LaFranceandBanaji’s (1992) review of subjective report research demonstrated that sex differences in emotionality were evident only when (a) measures were indirect, (b) the emotioninquestionwasperceptiblebyothers,and(c)thesituationwasinter- personal. Thus, although men and women may respond to situational pres- sures by altering their emotional behaviors, the subjective report research fails tounequivocallysupport theideathatmenandwomenareinnatelyemo- tionally different.

Participants’ self-reports of emotional expression. The most common findingfromthis researchwas thatwomenandmenreport sexdifferences in emotionality similar to the stereotypes about sexandemotion.For example, womenrated themselvesasmorevocallyexpressiveaswellasbetteratemo- tionalexpressionanddecoding thanmen(Brody,1996;Brody&Hall,1993; Hall, 1978). In turn,mendescribed themselvesasbeingmoreskilledat con- trolling theiremotions thanwomen(Brody,1996;Brody&Hall,1993;Hall, 1978).At the same time, however,much of this literaturewas inconsistent. Forexample,whereasmenperceivethemselvestobesomewhatmoreexpres- siveofanger thanwomen(Hall,1978),other research indicates thatmenand womensee themselves as equallywilling toexpress angerdependingon the situation(Allen&Haccoun,1976). Indeed,someresearchevensuggests that women report being more comfortable expressing anger to their romantic partners thanmen(Brody&Hall,1993).Additionally,bothmenandwomen reportexpressingmoreemotiontopeopletheyknowthantothosetheydonot know,althoughwomentended toreportexpressingemotions tomorepeople thandidmen,whoweremorelikelytoreportexpressingemotiononlyininti- materelationships(Brody&Hall,1993,2000).Furthermore,withtheexcep- tionofanger,bothmenandwomenreportbeingmore likely todisclose feel- ings towomen than tomen (Brody&Hall, 1993, 2000).

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Participants’ self-reports of the subjective experience of emotion. Few consistentsexdifferenceswerefoundinmaleandfemaleperceptionsregard- ingspecificemotionalexperiencesor theuseofemotion language inconver- sations. For example,White andMullen’s (1989) reviewof self-descriptive researchonjealousyrevealednoconsistentsexdifferences.Atthesametime, however, research also suggested that whereas women report experiencing both positive and negative affect more often than men, sex differences in self-report are greatest for negative affect such as fear (Canary et al., 1997; Manstead, 1998; Shields, 1995) and jealousy (Guerrero & Reiter, 1998). Additional research also failed to demonstrate consistent sex differences in either other negative emotions (i.e., contempt, guilt, loneliness) (Brody, 1996;Brody&Hall, 1993) or in the experienceof happiness (Canary et al., 1997).Findingsalsoindicate thatmenandwomenreportexperiencinganger with similar frequency and intensity (LaFrance & Banaji, 1992), despite some work demonstrating that consistent with their traditional socialized gender role,men reported beingmore likely to experience anger in concert with jealousy, whereas women were more likely to report depression (Guerrero & Reiter, 1998). White and Mullen (1989), however, cautioned that these observed sex differences could stem fromdifferent definitions of jealousy held by men as opposed to women. Shields (1995) subsequently speculated thatanyobservedsexdifferencesmight reflectcultural, social,or developmental factors rather than fundamental differences in affective abil- ity.One reviewsuggested thatmen reported experiencingmoredifficulty in expressing feardue to situational pressures tobemasculine (Shields, 1995). Again, these findings have led some researchers to suggest that this effect may be more influenced by situational pressures than by sex differences in emotional ability (Canary et al., 1997).

Implications of subjective report research. The inconsistent nature of these findingssupports the Ickesetal. (2000)position that sexdifferences in emotionmayemergeonlywhenindividualsexperienceincreasedmotivation to present themselves in a certainway as a response to normative pressure. Thereviewsofsubjectivereport researchalsosupportLaFranceandBanaji’s (1992) assertion that sex differences in emotion are present only under four conditions: (a)when themeasureof emotionemployed is indirect, (b)when the self-reported emotion is potentially perceptible by others, (c) when the contextunder scrutiny is interpersonal, and(d)whengeneral rather thandis- crete emotion is examined.This is an important implication for the practice of counseling, becausemuchofwhat occurs in therapy could fall under one or more of these four criteria. For example, counseling is an endeavor in whichemotionsareperceptiblebyothers.Accordingly,maleandfemalecli- ents may exhibit or report more differences in their affective ability,

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especiallywhen talking toacounselorabout interpersonalcontextsandgen- eral feelings, perhaps to remain consistent with global stereotypes and to maintainapositiveconnectionwiththecounselor(e.g., seeKelly,2000,fora relateddiscussion). Sucha scenariomeets threeof the four criteria put forth byLaFranceandBanaji,suggestingthatwhenworkingwithclients,counsel- ingpsychologistsmaywish topayattention to (a) themanner inwhich they are assessing emotionality; (b) the counseling context; and (c) the degree to which demand characteristics, rather than affective abilities, are potentially dictating their clients’ emotional presentation, because these factors may play into socially sanctioned stereotypes (e.g., Heesacker et al., 1999) and overrepresent sex differences in emotional behavior.

Physiological Responses

Researchinphysiologicalresponsesincludesbodilyprocessesthatcanbe measured through psychophysiological methods, such as facial electromyography (EMG) and functional magnetic imaging of the brain (fMRI) (e.g., Bradley, 2000; Lang, 1968, 1994). Findings in this area have been inconsistent, primarily because of our technological inability to link specific emotional states (i.e., sadness, happiness)with specific anddistinct physiological responses. Indeed, although some early research suggested that men experienced greater arousal than women on some physiological dimensions(e.g.,bloodpressure), thosereviewsaddressingphysiology(e.g., Brody,1996;Brody&Hall, 1993,2000;Manstead,1998) indicated that sex differences were inconsistent. Women, for example, have been found to exhibit greater skin conductivity than men in certain situations (Brody & Hall, 1993,2000;Manstead,1998).Furthermore,Manstead (1998) reported three important findingsregardingsexandstress: (a)womenhadhigherrest- ing heart rates thanmen, (b)menhadhigher resting systolic bloodpressure than women, and (c) men had higher urinary epinephrine responses during stress.Additionally, researchonphysiological responses to emotional stim- uliusingEMGdemonstrated thatwomenexhibitedmorefacialEMGactiva- tion than men. In contrast, reviews of physiological studies suggested that men andwomen tended to respond inways that run contrary to the general stereotypes of sex differences in emotionality. In fact, the majority of research suggested that men showed more physiological signs of emotion than women (Brody & Hall, 1993, 2000; LaFrance & Banaji, 1992; Manstead,1998). Inaddition, someresearchershave reportednosignificant fear-related differences in autonomic responses between men and women, suggesting that the stereotypical view of women as fearful and men as the “sturdyoak”(e.g.,Brannon,1985,citedinThompson&Pleck,1995,p.142) maybe incorrect.

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Implication of physiological research. Results from physiological tests haveanimportant implicationforcounselingpsychology,as thefindingsfail to unequivocally support the belief that sex differences in emotionality are innate and/orbiological.Men, for example, seemtobenomoreable to con- trol their autonomic fear response thanwomen.Furthermore,womendonot seemtobeat themercyof theirautonomicresponses.Asaresult, counseling psychologistsmaywish to reconsider the degree towhich they subscribe to acceptedtruthsaboutmen,women,andemotion.Theymayalsowant tocon- sider focusing less on their own expectations about how emotions “should be” exhibited bywomenormen and focusingmore on their clients’unique affective presentation.

Conclusion

Reviewsofresearchacrossall threeareasofLang’s(1968,1994)tripartite perspective indicate that sexdifferences in emotionality are small, inconsis- tent, or limited to the influence of specific situational demands. These reviews do not support belief in sex-based affective differences. In fact, absent from situational demands, sex differences in emotionality tend to diminishand/ordisappear.Theseconclusions challengeboth theperception thatmenandwomenareemotionallydifferentandtheuseofbiologicalsexas a heuristic for understanding clients’affective behaviors. They also pose an importantquestion:Whydoescounselingpsychologyseemenandwomenas emotionallydifferent(e.g., seeHeesackeretal.,1999,foradiscussion)when empirical research does not support such a view?

If not sex, then what?Onepotential explanation for the continued accep- tanceof large sex-based emotional differences is that factors closely related tobiological sexarebeingconfused forbiological sex.Suchaneffectwould be understandable, given thatmost counseling psychologists are socialized withinadominantculture thatviewsmenandwomenascomingfromdiffer- ent affective “planets” (e.g., Gray, 1992; Tannen, 1990). Gender roles (i.e., socialization),culture,andcontextarethreeexamplesbecauseasLips(1997) noted, “cultural expectations forwomenandmen(gender) arenot separable fromobservations aboutwomen’s andmen’s bodies (sex)” (p. 4). Research on socialized gender roles and emotion, for example, suggests that girls are encouraged to express emotions,with the exceptionof anger and contempt, through words and facial expressions. Boys, conversely, are discouraged from expressing emotions, with the exceptions of anger and pride (e.g., Brody & Hall, 1993; Levant, 2001; Levant & Pollack, 1995; Plant et al., 2000).Additionally, inEuro-American cultures, parents tend todiscuss and express a greater array of emotionswith their daughters as opposed to their

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sons (e.g., Flannagan & Perese, 1998; Fuchs & Thelen, 1988; Kuebli & Fivush,1992).Insum,empiricalevidencesuggeststhatgirlsaresocializedto be emotional, nonaggressive, nurturing, and obedient, whereas boys are socialized to be unemotional, aggressive, achievement oriented, and self-reliant (Block,1973;Levant, 2001).Peers continue thisprocess as chil- drendevelop andmature (e.g.,Harris, 1995;Maccoby, 1998), in effect con- straining how, where, why, and with whom certain emotions are expressed (e.g., Shields, 1995). Onerelatedarea, importanttothisdiscussionandprominentincounseling

psychology, is theworkofGilligan (e.g., 1982/1993),Miller (1976), and the StoneCenter (see Jordan,Kaplan,Miller, Stiver,&Surrey, 1991, aswell as Jordan,1997,forexamples).Gilligancoinedthephrase“inadifferentvoice” (p. xi) to describe a woman’s interpersonal style that she felt resulted from society’s differing expectations of men and women. Specifically, society expectswomentobeattachmentandrelationshipfocused,whereasitexpects men to be independent and achievement focused (Gilligan, 1982/1993). Miller (e.g., 1976) includes the role of inequality in this process, discussing how it structures the emotional socialization of the sexes. Indeed, “men are encouragedfromearly life tobeactiveandrational;womenare trained tobe involved with emotions and with the feelings occurring in the course of all activity” (Miller, 1976, p. 39).All told, such different expectations, and the developmental experiences associated with them, can lead to men’s and women’s perceiving social pressure to express emotions differently despite the fact that their internal experience of these emotions is in fact similar (Miller, 1991). For example, even though anger serves as a natural resource forbothwomenandmen,one thathelpsmotivateus toprotectourselvesand standupforwhatweneed (e.g.,Miller&Surrey,1997), anddespite the lack of consistent evidence supporting sexdifferences in the expressionof anger (e.g.,Allen&Haccoun,1976;Brody&Hall, 1993;Hall, 1978), there isevi- dence that parents encourage anger expression in boys (Block, 1978)while discouraging the overt expression of other emotions (e.g., Brooks&Good, 2001a, 2001b; Miller, 1976). As such, “boys and men feel . . . many emo- tions . . . [but] few can be expressed for what they are” (Miller, 1991, pp. 191-192). Women, conversely, are encouraged to do the opposite and turn their anger into more internal expressions of sadness (i.e., crying). Overt expressionsofangerbywomenare typically seenbysocietyaspathological (Bernardez-Bonesatti, 1978; Miller, 1976, 1991) whereas men’s overt expressions of anger are seen as normal and/or expected. Culture isanotherpotential factor thatcouldaccount foranyobservedsex

differences in emotion (e.g.,A. Fischer&Manstead, 2000). Culture can be definedbroadlyas“behaviorwhosecomponentsandelementsaresharedand transmitted by the members of a particular society” (Linton, 1968, p. 32).

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Some examples of cultural factors include ethnicity, nationality, race, reli- gion, andsexualorientation. Indeed, society’soverrepresentationofcultural differences has been well documented. For example, the construct of machismo is often used to describe the emotional passion, sexuality, and strength of all Latino males, despite evidence of large within-group differ- ences(e.g.,Arcaya,1996;Lazur&Majors,1995).Furthermore,Euro-American culture values emotional control on thepart ofAfricanAmericanmen (e.g., Kochman,1981;seeLazur&Majors,1995,forareview),despitethefactthat their owncultural backgroundvalues emotionality (e.g.,Majors&Mancini Billson, 1992). In addition, gay men are stereotypically considered more emotionally expressive, despite documented within-group and identity- developmentdifferences (e.g.,Cass,1979).Thus, it ispossible that counsel- ing psychologists’concern about the degree towhich these cultural charac- teristicsaffectclient functioning is influencing theirperceptionsofhowmen andwomen experience and express emotion. Additionally, gender roles are powerfully influenced by culture (Fagot,

Rodgers,&Leinbach, 2000), and the degree towhich their interaction dic- tates perceptions of men’s and women’s emotionality cannot be underesti- mated (e.g., Fagot et al., 2000;Grossman&Wood, 1993;Hall, 1987; Lips, 1997). For example, the emotions Euro-American women are thought to expressmore thanEuro-Americanmen(e.g., fear,guilt, happiness,nervous- ness, warmth, shame) are stereotypically associated with their traditional gender roles (e.g., child care, social bonding) (seeLips, 1997, for a review). Conversely, the emotions Euro-Americanmen are thought to expressmore thanEuro-Americanwomen(e.g.,anger,contempt,pride)arestereotypically associatedwith the their traditional gender rolesof strength, leadership, and control (e.g., Brody & Hall, 2000; Levant, 2001; Lips, 1997; Scher, 2001). Thus,althoughthereisnospecificgenderroleforeithermenorwomen,soci- ety’s stereotypical assumptions aboutmen,women, andemotionmayguide our understanding of observed affective behavior (Lips, 1997). Indeed, because counseling may unintentionally reinforce such traditional gender roles (e.g., Enns, 2000), it may be that counseling is structuring men’s and women’s emotional expression accordingly (e.g., Heesacker et al., 1999; Shields, 1995). Situational context is another variable potentially being confused with

biologicalsex(e.g.,Shields,1995;Vogel,Tucker,etal.,1999;Vogel,Wester, & Heesacker, 1999). In fact, it has been suggested that sex differences in emotionalitymust be understoodonly in relation to the complex contextual influences present in everyday life (e.g., Aries, 1996; Deaux, 1984). For example,Vogel,Tucker,etal. (1999)demonstrated that thepatternofbehav- iorknownasdemand/withdraw(i.e.,womenemotionallyexpressivewhereas menemotionallyavoidant)within interpersonal relationshipsoccurredmost

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often when the couple discussed an issue they felt was difficult. When the conversation turned toneutralor easy topics, sexdifferences incommunica- tion styles vanished. Similar results have been foundwith newlyweds (e.g., Vogel & Karney, in press) and dating couples (e.g., Markman, Silvern, Clements, & Kraft-Hanak, 1993; Vogel, Wester, et al., 1999). Therefore, given the emotional and often interpersonally difficult nature of expressing oneself in counseling (e.g., Heesacker & Bradley, 1997; Lott & Cohen, 1999), theroleofcontextmustbeunderstoodprior tomakinganyjudgments regarding innate sex differences in emotionality. Stillanotherpotentialexplanationfor thecontinuedacceptanceofsexdif-

ferences in emotionality is that the empirical research on sex and emotion does not accurately capture sex differences. According to this explanation, sex differences in emotionality exist and researchers have failed to demon- strate thembecauseofproblemswith(a) theresearchenvironmentand/or(b) thepopulationssampled.Forexample, findingsfrombasicemotionresearch may not be generalizable to real-world experiences because research has beenconducted incontrived,artificial situations,withhomogeneousgroups. Such research artificially suppresses themoderating influence of biological factors, gender roles, culture, and situation. However, our review of the empirical literature failed to reveal a pattern consistent with either a lost-in-sterile-lab-environments perspective or anoverly homogeneousper- spective. Research has been conducted in a wide array of contexts, with a widevarietyofpopulations. Indeed, those studies findingsexdifferencesdo not appear to have been conducted in contexts having either greater “mun- dane realism” (e.g., Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1991, p. 149), that is, increased correspondence between experimental events and real-world situations, or decreased homogeneity than those studies failing to find those sex differ- ences. Therefore, although they are certainly worthy of additional explora- tion, at present thesecritiquesof emotionsciencecannot readilyaccount for thedifferencesbetweenwidelysharedperceptionsofsexdifferencesandthe empirical findings.

COUNSELING CONCERNS

As previously stated, two distinct perspectives about sex and emotion have emerged in the counseling psychology literature (see Hare-Mustin & Marecek,1988).Thefirst tends toemphasizesexdifferencesdespite the lack of unequivocal empirical support, whereas the second concludes that any observedsexdifferences tend tobemoresituationdependent than indicative of innateaffectiveabilities.Althoughtherearecounseling-relevantconcerns inherenttobothofthese,wearemostconcernedwiththeoveremphasisofsex

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differences in emotion, because this view may perpetuate overly limited notions associated with traditional masculinity and femininity (Shields, 1995; Vogel, Epting, & Wester, in press). This, in turn, risks establishing a “one-size-fits-allmentality” approach to therapy, similar towhatHeesacker and Prichard (1992, p. 282) called the “affective version of the uniformity myth” (Kiesler, 1973; see Heesacker et al., 1999, for related discussion). Suchanapproachmayalso reinforce sex stereotypes, rather than empower- ing both men and women to transcend socialized limitations (e.g., Vogel etal., inpress);andit is increasinglybecomingassociatedwithpoorpsycho- logical adjustment (seeEgan&Perry,2001, fora recentexample).Focusing on sexdifferences also ignoresbothwithin-groupvariability and theoverall complexity of emotional processes. Indeed, viewing the emotional restric- tion ofmen as always problematicmay ignore the fact that for somemales suchbehaviorservesanappropriateandadaptivepurpose(e.g.,Heesacker& Prichard,1992;Wilcox&Forrest,1992).Lazur’swork(seeLazur&Majors, 1995, for a review)dealingwith the“coolpose”ofAfricanAmericanmales isoneexample;emotionalrestrictionisareactiontoracismandanattemptby African American men to straddle the demands of both African-American andEuro-American cultures. Itmayalsobe thatemphasizingsexdifferences inemotionality imposesa

psychological liability onbothwomenandmen (e.g.,Robertson&Fitzger- ald,1990;Shields,1995). Indeed,counseling typicallyexplores relationship development, expression of feelings, and discussion of emotional problems in a manner that some suggest is more congruent with women’s affective characteristics than men’s (Gilligan, 1982/1993; Kiselica, 2001; Wood, 1986). Men may be forced into a set of gender role–prescribed behaviors, rather than being granted the freedom to explore and expand their abilities (e.g.,Brooks,1998;Pollack&Levant,1998).Conversely,womenmayhave their affective behaviors dismissed as being the result of female hyperemotionality (e.g., Shields, 1995), rather than as actual psychological distress.Thus,wepropose thatcounselingpsychologistswhoarecommitted to fostering egalitarian, therapeutic counseling relationships (Morrow & Deidan, 1992; Sue & Sue, 1990) consider the following suggestions. Although these recommendations still need additional empirical investiga- tion, we believe that they represent an important, beginning move toward facilitating effective counseling relationships aswell as an informedunder- standing of the existing literature. First, although emotion plays a pivotal role in counseling, it is unclear

whethercounselingpsychologistsaregenerallyawareofthescientifictheory andresearchonemotionsandemotion-relatedbehavior.Therefore,counsel- ing training programs and continuing professional education programs should provide the fieldwith current theory, research, andpractice implica-

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tions related to emotions, rather than allowing such topics to be subsumed under other class headings (Heesacker & Bradley, 1997; Heesacker & Carroll, 1997). For example, the tripartite model of emotions (Lang, 1968, 1994), whichwe used to organize our review of the sex-emotion literature, may constitute a more useful taxonomy for the assessment of clients’ affect-related behaviors than does biological sex.Also, given the suggested negative therapeuticconsequencesofcontinuedsubscription to theviewthat menandwomenare innatelyemotionallydifferent,whatHeesackerandcol- leagues (1999, p. 484) termed “emotional stereotypes of men and women” (see also Shields, 1995), it seems important to include a discussion of sex-based emotional stereotyping in counseling psychology graduate train- ing.Suchadiscussionmayservetoincreasecounselor trainees’awarenessof (a) theexistenceof sex-basedemotional stereotypes, (b) their socializedori- gin, (c) thedegree towhich the trainees themselves subscribe to them, and (d) the possible negative impact such stereotypes could have on their coun- seling relationships. Furthermore, such adiscussionmayenlighten students as to theeffectsof sociallydictatedstereotypesand thedegree towhich they impose a normative pressure on our clients to behave in a sex-specific fashion. Second, counseling psychologists are encouraged to examine carefully

their ownpersonal attitudes, beliefs, values, andbiases regardingmen’s and women’s emotionality. For example, counseling psychologistsmaywish to consider the following questions derived from research on perceptions of counselors(e.g.,seeShields,1995):(a)DoIhavedifferentbeliefsaboutwhat isemotionallyhealthyformenandwomen?(b)DoIseemaleandfemalecli- entswhodonotconformtotraditionalgenderrolesasmorepathologicalthan thosewhoconform?(c)DoIusedifferentemotionalstandards,andholddif- ferent emotional expectations, when diagnosing and treating male and femaleclients? (d)Whatare theaspectsof theclient that Ibelieveare reflec- tiveof emotionality, anddo theseaspects changeas a functionof client sex? (e)Do Imake sex-based attributions for the emotional behaviors ofmy cli- ents? and (f) Do I overlook emotion-related sex similarities, and magnify emotion-related sex differences, in emotion (see, e.g., Shields, 1987)?Rec- ognition and awareness of one’s own sex-based emotional stereotypesmay stimulate self-development and reduce biased cognitive processing. Thirds, counseling psychologists may also need to expand the range of

affective responses they consider healthy andappropriate for each sex (e.g., Heesackeretal.,1999;Shields,1995).Theseresponsesshouldreflect thefull rangeof affectivevariabilitydemonstrated in theemotion science literature, rather thanmerely reflecting societal perceptionsofmen,women, andemo- tion(e.g.,P.C.Fischeretal.,1993;Heesackeretal.,1999). Inaddition,coun- seling psychologists should be aware of large within-group differences in

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emotional behavior, regardless of biological sex.Thiswould allowcounsel- ors to recognizeandworkwith thenormativepressures influencing theircli- ents’ affective presentation. Through increased education in the science of emotion, for example, counseling psychologists may become better equipped to understandhow their own sex-based emotional stereotypes can adversely affect the accuracy of diagnoses, treatment plans, counseling expectations, and the counseling relationship for both male and female clients. Fourth, in the areasof preventionandpsychoeducation, it is important to

educate the general public regarding (a) the apparent inaccuracy of com- monly held perceptions about sex differences in emotion and (b) the poten- tiallydetrimental impactof subscribing to them.The long-termeffectof this preventivemeasuremight includeimprovedintergendercommunicationand apotential reductionofconflictbetween thesexes, aspeoplebegin toaccept and even encourage a greater range of affective behaviors for men and women.

RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS

This section provides recommendations for future research that reflect both practice-related questions and existing methodological challenges in the sex-emotion literature.

1. Research has often relied exclusively on subjective reports to measure and assess emotions. Future counseling psychology research should use more observationalandphysiologicalmeasures toenhancetheresultsofself-report research. For example, researchers shouldusedirect observation, the reports of peers and significant others, and behavioral records to substantiate self-report measures of emotion. Also, when designing research studies, counseling psychologists may wish to consider the following elements of emotionmeasures: (a)directness, (b)degree towhich theemotionalbehavior being reported can be assessed by observers, (c) inclusion of the emotional context, and (d) how emotion is defined (LaFrance & Banaji, 1992). Addi- tionally, researchers may wish to heed the suggestion of Heesacker and Carroll (1997) and“focuson thekindsof emotion-related concerns facedby practitioners” (p. 176) in conducting their scholarship. Doing so may allow future studies to increase theprofession’s understandingof potential sexdif- ferences inemotionalbehaviorbecausecounselingpsychologistswillbeable to generalize the results to the populations theyworkwith and the problems their clients bring to counseling.

2. Future studies shouldexplore emotional experienceandexpression inavari- ety of contexts (e.g., P. C. Fischer et al., 1993). For example, given that

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situationalcontextmayinfluenceboth thepresenceandmagnitudeofsexdif- ferences in emotionality (Vogel et al., in press; Vogel, Tucker, et al., 1999), researchersmaywant toconsider factorssuchas(a) thenatureof therelation- ship between the people being studied (e.g., counselor vs. client, friend vs. stranger,friendvs.significantother);(b)thesexcompositionofthedyad(e.g., same-sex vs. opposite sex); and (c) the setting (e.g., professional, domestic, leisure) as they conduct their scholarship. Furthermore, longitudinal studies ofsexdifferencesandsimilarities inemotionmayprovidetheprofessionwith additional information about developmental and socialization influences (Brody&Hall, 1993).

3. Future research should begin to explore the overall role emotion plays in humanfunctioning(e.g., Isaacs,1998; Izard,1991).Forexample, thedegrees towhichthematerialdiscussedunderthethreerubricsofLang’s(1968,1994) tripartite perspective (e.g., overt behavior, subjective report, physiology) serveshumanbeings as information, behavioral triggers, or essential aspects of communication have not been fully explored. For example, are emotions the cause of, or the reaction to, a situational stimulus (e.g., James, 1890; see alsoHergenhahn, 1997, for review)?Furthermore, howhumansmakeuse of emotional information,andhowthatusagelinkstovariouspsychologicaldis- turbances, remains an area important to counseling psychology and ripe for empirical exploration.

4. Becausequestionsregardingtheinterrelationshipbetweensex,emotion,bias, and the performance of counseling psychologists remain largely unresolved (see Heesacker et al., 1999, as a recent exception), researchers may want to consider several issues relevant tocounselingpsychology.Forexample,does a counseling psychologist’s age, education level, or counseling experience influences her or his perceptions about sex differences in emotionality? In addition, researchers may wish to examine the role of client and counselor variables suchas race,ethnicbackground, religiousbeliefs, andsexualorien- tation ineithermoderatingormediating (e.g.,Baron&Kenny,1986)percep- tions of sex differences in emotion. Furthermore, research should explore how, and under what conditions, sex-based emotional stereotypes affect the process and outcome of psychotherapy (e.g., Aspel, Willis, & Faust, 1998). Finally, future research should investigate whether, and to what extent, sex differences in certaindisorders (e.g.,ConductDisorder,AntisocialPersonal- ityDisorder,BorderlinePersonalityDisorder)reflectactualsexdifferencesor result from incorrect perceptions about men’s and women’s emotionality (e.g.,Kupers, 1997).

5. It is important for future research to identifymethods that aremost effective for challenging and overcoming society’s subscription to the idea that men and women are emotionally different. Indeed, because of the importance of emotionandemotional processes to counseling, such research is particularly important as applied to counseling psychologists, counselor trainees, and othermentalhealthprofessionals.Forexample,wehaveadvocated the inclu- sionof emotion science in general, andLang’s (1968, 1994) tripartitemodel

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specifically, ingraduate training(e.g.,Heesacker&Bradley,1997).However, it may be the case that additional, more challenging methods akin to those employedbyfeministandmulticulturaleducators(e.g.,“MulticulturalCoun- selingTraining,”1998)maybe required toovercome thesocializedviewthat men andwomenpossess vastly different affective abilities.

CONCLUSION

The purpose of this article was to explore the literature surrounding the sex-emotiondebate,while addressing the implications thisbodyof research has for counselingpsychologists. It appears that “[sex] differences [in emo- tionality] are not universal, dramatic, [or] enduring” (Hare-Mustin & Marecek,1988,p.456).Rather,whenobserved, suchsexdifferences tend to beeithercontextdependent(e.g.,Vogel,Tucker,etal.,1999)orinfluencedby learned gender roles (e.g., Brooks, 1998; Gilligan, 1982/1993), rather than reflective of basic, innate differences in affective ability. This suggests that counseling psychologists may wish to devote more attention to the role of factors such as these, rather than relying exclusively on biological sex as a heuristic for understanding client emotionality. Counseling psychologists mayalsowish topay increasedattention to (a) themanner inwhich theyare assessing emotionality; (b) the counseling context; and (c) the degree to whichdemandcharacteristics, rather than supposedly innate affective abili- ties, are potentially dictating their clients’ emotional presentation. Indeed, emotionplaysasignificantrole incounseling,andcounselingpsychologists’ willingness toexpandtheirunderstandingof thefactors influencingtheircli- ents’emotionalitymay facilitate client development rather than strengthen- ing clients’adherence to stereotypicalmodes of behaving.

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