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Culture, Identity, Learning, and Equality

Learning Objectives

After reading this chapter, you should be able to do the following:

• Analyze the impact of culture on everything we do, including communication and learning. • Evaluate the relationship between learning, culture, and education. • Describe the interactions between various forms of identity and student learning. • Analyze the tension between supporting students’ culture, identity and language, and making sure all

students are treated equally.

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AP Photo/Havre Daily News/Nikki Carlson

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CHAPTER 5Pre-Test

Introduction

In this chapter we examine culture’s impact on everything people do, including com-municating, learning, and teaching. For educators, it is important to remember that the students and families they serve may come from very different cultures than that of the school or their own.

While it is very important to consider the diverse backgrounds of all students and their families, school personnel must remember that diversity comes in many rich and complex combinations. Children’s unique cultural, linguistic, gender, disability, and other identi- ties must be honored, respected, and supported.

However, schools need to make sure they support equality and integration, and sometimes it is difficult to balance these two perspectives. Grouping students to target instruction and develop group solidarity is often the best way to support students’ unique identities and to meet their educational needs. However, this approach can produce negative and unin- tended consequences. Schools must continually struggle to balance supporting unique cultures and identities while providing multicultural activities, exposure, and knowledge.

Pre-Test

1. In these types of cultures, social and cultural contexts in which words are used often communicate more than the words themselves. These are known as

a. highly verbal cultures. b. low-context cultures. c. high-context cultures. d. legalistic cultures.

2. In the 1960s, who first introduced to the United States a four-stage, biological view of how children learn?

a. Jean Piaget b. Noam Chomsky c. Lawrence Kohlberg d. Sigmund Freud

3. A child’s beliefs about how competent he or she is in achieving a task and activ- ity and in learning a new skill or concept, is called

a. self-image. b. self-esteem. c. self-efficacy. d. self-concept.

4. When students are segregated due to some inadvertent consequence, practice, or activity, this is termed

a. intentional segregation. b. unintentional integration. c. unintentional consequences. d. unintentional segregation.

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.1 Influence of Culture on Everything We Do

Answers 1. c. high-context cultures. The answer can be found in Section 5.1. 2. a. Jean Piaget. The answer can be found in Section 5.2. 3. c. Self-efficacy. The answer can be found in Section 5.3. 4. d. unintentional segregation. The answer can be found in Section 5.4.

5.1 Influence of Culture on Everything We Do

In Chapter 1 we discussed at length the powerful influence of culture on a child’s growth, development, and learning. Culture sets the expectations for behavior, pro-vides the values and rules by which individuals live, and defines a person’s view of the world (Gutierrez & Rogoff, 2003). Further, culture has a profound impact on a child’s learning and view of the value and purpose of education. Therefore, to fully appreciate multiculturalism, we need to know how culture affects a child. In this section we begin to look deeper into the profound impact of culture on a child’s growth, development, and learning, including differences between Western and non-Western cultures, high and low cultural contexts, and cultural concepts of time.

E. T. Hall (1914–2009), an American anthropologist and cross-cultural researcher, provided important insights into the relationship between culture, development, and learning. He is considered one of the architects of the understanding of culture (Weaver, 2000). Hall examines how cultures influence people and how people from different cultural back- grounds often misunderstand each other. For example, Hall states that Americans often assume that certain behaviors and actions exhibited by people in other countries have the same meaning as those behaviors do in the United States. This, he suggests, can cause sig- nificant misunderstandings (Hall, 1976b). For instance, according to Hall, this kind of mis- understanding is in part responsible for some of the United States’s difficulties in Korea and failures in Vietnam. According to Hall, in Vietnam we misread Chinese intentions by thinking they were motivated the way we were, and we took them too seriously. In Korea we did not take them seriously enough. In both cases we tried to fit events into a pattern of military conflict that we had seen work in Europe. However, this did not work in Asia.

According to Hall, humans are unaware of how they know and communicate culture. We pick it up in the cradle, unconsciously learning what to notice and not notice, what is and is not important, and how to relate to people. In fact, he believes that what we think of as the mind is actually internalized culture. How we process information, think about things, develop personal relationships, and so on, are all a direct result of our culture (1976b).

High- and Low-Context Cultures Hall also makes the distinction between high-context and low-context cultures. In low- context cultures, such as Canada, the United States, and Northern Europe, verbal messages are explicit, and words carry the literal meanings of what we communicate, regardless of the context. In other cultures, such as those from China, countries in Africa, Arab nations, Southern Europe, and Latin America, the social and cultural contexts in which the words are used often communicate more than the words themselves—what he calls high-con- text cultures (1976b). Therefore, in low-context societies, contracts, instructions, polices, and laws are the foundation for societal interactions. However, in high-context societies,

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.1 Influence of Culture on Everything We Do

people who are trusted, respected, and who can exert control are the ones who run things. As you can imagine, these two opposing contexts often cause global conflicts regarding peace treaties, business contracts, global polices, UN rules and mandates, and so on.

Hall also believes that high-context cultures view community—the context in which reality occurs—as critically important to everything. He calls this a village culture and suggests urban renewal projects that destroy ethnic neighborhoods and long-standing communities are extremely disruptive to a culture with a village orientation. For low- context groups, one neighborhood is very much like the next.

This information is important for schools and teachers, as many of the new immigrant families come from high-context societies, while American schools reflect low-context views regarding both knowledge and how schools should be run (i.e., rules, schedules, expectations). Antibullying rules, attendance policies, and zero-tolerance rules are explicit policies set in stone, and they lack contextual flexibility—they are low-context. However, students and parents from high-context cultures may observe bullying behavior or viola- tions of a zero-tolerance policy and believe that since it was allowed (or at least not pun- ished) it is in fact okay, because it appears to be accepted behavior in that context.

However, we must view cultural distinctions carefully. Western influences have had a profound impact in countries in Latin America, Africa, and Asia; therefore, one cannot assume a family from these parts of the world necessarily has a high-context culture. What we can assume is that there will be cultural misinformation and conflict between the family and the school, which schools must address carefully and proactively.

Time also communicates different things in different cultures. In Western societies, we organize our lives on a strict time basis: a linear, one-thing-at-a time system. The Swiss are even stricter about time than are Americans (Hall, 1976b). On the other hand, the Hopi Native Americans from the American Southwest do not believe in a single, linear time system; they believe that every living thing has its own unique inherited system and that each plant and animal must be dealt with on its own terms. Hall calls this view of time a polychromatic system, which is more in tune with the needs of a group, the organic nature of each group , and the unique structure of a project, activity, or event. High-context cultures tend to use this view of time because they focus on groups and collective actions. The linear view is called a monochromatic system and is more consistent with an indi- vidual orientation.

While Northern Europe and North American cultures tend to function on a monochro- matic system, Mediterranean, Latin American cultures, and African societies tend to be polychromatic. For instance, in the mountain town of Diamantina, in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, Francis Wardle and Dr. Meira, a local surgeon, reported for a Lions Club meeting shortly after 8 p.m., the scheduled time for the meeting. No one else had arrived, so Dr. Meira suggested they go shopping, which they did, returning to commence the meeting at 9 p.m. (Wardle, 2005a). For Dr. Meira, who lives in a high-context society, time focuses on the organic nature of an event and getting a group of people together to have the event. In Brazil, time is more about getting people together to address an issue or engage in a social activity.

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.1 Influence of Culture on Everything We Do

Finally, Hall states, “Nothing is independent of anything else” (p. 16). In other words, culture infiltrates everything people do, how societies operate, and how organizations function. This includes schools. Yet in the United States, we tend to use a special interest approach for solving political, economic, and environmental problems, which disregards the interconnectedness of all events. Unfortunately, our schools are no help because they teach us not to make these connections. According to Hall, schools need to find ways to help students see the relationhip between their families, communities, cultures, lan- guages, and the school itself. The school needs to reflect each student’s cultural contexts and not isolate and compete with them. “I feel strongly that there should be a few people whose task is to synthesize—pulling things together. And that is impossible without a deep sense of context” (1976b, p. 97).

Cultural Contexts in Education Hall’s insights into culture are extremely helpful as we look at the relationships between culture, learning, and communication in education. As we do so, it is important to keep in mind the following ideas about culture:

• Everyone grows, develops, learns, and lives within cultural contexts; no one develops or lives in a cultural vacuum.

• Each one of us is influenced by a variety of cultural contexts, and the influence of each context differs from person to person and can change over time (West, 2001). We see the world from our unique cultural viewpoint, and being around people who engage in different cultural behaviors and have different percep- tions and viewpoints can be disorienting.

• Cultures continually change due to (a) historical time and progress, (b) inter- actions with other cultures, (c) globalizations, (d) the education of members within the culture, and (e) immigration and travel.

• People who challenge the boundaries of their cultural contexts often experi- ence resistance from many directions, including people from within their own cultural group.

• Cultural groups overlap—i.e., gender, disability, race and ethnic origin, eco- nomic status—which means there is often tension between one cultural group and people who belong to more than one group. For example, some Black women argue that the women’s movement is not relevant to their struggles because it focuses on issues important to White women (hooks, 1994).

• As in many other countries, various microcultures exist within the broad American culture. Furthermore, globalization and the media—TV, movies, the Internet—influence almost all cultures worldwide.

The following feature brings into focus some of these issues. The Amish culture, a group of people following the Anabaptist faith, is an example of a high-context culture that exhibits many of the elements of a village culture.

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.1 Influence of Culture on Everything We Do

Case Study: Sarah, an Amish Child Sarah is a 9-year-old girl who lives in rural Pennsyl- vania in an Amish community. She was born into a very tight-knit community with clear gender roles, rules about dress and work, and a tradition that goes back to the 1500s. She lives with her mother and father and five siblings, all girls. Her father works in the fields and cares for the milking cows. Her mother looks after the house and the little ones, while also making cheese and attending to the family store. Sarah’s grandparents, aunts, and uncles also live in the community, and she sees them often. She is an important part of the wider community, knows everyone by name, and trusts everyone. She attends an Amish school taught by Amish teachers. She has no TV, radio, computer, or phone.

After school and on the weekends, Sarah helps her mother at home: cleaning, cooking, canning, and making maple syrup. She also helps her mother in the family store, where she sells clothes, utensils, and other everyday items to other Amish people in her community. Saturday evening is reserved for the ritual of washing and braiding the long hair of Sarah and her sisters and is a time when the girls learn about Amish history from their mother.

On Sundays Sarah travels with her family in a horse-drawn buggy to another home for Amish worship services. She sits with the women on one side of the room; men and boys sit on the other side. These services are rotated from home to home. When the service is at Sarah’s home, she helps her mother prepare food for lunch, and they serve everyone who comes to the service.

Sometimes Sarah goes into the local town with her parents to buy supplies. They also occasionally visit their English* neighbors. But Sarah is continually told by her parents, teachers, and ministers that the Amish way is the correct way. At 9-years-old, she is comfortable being an Amish girl in a very warm, strict, close-kit family and community.

Sarah knows that she will complete her education at age 14 and then take on more responsibilities at home and in the community. She will learn how to make quilts with her mother and other women; she will also become more involved on the farm, helping her father milk the cows and make the cheese. She is expected to marry an Amish man, either from this community or from another Amish commu- nity, and raise her children as part of the close-knit Amish culture.

*English is the term the Amish use for everyone who is not Amish—because they speak English. The Amish speak a form of German.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. Do you think Amish children have advantages over other American children? Disadvantages? 2. What would you miss if you were Amish? What do they have that others could benefit from?

Ben Mangor/SuperStock

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.2 Relationship Between Learning, Culture, and Education

5.2 Relationship Between Learning, Culture, and Education

Understandably, the culture in which a child lives influences his or her growth and learning. As Christine Bennett (1997) suggests, understanding learning and devel-opment is more than simply considering a variety of psychological conditions, but it also involves knowing that psychological conditions are deeply affected by culture. Thus, culture directly influences how children learn.

Our understanding of how children learn has changed dramatically over the years. The initial view of how children learn was simply a downward view of how adults learn, resulting in the direct transmission of information and behaviors from the adult to the child (Wiles & Bondi, 2010). Children were taught in groups, with the assumption that each child learned in exactly the same way. Even the settings where children were taught reflected this view of children as little adults: sitting on wooden benches in rows, reading and memorizing written texts that focused on moral behavior (Wiles & Bondi, 2010).

Since then, ideas about how children learn have fluctuated from the progressive views of Rousseau, Froebel, and Dewey, to the behaviorism of Thorndike and Skinner (Wardle, 2009b). In the early 1960s, Jean Piaget’s stage theory of cognitive development was intro- duced to the United States. Based on changes in a child’s thinking due to maturation, Piaget’s theory takes a biological view. Thus, it is in direct opposition to the behaviorist view, which focuses on the environment. Piaget’s view came to dominate our understand- ing of how children learn. Later, Lawrence Kohlberg’s theory of moral reasoning aligned with Piaget’s stages of cognitive development. Kohlberg hypothesized that children’s development of moral reasoning follows the development of cognitive abilities and is therefore influenced by how children think. Both positions have come to characterize the view of many contemporary educators regarding how children develop and learn.

Developmental View of Learning Piaget and Kohlberg provide us with a theory used extensively in K–12 schools of how children learn content, skills, constructs, and moral behaviors (Pai, Adler, & Shadiow, 2005). Jean Piaget was a Swiss psychologist who developed a four-stage theory of cogni- tive development. To Piaget, cognitive development progresses in a sequential manner, from stage to stage. Within each stage, the individual constructs knowledge by interact- ing with the environment—by taking experiences from the environment and organizing them into an individually constructed system of knowledge (Piaget, 1972). Each stage builds on the previous one, and in each stage children think and process information in a different manner.

For Piaget, the cultural piece—the nature and circumstances in which the child develops and learns—is the content of each stage; it is what the child uses from his or her physical and social environment to progress through each stage (Brainerd, 1978). It is the food, if you will, of the process. However, Piaget believed that, regardless of cultural context, the actual nature of the learning is universal: regardless of a child’s cultural background, the child will progress through the stages in an orderly, sequential manner.

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.2 Relationship Between Learning, Culture, and Education

Lawrence Kohlberg, a Harvard psychologist working in the 1960s, used Piaget’s theory of cognitive development to create a theory of moral reasoning in children (later modified by Thomas Lickona). According to Kohlberg (1972), moral development proceeds through six stages, which directly correspond to the last three of Piaget’s stages: preoperational, concrete operations, and formal operations (see Table 5.1). Children progress through these stages much as they do through Piaget’s stages.

Table 5.1: Piaget’s cognitive development and Kohlberg/Lickona’s stages

Piaget’s Cognitive Development Stages Kohlberg/Lickona Stages

preoperational stage ego-centric reasoning (3–5 years)

unquestioning obedience (5–7 years)

concrete operations stage what’s-in-it-for-me fairness (7–9 years)

interpersonal conformity (9–11)

formal operations stage responsibility to “the system” (111)

principled consciousness (late adolescence/young adulthood)

This theory of moral reasoning describes how individuals reason about good and bad, right and wrong, and moral and immoral behavior. According to Lickona (1983), parents and teachers need to (a) understand each of the stages and how the child thinks about moral dilemmas within each stage, (b) help children rationally and logically think about moral actions and behaviors at each stage, and (c) assist each child in moving to the next stage in the sequence.

Discontinuity and Culture While Piaget, Kohlberg, and Lickona view cognitive and moral development as a pro- gression through distinct stages that build on each other in an invariant manner, other theorists such as Bruner, Kagan, and Egan, believe that cognitive and moral develop- ment often occur in spurts of activity and inactivity and that some development is not progressive (Schunk, 2004). There are many times where the nature and direction of the child’s development can and will abruptly change (Kagan, 1984). These events include accidents, good or bad teachers (e.g., a child who has an exceptional math teacher may become a mathematician), choices of programs in high school, or a high school job. Once a specific choice is made, a child tends to resist being derailed from the direction prescribed by this choice; for instance, a child whose early art exploration is praised by parents and teachers will see herself as an artist and continue to make choices based on this view (Kagan, 1984).

These theorists suggest that while humans’ development is genetically programmed in very broad terms, how these programs are manifest depends largely on a child’s experi- ences: Major changes in a child’s cognitive, social, and moral development occurring in response to certain experiences and situations require the child to develop specific skills and competencies. Some of these life experiences are also historical. An example is the development of the computer and Internet and the proliferation of technology toys and

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.2 Relationship Between Learning, Culture, and Education

Case Study: Sonny, A Pueblo Boy Fifteen-year-old Sonny lives on the Pueblo Indian reservation near Taos, New Mexico. He lives with his mother and two sisters in the ancient, adobe, multistory structure that has become the iconic symbol of the reservation: two large, rambling, five-story structures separated by a large communal area. A swiftly flowing mountain stream dissects the middle of the plaza, which is bound by the Catholic Church to the west and a valley that leads to sacred Blue Lake and Mt Wheeler to the east.

When Sonny was a preschooler, he attended the American Indian Head Start program, situated at the edge of the reservation and staffed by women from the tribe. Later, he attended the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) school, also on the reservation. Now he attends the local high school in town with White and Latino students.

While growing up on the reservation, Sonny participates in the Deer Dances in the spring and the Corn Dances in the fall. He enjoys the festivities around San Geronimo Day, especially climbing the greased pole, and participating in the procession of the Virgin Mary around the pueblo on Christmas Eve. Sonny has also begun the initiation process into one of the Kivas on the Pueblo. Only boys are involved, and a group of male leaders instructs them into the traditions of the Pueblo.

(continued)

communication devices that require children to rapidly develop a set of new skills. Chil- dren with access to this new technology learn these new skills, while children who lack access will not. In this case, culture as defined by social class has a profound impact on the development of children in the 21st century.

Changing circumstances and events in a child’s development demand new skills and attitudes while others are discarded. For example, when children grew up on farms, their physical activ- ity, need for constant change, and kinesthetic learning style, were rewarded. Today, the same behaviors now cause problems. Each person’s unique social relationships and cultural environ- ments play a key role in determining growth. According to Robert Coles (1986, 1997), some of the crucial factors that influence a child’s moral thinking are powerful social and cultural events in that child’s life. Bruner and Haste (1987) argue that children use their cultural environments as frameworks through which they interpret impor- tant experiences. And Tajfel suggests that chil- dren grow intellectually, socially, and morally by giving meaning to personal experiences through language and culture (1981).

The following feature illustrates some of the ways culture affects development and learning.

Monkey Business/Thinkstock

Children with access to technology generally come from families with higher incomes, providing an advantage over children whose families cannot afford technology. How might this difference in access affect skill development?

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.2 Relationship Between Learning, Culture, and Education

Case Study: Sonny, A Pueblo Boy (continued) When Sonny goes into town with his friends, tourists often stop them and want to take their picture. He sees stores throughout the town selling all things American Indian, from expensive paintings and sculptures, to silver jewelry made by local craftsmen and lots of cheap, tourist merchandise.

Sonny does not have a TV, but he does have a cell phone and watches TV at the homes of some of his friends. Sometime he travels with other members of the Pueblo to other reservations and attends powwows where he competes with dancers his own age. He has non-Pueblo friends with whom he hangs out in town. Sonny lives very much in two worlds. Unlike Sarah the Amish girl who is fully embedded within the Amish culture, Sonny is exposed both to his Pueblo Indian culture and to 21st century American culture.

Sonny’s mother wants him to go to college, but Sonny is not sure. Many of his friends have already dropped out of school; others simply want to graduate and then work at the casino run by the tribe on the reservation. Sonny does not know anyone with a college degree and sees little reason to leave his friends and the reservation to go to college.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. What were factors that influenced you to get a degree in education? How much was it a result of your culture (parents, family, peers) and how much other factors? How is Sonny’s culture influencing his choice to go to college?

Dynamic Development Development from infancy to adulthood is the result of a dynamic interaction between an individual’s temperament, personality, and potential, and the norms, mores, expecta- tions, and behaviors of the culture in which the child is embedded. A child develops by finding appropriate ways of behaving and acting in relationship to others from his or her culture. Everything a child thinks and conceives has a particular expression within the child’s culture (Bruner & Haste, 1987). When a child’s cultural framework changes—for instance, when an Amish child’s family leaves the religion or an immigrant child comes to this country—the child’s thinking and conceptions change.

From the perspective of understanding the relationships between culture and learning, three important ideas emerge from this discussion:

• All learning in all developmental domains (cognitive, emotional, social, moral, affective, and behavioral) is embedded within culture or cultures.

• Educational and psychological practices based on the belief that all child devel- opment is the same and follows the same stages will result in biased and unfair judgments about the education potential and the progress of students from diverse cultural backgrounds (Pai, Adler, & Shadiow, 2005).

• Psychologists and educators need to develop assessment instruments, learning models, instructional procedures, and home-school collaborations that capital- ize on each child’s culturally embedded values, behaviors, attitudes, cognition, and learning styles.

While various theoretical models explain how children develop and learn and guide our approaches to teaching, it is always important for teachers to be aware of and sensitive to the powerful impact of culture on students’ development.

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.3 Identity and Learning

5.3 Identity and Learning

A person’s identity answers a number of questions: Who am I? What am I all about? What can I do? What do I believe in? What makes me different from others? Gen-der, race and ethnicity, income, language, religion, and other diversity character- istics are critical factors in how others view the child, and how the child sees herself or himself. Further, a child’s judgment of these factors greatly influences the child’s overall self-esteem and self-efficacy. Here we examine Erikson’s psychosocial theory and its con- cept of identity development. We will also explore William Cross’s two-factor theory of Black identity and its implications for the study of identity development of all minority children.

Identity development begins in infancy, progresses through childhood and adolescence, and continues through old age. For the purposes of this discussion, we will focus on identity development during childhood and adolescence. It begins with the appear- ance of attachment, the development of a sense of self, and the emergence of autonomy in toddlerhood, and it reaches a crisis point during adolescence (Erikson, 1963). It is a slow developmental process. Identity development includes a child’s sense of self: self- concept, self-esteem, and self-efficacy. Self-concept answers the question, Who am I? It includes knowledge and beliefs about gender, ethnicity, competencies, family, and physi- cal features, among others: “I am a tall, 9-year-old Black boy who likes math but does not like reading.” Self-esteem answers the question, How good am I as a person? It includes judgments and feelings about the self: “I am proud of my math ability but embarrassed by my struggle to read.” Self-efficacy refers to a person’s beliefs about how competent they are in achieving a task, for example, riding a bike, learning to read, and making friends (McDevitt & Ormrod, 2007). A child’s positive sense of self-efficacy in specific tasks or activities contributes to overall self-esteem: The more things a child feels good about achieving, the higher the child’s self-esteem (Bong & Skaalvik, 2003). A child’s sense of self is important for development and learning. Many psychologists believe that humans have an overall need to think of themselves as competent, likeable, and worthy (Covington, 1992; Deci & Ryan, 1992). How do children develop a positive sense of self, self-esteem, and self-efficacy? One approach to answering this question is to understand Erik Erikson’s psychosocial theory.

Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Theory Erikson’s psychosocial theory is an eight-stage theory that covers the human lifespan from birth to death. The first five stages of the theory cover infancy through adolescence (see Table 5.2). Erikson believed that people grow and develop by overcoming various challenges in life, with successful completion of each stage developing a sense of compe- tence and social-emotional stability, while failure to achieve a resolution of one or more of the crises can produce social-emotional problems. These assets or deficits build on them- selves as a child progresses through each stage.

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.3 Identity and Learning

Table 5.2: The first five stages of Erikson’s psychosocial stages

Stage Description

Trust vs. Mistrust (birth to one year) The primary task at this age is for the infant to develop a sense of trust in people and in the world. When the important people in the child’s world meet the child’s basic needs, the child develops trust.

Autonomy vs. Shame and Doubt (toddler years) At this age, children begin to develop the ability to control their muscles and behaviors: feed and dress themselves, wash, walk, and use the toilet. This gives them a sense of autonomy. Adults who encourage self-sufficient behaviors and give toddlers many opportunities to feel competent help them develop autonomy.

Initiative vs. Guilt (preschool years) Children have a desire to engage in a variety of activities to demonstrate their growing independence. When adults encourage these efforts, children develop initiative.

Industry vs. Inferiority (elementary age) Children like to learn the skills and gain the competencies of their peers: ride a bike, read a book, make friends, and so on. Children who are encouraged to attempt and complete projects and learn important competencies develop industry.

Indentify vs. Role Confusion (adolescence) Children begin to examine who they are, what they believe in, and what career path to choose. Questioning of everything they know and believe in causes role confusion. Eventually, they achieve a sense of identity. In certain cultures children are expected to quickly resolve this tension, while others don’t make a decision until after college.

While Erikson developed his theory over 50 years ago, it is still applicable today. In help- ing children develop a healthy identity, adults should assist them in successfully resolving each of Erikson’s crises. Adults need to scaffold an accurate self-concept, support posi- tive self-esteem, and encourage high self-efficacy both at home and at school. As we will explore in the next section, positive self-esteem and high self-worth and self-efficacy are very important in the overall identity development of minority children (Cross, 1987).

Racial and Ethnic Identity All children develop through several stages of racial identity. This begins at birth and continues throughout adolescence. However, the process differs depending on the child’s race or ethnicity and whether the child is a member of the mainstream group in their

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.3 Identity and Learning

country. We know that infants can discriminate dark and light objects; also, infants prefer caregivers of a similar racial or ethnic background to their mother (Katz, 1976; Kelley et al., 2007). In this discussion the term ethnic identity will be used to describe a person’s sense of belonging to an ethnic or racial group as part of that person’s thinking, percep- tions, feelings, and behaviors (Phinney & Rotherham, 1987). These groups include Ital- ians, Germans, Blacks, Jews, Irish, Hispanics, and so forth.

Several models have been developed to describe ethnic development in children (Good- man, 1964; Porter, 1971; Katz, 1976; Aboud, 1977). Each is a developmental model, which means children develop through distinct stages as they come to terms with their own ethnicity. Most studies in this area have been conducted in the United States and Canada; therefore, they may not apply to children in other countries.

Ethnic awareness is an understanding of how one’s own group differs from those of oth- ers (Phinney & Rotherham, 1987). This knowledge changes with experience, exposure, and cognitive abilities. A child’s initial awareness of his or her own ethnicity and that of others is based on perpetual cues, for example, skin color, language, and traditions. Children who live in integrated neighborhoods and attend integrated schools will have a much greater awareness of other groups than those who do not. In the United States, minority children are inevitably aware of the dominant group; however, White children in the United States and European children in Latin America are often not aware they belong to a specific ethnic group (Aboud, 1987). As children become more aware of group differ- ences, they develop more accurate self-identification and acceptance of their own group (Phinney & Rotherham, 1987).

Ethnic self-identification is the sense of oneself as a member of an ethnic group, possess- ing attributes common to that group (Aboud, 1987). It refers to the description of oneself in terms of critical ethnic characteristics—a description that defines rather than merely describes the group. These attributes are those that would emerge as a consensus if mem- bers of a group were asked, “What are the most important things about being a member of this ethnic group?” These qualities must be specific to the group, and they need to be consistent across a variety of contexts (Aboud, 1987). For example, in the case of Sarah, the Amish girl, the use of the German language, specific religious attire, and last names are all characteristics of the Amish. For Sonny, the Pueblo boy, participating in native rituals and dances; dark skin; Indian facial features; and long, braided hair for boys are consistent attributes.

Prior to achieving accurate ethnic self-identification, children base their understanding of ethnicity on appearance alone. Data regarding ethnic consistency in children suggest that ethnic self-identification does not typically occur until around eight years of age. Accord- ing to Aboud, correct ethnic identification will not fully develop until a child’s concept of ethnicity is consistent; in other words, is constant across contexts and does not change due to other cues, such as face paint, clothes, and music (Aboud, 1987) (see Table 5.3).

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Table 5.3: Development of ethnic and racial identity

Development of Ethnic/Racial Identity Approximate age of the child

Recognition of White and Black children by all children

3–4 years old

White and Black children recognize their own group membership

4–5 years old

Recognition of own group membership by Asian, Native American, Hispanic, and other children

7 years old

Accurate labeling of ethnic groups by children of other groups

7 years old

Understanding that ethnicity is not changeable 7 years old

Recognition of other groups—non-Black/White— such as Latino, Chinese, Native American

8 years old

Ethnic constancy with clothing cues* 8 years old

Accurate self-identification/constancy 91 years old

Ethnic constancy without clothing cues* 10 years old

Source: Aboud, 1987; Aboud, 1980; Aboud & Skerry, 1983

*Cues are characteristics of a person that suggest their ethnicity, but are not constant. For example, young Black children thought they would become White if they used white makeup and a blond wig (Semaj, 1980); some Jewish 6- to 8-year-old children said they were Inuit when they saw a picture of themselves in Inuit clothes (Aboud & Skerry, 1983).

For all children, recognizing other ethnic groups such as Latino, Chinese, and Native Americans (not Black or White) occurs at a later age because the salient features are less distinct (Aboud, 1987). Salient features are physical characteristics of children that stand out: Skin color, hair texture, and facial features of Black and White children are more salient than those of Hispanic, Native American, and Asian children. Aboud (1987) also believes that children compare ways they are similar to others of their group and ways they are different from those in other groups in developing a sense of ethnic identification.

Appearance is not the only thing young children use to define their ethnic identity. According to Aboud, English and French Canadian children are defined according to lan- guage; Chinese in terms of food; and Native Americans in terms of possessions and activi- ties. Children who do not have the characteristics and attributes considered by others as “essential” to their ethnic group may struggle with identification. For example, a light- skinned biracial child with blond hair who is identified by his parents as Black may not be seen as Black by other children. This confusion is more difficult for children who belong to more than one ethnic group. Examples include transracially adopted children whose eth- nicity differs from their siblings and parents, and new immigrant children whose native ethnic label differs from the label used in the United States.

Thus, while all children by a certain age have a clear understanding of their racial or eth- nic identity, children who do not fit neatly within accepted ethnic groups need extra help to develop a healthy ethnic identity (Baxley, 2008; Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Develop- ing a consistent ethnic identity requires teachers and other school professionals to under- stand the changing demographics of the American population and to support the wishes of parents regarding the ethnic identity of their children (Aboud, 1987; Wardle, 2011).

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Two-Factor Theory William Cross, a well-known, contemporary Black scholar and researcher, developed what he calls a two-factor theory of Black identity (1987). Cross believes that Black identity in the United States is based on two important factors: personal identity and reference group orientation. Personal identity (PI) includes self-esteem, self-worth, personality traits, interpersonal competence, self-confidence, temperament, and self-evaluation. Reference group orientation (RGO) includes racial identity, race awareness, group belonging, racial evaluation, and racial self-identification (Cross, 1987). We can view both on an evaluative scale, from low PI and low RGO to high PI and high RGO. Cross points out that one fac- tor’s value is not predictive of the other factor: A Black student does not have to have a high RGO to have a high personal self-esteem, and vice versa.

Studies indicate that Black and other minority children enter school with a fairly high PI (Mediax, 1980), as do White children. However, it appears that a high PI is not predictive of high academic achievement. Black children seem to develop a bicultural RGO early in their lives, showing a preference for both White and Black choices and orientations (John- son, 1983). Studies suggest that in comparing Black children in Black homes with Black children adopted in White homes, all else being equal, these children have the same PIs (McRoy, 1981).

It should also be noted that a Black child’s RGO score increases as the child progresses through school, based on social maturity, cognitive development, and experiences with White and Black students and adults (Cross, 1987). While high reference group orienta- tion is not predictive (or required) for high self-esteem, it helps social and political causes if Blacks have a fairly high RGO. The RGO enables Blacks of very different PIs to work together for the advancement of all Blacks. For example, a group of Black students devel- oping activities for Black History Month can work together toward these goals without each member having a high PI. While this theory was developed for Blacks, Cross asserts that it can be applied to describe most minority groups in the United States (1987).

New Immigrants Children who come to the United States during their school-age years face a variety of challenges that impact their identity. When they arrive in the United States, the following demands confront their identity:

• Becoming American. As we have suggested, an overall American culture exists that is unique and differs greatly from other cultures. Most new immigrants struggle to understand this new culture, including children. What’s more, as children become familiar with the American culture, a rift between them and their more traditional parents and elders can develop (Ngo, 2006; Podeschi & Xiong, 1994).

• Not speaking English. The majority of new immigrants who come to this country speak a language other than English. While schools are finding ways to address the language needs of Hispanic children and their families, most schools do not have the resources needed to accommodate other non-English speaking children and their families.

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• Racial/ethnic identity confusion. Black and White Africans coming to the United States are not African American, just as many immigrants from Latin America are not Latino; and people from Asia do not view themselves as Asians, but rather as belonging to unique individual national and/or tribal groups (e.g., the Hmong) (Ngo, 2006, 2008). These children face the dilemma of misidentification by school staff, peers, and other parents, and the difficult process of negotiating their way not only into the overall American culture but also into the subcultures to which others assume they belong (Aboud, 1987; Ngo, 2008).

• Learning how U.S. schools function (Bang, 2009; Davis et al., 2005; Ngo, 2006). American education operates very differently from the way schools operate in other countries. Parents of these immigrant children need to learn about fund raising activities, homework policies, discipline, assessment practices, the school’s chain of authority, and whom to talk to when problems arise. Further- more, many new immigrant families come from cultures where teachers are revered, and these parents will not challenge teacher authority (Bang, 2009; Ngo, 2006; Podeschi & Xiong, 1994). When children require additional school services, such as special education or gifted and talented programs, parents need to learn how to negotiate these programs.

Teachers and other school personnel need to be sensitive to the challenges faced by new immigrant students and their families.

Gender Identity Like racial and ethnic identity development, gender development begins at birth. Tod- dlers learn a lot about gender when they struggle with autonomy. During this time, 1 to 3 years of age, children pick up many cues about being a boy or girl from toys, clothes, and the media. By preschool age, children begin to show a clear preference for certain stereo- typical toys and for same-sex peers (Johnson, Christie, & Wardle, 2005a; Vaughn, Colvin, Azria, Caya, & Krzysik, 2001).

Timing and intensity of gender socialization in the overall American culture differs between boys and girls (Beal, 1994). While gender role expectations have become more flexible in recent years, the increased lenience applies mostly to girls (Beal, 1994). Ambi- tion, competitiveness, and athleticism are now seen as desirable traits in girls. Girls are encouraged to choose legal, science, and engineering careers, and girls excel in many aca- demic areas in school and college.

Adults, however, are not as supportive of boys being gentle and creative, showing an inter- est in fashion or cooking, or signing up for ballet classes. Boys receive more intense gender socialization than girls; parents and peers disapprove of boys deviating from expected male behaviors more than girls (Martin, 1990). A father tells the story of his 5-year-old-son who put colorful barrettes in his hair and wore a white dress to the Sunday church service because that is how his three sisters were dressed. While the other children did not seem to notice, adults were appalled, even though many of the little girls wore pants and short hair (Johnson, Christie, & Wardle, 2005a).

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As we have suggested, boys face other challenges regarding gender identity: (a) in many homes there are few if any stable male role models; (b) few men are involved in early childhood and elementary school programs, increasing the paucity of male role models; and (c) boys often receive mixed messages from parents and teachers about how they are expected to behave in society and in school (Pleck, 1995).

Adolescence is a critical junction in gender identification. From a biological perspective, hormonal changes and the development of secondary sex characteristics convey to the adolescent dramatic sex-linked changes. Responses to the child’s development reinforce stereotypical female and male roles and behaviors, intensifying the psychological and behavioral differences between boys and girls, which is called gender intensification (Hill & Lynch, 1983). This, in turn, increases the pressure for adolescents to conform to traditional societal and cultural masculine and feminine gender roles (Galambos, 2004).

Compounded with Erikson’s identity versus role confusion stage, it is no wonder that adolescents struggle to determine how well they meet society’s gender role expectations (Erikson, 1963). While family contexts and cultural belonging directly impact gender identification (Crouter, Manke, & McHale, 1995), cognitive and moral advancements by students also lead many adolescents to directly challenge societal, cultural, family, and peer gender role expectations and limitations.

The mixed messages received from peers, parents, teachers, and media also contribute to gender confusion in adolescent boys. On the one hand, traditional male sex-typed behaviors of aggression, physical and psychological strength, and risk-taking behaviors both attract adolescent girls and match male adolescents’ view of typical American male behaviors; on the other hand, these behaviors are becoming less accepted in society and in schools (Pleck, 1995). The conflicting information often leads to trouble for boys in the form of drug abuse and crime, as well as suspensions, low motivation, low academic achievement, and dropping out of school.

Identity and Children With Disabilities Because physical characteristics and abilities are central to a child’s self-image, and physi- cal, social, and cognitive capacities are central to a person’s sense of self-efficacy, disabili- ties can have a direct impact on a child’s identity. An important factor in the nature of this impact is whether the child was born with an identified disability or whether the disability developed—or was identified—later in the child’s life. For example, if a child is born with a deformed hand or with cerebral palsy, the child’s development has always included these elements. However, if a child is indentified in second grade as having autism or with a learning disability in math, this can cause a tremendous emotional, psy- chological, and social shift within the student’s identity.

Most students are identified with special needs between 8 and 13 years of age (Gargiulo, 2012). This is because the expectations, limitations, and pressures of school experiences highlight a child who struggles to learn: physically, emotionally, socially, or cognitively. The increased academic expectations of the standards approach now used in K–12 public schools as well as the decreased emphasis on the arts and hands-on activities in the cur- riculum exacerbate these struggles (Nieto & Bode, 2012a).

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Earlier in this chapter we examined Erikson’s psychosocial stages that correspond to development. Keeping in mind that some children with disabilities experience develop- mental delays, the most important of these stages for K–12 students with disabilities are initiative versus guilt and industry versus inferiority, because initiative and industry are behaviors and dispositions critical for school success (Ormrod, 2008). Both of these stages necessitate that students receive a consistent variety of opportunities to try out new ideas, investigate, take risks, develop self-efficacy, and feel a sense of competence compared to their peers—especially in academic areas (Erikson, 1963).

Unfortunately, many of the common approaches used in working with children with vari- ous disabilities do not support initiative and industry. The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) focuses on addressing areas in which students are deficient; thus, goals and objectives written into the child’s Individualized Education Program (IEP) and instructional approaches target behaviors, skills, and competencies that the child cannot perform as well as his or her peers. As we discussed in Chapter 4, teachers working with children with disabilities also use something a child likes to do and is good at doing to reward tasks in which the child struggles. This is known as the Premack principle (Orm- rod, 2008). From an Erikson perspective, the Premack principle places a focus on what a child cannot do and on developing guilt and inferiority.

To support the healthy identity development of children with disabilities, educators must creatively find ways to both focus on the child’s specific, targeted school-related weak- nesses while also supporting behaviors, activities, and overall instructional approaches that continually and consistently support the child’s initiative and industry. For example, for a child who is constantly disrupting the classroom, the special education teacher rec- ommends the student receive additional time on the playground to engage in a variety of gross motor activities. The special education teacher provides the classroom teacher with strategies to teach the child a variety of prosocial skills to use on the playground, and develops a behavior management plan to monitor the child’s progress.

Language, Identity, and Learning Home language is a central part of people’s identity. It provides a direct connection to their culture and enables them to communicate with others—including using familiar idioms and anecdotes, unique words and phrases, and expressions that describe cultural beliefs and nuances (York, 2003). Further, a non-English language is often associated with tradi- tionally subordinated groups in the United States; consequently, supporting non-English languages becomes a declaration of emancipation (Nieto & Bode, 2012). Just as American schools have historically squashed diverse cultural backgrounds in preference of a Euro- pean perceptive, the same has been true of using non-English languages in American schools; however, when it comes to students’ identity, cultural and linguistic diversity cannot be separated.

Language is the glue that holds societies together, and language is one of the central characteristics of many cultural groups, along with nations and regions of the world. Many Native American tribes in the United States have recognized the cultural impor- tance of language, and these tribes are teaching their children the tribe’s native language.

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Furthermore, most people use language as a central cognitive medium to sort and catego- rize information, solve problems, and control emotions and behaviors (Siegler & Alibali, 2005; Vygotsky, 1978; York, 2003).

A person’s native language sets the foundation for all future learning. Language devel- ops from learning basic labels and simple terms, to expressing complex ideas and behav- iors, to using sophisticated verbal expressions that convey a vast amount of information. Language develops as a social process whose purpose is communication with others (Vygotsky, 1978) and thus is enhanced, elaborated, and scaffolded by the social environ- ment. As linguistic ability advances so do cognitive abilities and achievements (Siegler & Alibali, 2005). For native speakers in any country, this process is a seamless developmen- tal activity. However, for a child who does not speak the dominant language, the process is disrupted. In essence, the child must begin learning a language all over again.

While most modern societies worldwide embrace a variety of languages and multilin- gual approaches for society and commerce, the United States does not. Historically in the United States, cultural diversity and speaking a non-English language have been closely tied together. Not only was the melting pot idea one of forcing all people from diverse backgrounds to become “American,” but everyone was also expected to speak English. Since schools were the central place where the melting pot view was translated into practice, American public schools actively suppressed languages other than English— including Native American languages (Nieto & Bode, 2012). Today we understand that a central component of a child’s identity and how children learn is their home language; further, diversity in our schools includes both cultural and linguistic diversity. Hence, today schools must find ways to embrace and include both cultural and linguistic diver- sity (Cummins, Brown, & Sayers, 2006; Nieto & Bode, 2012).

Research strongly suggests that being bilingual is a tremendous asset. Bilingual infants are precocious decision makers who demonstrate advanced cognitive skills (Kovacs & Mehler, 2009). Compared to monolingual students, bilingual students tend to have increased attention, improved working memory, advanced abstract reasoning, and better metacognitive abilities—all of which positively impact academic achievement (Adesope, Lavin, Thompson, & Ungerleider, 2010). Also, truly bilingual students (competent in their native language and the school’s official language) are less likely to drop out of school than students with limited bilingual abilities (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001).

The challenge regarding linguistic identity and learning is to make sure that non-English speaking children are both supported in the continued development of their native lan- guage and are also expected to learn and become proficient in English (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). This poses huge challenges for contemporary American K–12 schools, particularly in the areas of curricula and assessment materials, and in providing staff who speak all the languages spoken in the school. Simply taking a bilingual—two language—perspec- tive generally does address this problem in most schools (Davis et al., 2005). The second challenge is for K–12 schools to acknowledge and support the tremendous value of bilin- gualism, both as an asset to academic achievement and as a requirement for global com- petitiveness. To this end, K–12 schools need to begin teaching English-speaking students a second language in kindergarten, if not before (Wardle, 2003a).

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Identity Is Comprised of Combinations of Diversities We have discussed a variety of diversity characteristics and explored how each of these affects a child’s identity and learning. As teachers, we must be cognizant of the interaction of each child’s complex diversities. In doing so, consider the following issues:

• While focusing on any one of a child’s diversities, it is important to be mind- ful of the child’s other characteristics and contexts and how they impact the child. For example, a boy with a math disability may face different challenges than a girl with a math disability. A boy with a math disability from a culture that expects boys to excel in math and science but also values the education of male more than female children, will have an added burden. Thus, while focus- ing on a single diversity issue, we must also take a whole child approach. All children, regardless of their contexts, must progress through universal matu- rational and developmental stages, such as Erikson’s psychological stages, and must continually struggle to fit in with their same-age peers.

• Each child views his or her own diversity in a unique manner, with value and importance placed on different factors. For one child, race and ethnicity might be of most importance; for another child with a similar background, gender may take center stage (West, 2001). Furthermore, contexts such as the school, home, and neighborhood can change the focus of the child’s diversity. For example, a learning disability is more of a critical factor at school than at home; a biracial child’s diversity is different at a school that does not understand her identity than at home where her unique identity is supported and nurtured (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). The context of time also changes the importance of various diversity factors. Some students struggle with their unique identity in middle and high school (partly due to Erikson’s stages of development we have dis- cussed) while they feel liberated and empowered when they go on to college.

• Certain forms of diversity can have a powerful, negative impact on a child’s learning and academic success. A child from Russia who does not speak Eng- lish will struggle in a school that does not accommodate children who speak only Russian; a child diagnosed with autism will struggle in a private school that is not equipped to work with children with severe disabilities. Until these barriers are adequately addressed, they are the central focus of the child’s learning.

• Since a child’s sense of identity is formed, supported, or negated by the child’s social environments, schools, teachers, administrators, and specialists must be extremely cautious about imposing their own views, assumptions, and stereo- types on the child and his or her family (Wardle, 2011). Assuming a boy will have behavior problems, an Asian child will automatically be good at math, or a Black child will be good at athletics but struggle academically is unaccept- able. It is also not acceptable to assume that all children from the same racial or ethnic group have the same values, learn in the same way, and have parents with similar expectations. And physical appearance can be extremely mislead- ing both for adults and peers: Not all Latinos have dark hair, brown skin, and dark eyes; not all White children have blue eyes and blond hair, and not all biracial children “look biracial.” To avoid this dilemma, school personnel must continually challenge their own stereotypical thinking and encourage children and parents to inform them as to their unique diversity (Wardle, 2011).

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.4 Culture, Identity, Language, and Equality

5.4 Culture, Identity, Language, and Equality

As a result of the civil rights movement, legal cases, and new federal laws, integra-tion has become an important indicator of equality both in American society and in our schools. All major U.S. cities institutionalized school busing—transport- ing White children to predominantly Black schools and Black children to predominantly White schools—to implement school integration. Integrating children with disabilities into classrooms with nondisabled peers is required by law; and racial, ethnic, and gen- der diversity efforts are still considered the hallmark of equality in public agencies and private companies. Many see racially integrated neighborhoods as the model for good communities.

Thus, most Americans view desegregation—by gender, race/ethnicity, disability, income, and language—as the ultimate example of equality (Lopez, 2006). However, W. E. B. Dubois and other Black educators of the last century were concerned that in their efforts to support the education of Black students as a central component of Black liberation, they would not forget to preserve African American cultural integrity and uniqueness (King, 2004). Other scholars have suggested that racially segregated schools in the age of integra- tion provide minority children with important role models (teachers), cultural knowledge and pride, and a sense of cultural belonging (hooks, 1994). Thus, the question arises as to when homogeneous student and family groups are preferred and when these groups threaten integration and equality.

Sometime segregation is simply the most practical way to address a problem or to target a solution (e.g., teaching a single language or meeting the needs of students with dis- abilities); on other occasions, segregation is an unintended result of a laudable effort, idea, or policy. Thus the dilemma is how to enhance students’ cultural and linguist identity in schools while also encouraging and embracing equality.

Cultural Segregation Cultural groups are defined by what they have in common and by how they differ from other cultural groups (Aboud, 1987; Hall, 1976b). As they come into contact with other cultures, particularly the dominant culture, these groups lose their unique status (hooks, 1994; King, 2004). Thus many cultural groups—from racial, ethnic, linguistic, and reli- gious groups, to disability groups such as the deaf culture—actively engage in ways to resist becoming totally absorbed into mainstream American culture. W.E.B. Dubois saw no contradiction between attempts to break down racial barriers while also preserving the cultural differences between the races (Aptheker, 1973).

As an example, many U.S. colleges and universities today have separate African American, Native American, Latino, and women’s departments. These departments were created out of necessity because the history, body of knowledge, values, scholarship, and politics of each group were not being addressed in traditional college departments. Hegemony is the process by which the dominant culture takes over and shifts the perspective from that of the minority group to the biased perspective of the majority group (McLaren, 1989). In the process, minority groups lose their power and support base, becoming assimilated into the dominant discourse. Therefore, separate academic departments and other groups are essential to resist hegemony and to make sure cultural integrity and unity are maintained

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(King, 2004). In essence, many believe the dominant culture is so powerful and seductive that without individual racial, ethnic, cultural, and other groups defining and protecting their uniqueness and separateness, the dominant society would simply absorb them.

This view has led to some apparent conflicts between the concept of equality and indi- vidual freedom of choice on the one hand and racial and cultural preservation on the other hand. Many racial and ethnic groups pressure their members not to marry outside of the group, which is also true of some religious groups (Wardle & Cruz-Janzen, 2004). Many Black intellectuals are ardent supporters not only of the one-drop rule but also of the taboo against people with mixed heritage “passing as White,” believing that this will maintain Black cultural strength and identity (Spencer, 2010). In 1972 the National Asso- ciation of Black Social Workers approved a policy against the adoption of Black and bira- cial children by White families, viewing it as a threat to the Black culture (NABSW, 2010). In another example, some years ago students and some faculty at Gallaudet University, a university for deaf students in Washington, DC, protested the hiring of a president who was not hearing impaired.

Another argument in support of a single cultural approach suggests that the unique needs of historically underserved people can more effectively be met by isolating and targeting the specific group. In education, for example, it is believed that children from diverse backgrounds have diverse needs that have been historically neglected and thus must be specifically targeted and addressed to undo past discrimination and to produce the best results (Lopez, 2006).

Linguistic Segregation In many cases, the most efficient and practical way of addressing linguistic diversity is through a segregated approach. Languages are taught one language at a time; lectures, church services, and government meetings tend to be given in a single language, depend- ing on the specific group of people targeted. At best we might use the native language of the majority of participants and then translate into the dominant language (English), or vice versa. A good example is a presentation in English and a translation into sign lan- guage. Anyone who has attended a truly international conference knows how cumber- some, difficult, and expensive it is to provide translation in many different languages.

However, this approach poses a number of challenges. When a language is directly associ- ated with a specific group (Latinos, Somalis, etc.), this approach can be seen as racial or ethnic segregation, or even discrimination. Since English is the language of the dominant culture in the United States, any program, activity, or event presented only in English can be considered noninclusive and discriminatory.

Given that the number of different languages spoken in schools, universities, government meetings, and the workplace continues to increase, it is even more difficult to determine who should decide which languages will be accommodated and which will not. Does this very act of inclusion and noninclusion discriminate against those individuals whose lan- guage is not accommodated? In this case, it is important to remember that diversity is not about numbers: If one person in a gathering does not understand the proceedings, that person’s diversity is being ignored.

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If people are segregated for functional language practicality, how then can they be inte- grated to provide cultural, individual, educational, and workplace equality? And if adults are segregated, what message does this send to students?

Social Class Segregation At a very early age, students are segregated based on income. Head Start and No Child Left Behind are federal programs that specifically target low-income students and their families, and most states now have preschool programs for “at risk” students, most of whom are low income (Doggett, 2006). Additionally, urban and rural schools tend to cater to low-income students, while suburban public schools serve middle- and upper-income families. Small towns, especially those with a college or university, have schools geared toward middle- and upper-income students (Kozol, 1991). Charter schools and specific school-based programs such as IB and AP programs also tend to be in wealthier commu- nities (Orfield & Frankenberg, 2012). And of course there are a variety of private school choices available in most communities—some religious and others not, but all requiring tuition and therefore generally serving wealthier students and their families. One could even argue that families who home school their children tend to be at least middle-class, because they can afford to have a parent stay at home to care for and educate their children.

In the case of federal and state support of low-income schools, the view is that targeting social class—and often minority families—is a positive use of tax dollars. In the case of economically segregated urban and rural schools, suburban school districts, and univer- sity towns, the view is that this is a negative result of an unequal distribution of wealth, often associated with race, ethnicity, and recent immigrants (Kozol, 1991; Nieto & Bode, 2012). However, in both cases social class segregation is the result.

Religious Segregation Many argue that religious institutions are the most racially segregated of all institutions in America. Religious freedom is a central component of the overall American culture and political history. Furthermore, many parents view education as a critically important place for religious values, beliefs, practice, and traditions to be imparted to their children. In the United States there is even a plethora of religious colleges and universities.

Because many ethnic, racial, and cultural groups have the same religion (Muslims are Islamic, many Latinos are Catholic, Russians are Eastern Orthodox, etc.), religious schools also reinforce racial, ethnic, and language segregation. And because all religious schools are tuition based, they can be viewed as reinforcing social class segregation.

Segregation of Students With Disabilities The official process of working with children with disabilities begins by placing these children into a category and labeling them—distinguishing them from nondisabled stu- dents. While this does not necessarily mean they will be segregated from other students, it does mean that they are given a label that identifies them to teachers and administra- tors, and in many cases, to other parents and to peers. Some of these students are fully mainstreamed into all school activities; others are included in some activities with their

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peers, while being segregated in other activities. However, there are also schools, pro- grams, and classrooms that target a specific disability and totally segregate these students from their peers. Examples include schools for blind and deaf students, programs for children with autism, and self-contained classrooms in schools for those students with severe emotional and behavioral problems.

Schools isolate children with specific disabilities in order to target their treatment, to enable them to be around other stu- dents like them, and to more efficiently use human and mate- rial resources (Gargiulo, 2012). However, in many school dis- tricts there is tension around this issue between parents and the school (with most parents want- ing more mainstreaming) and between local school districts and state and federal agencies whose job it is to enforce the law that requires the integration of students with disabilities, when it can benefit the student.

Segregation in K–12 Schools This discussion presents some of the societal and school-related issues regarding integra- tion and segregation. In specifically addressing schools in the United States, we can divide this discussion into three categories: (a) intentional segregation (for the intended benefit of students), (b) unintentional segregation (to the detriment of students), and (c) segre- gated programs that backfire.

Intentional Segregation There are two kinds of segregation, intentional and unintentional. Intentional segrega- tion is when students are deliberately grouped together in order to provide direct services and programs. Unintentional segregation is when segregation of students occurs as a result of some other intent, circumstance, or activity. The two most obvious examples of intentional segregation are programs that segregate students according to academic abili- ties and programs for children with various disabilities. In elementary schools, students are grouped by ability in reading groups, math groups, and so on. This is so teachers and schools can target instruction—human resources, materials, and instructional approaches. As students move on to middle and then high school, they begin to take advanced classes in special areas. More and more K–12 schools are identifying students with exceptional gifted and talented abilities and providing specific programs to meet the unique needs of these students (Clark, 2012).

AP Photo/Idaho Press-Tribune/Greg Kreller

Children in this Special Education class receive specialized instruction from their teacher. What are the benefits and drawbacks of this form of segregation?

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CHAPTER 5Section 5.4 Culture, Identity, Language, and Equality

For students with various disabilities that negatively affect their learning, special educa- tion programs identify and serve these students. The rationale is that targeting a child’s area of special needs allows teachers and specialists to intervene more effectively and quickly while also providing accommodations to assist these students in succeeding in the regular classroom (Gargiulo, 2012). Twice-exceptional students are also beginning to be served as a separate group.

Finally, the rise of charter schools in many school districts throughout the United States is an attempt to match students’ unique talents and abilities with school programs and instructional approaches. The political and education belief has changed from a one-size- fits-all view of public schools to matching students and families with unique schools, programs, and philosophies (Orfield & Frankenberg, 2012).

Unintentional Segregation One of the biggest challenges faced by schools is their local nature. The heart of the Amer- ican public school system is the local school district run by an elected board. Because most neighborhoods in cities throughout the United States are economically, racially, and ethnically segregated, this naturally results in schools with vastly different financial and human resources, racial and economic segregation, and a concentration of students and families with many needs. While economic and racial segregation in certain neighbor- hoods is directly a result of bank’s redlining, real-estate companies discriminating against potential clients, and factories and other industries concentrated within these neighbor- hoods, the schools themselves are not intentionally segregated. Frequently, non-English speakers and students who struggle academically find themselves in schools with limited resources and a lack of political power (Kozol, 1991).

Sports, special art and music programs, and student groups have always been a central part of American schools. These programs have become even more important with the implementation of the standards movement that focuses on math, literacy, and science. Urban schools focus primarily on basic academic areas with few opportunities for stu- dents in art, music, dance and theater. And within these schools, minority and low-income students often struggle in academic areas and therefore do not have time for the arts and other nonbasic programs. Student groups and sports activities are also becoming expen- sive, thus systematically eliminating low-income students. And, as we have discussed, students tend to self-segregate when choosing clubs and sports activities.

Segregated Programs That Backfire Unfortunately, many of the programs designed to target certain students for their aca- demic benefit also have negative consequences.

• More boys and Black, Latino, Native American, and non-native English- speaking students are placed into special education programs than girls, native English-speakers, Asian, and White students (Gargiulo, 2012).

• More girls, and Asian, and White students are in GT, AP, and IB programs than boys, Black, Latino, and Native American students (Office of Civil Rights, 2004; U.S. Department of Education, 1993; Ford, 2010; Ford, Gantham, & Whiting, 2008).

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CHAPTER 5Post-Test

• Tracking in schools leads to more Asians, Whites, and middle-class students in higher ability programs and classrooms, and more low-income, minority stu- dents in poor-quality schools and in low-level classrooms (Kozol, 1991).

• Charter schools serve more White, Asian, middle-class, and English-speaking students and families, while traditional neighborhood schools serve low- income and predominantly minority and new immigrant students (Orfield & Frankenberg, 2012).

Hence, we have in K–12 schools in the United States a tension between trying to pro- vide educational opportunities and choices to match the needs of students and families (programs, tracking, charter schools, special education programs, etc.) and furthering school-based segregation by language, disability, income, race/ethnicity, and new immi- grant groups.

Summary In this chapter we explored the influence of culture on growth, development, and learn- ing. The development of a child’s identity is a dynamic process that occurs within many cultural contexts. This process includes an amalgamation of all the forms of diversity that make up the child’s unique identity.

Most students in U.S. schools incorporate multiple diversities into their unique identity, and these diversities interact in different ways. In an attempt to nurture each student’s unique identity, especially students who are not from the mainstream culture, we must find a balance between supporting and protecting cultural and linguistic identity while not creating unequal opportunities and segregated groups. Some segregation is inten- tional, such as when serving children with disabilities, while other types of segregation are not. Schools and teachers must carefully balance the unique needs of diverse students with continuing to advocate for equality and inclusion.

Post-Test

1. In these types of cultures, social and cultural contexts in which words are used often communicate more than the words themselves. These are known as

a. highly verbal cultures. b. low-context cultures. c. high-context cultures. d. legalistic cultures.

2. In the 1960s, who first introduced to the United States a four-stage, biological view of how children learn?

a. Jean Piaget b. Noam Chomsky c. Lawrence Kohlberg d. Sigmund Freud

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CHAPTER 5Post-Test

3. A child’s beliefs about how competent he or she is in achieving a task and activ- ity and in learning a new skill or concept, is called

a. self-image. b. self-esteem. c. self-efficacy. d. self-concept.

4. When students are segregated due to some inadvertent consequence, practice, or activity, this is termed

a. intentional segregation. b. unintentional integration. c. unintentional consequences. d. unintentional segregation.

5. _________________have a profound impact on a child’s learning and the child’s view of education and the value of and purpose of education.

a. Societies b. Schools c. Neighborhoods d. Cultures

6. The process whereby Pueblo Indian boys are initiated into the values and ways of the tribe is through an organization called the

a. Pueblo. b. Anasazi. c. Kivas. d. Church.

7. In William Cross’s two-factor theory, self-esteem, self-worth, personal traits, interpersonal competence, self-confidence, and temperament make up

a. reference group orientation (RGO). b. positive self-esteem (PS). c. personal identity (PI). d. high self-worth (HS).

8. Head Start and NCLB are federal programs that target students and families who are

a. low income. b. new immigrants. c. minorities. d. non-English speakers.

Answers 1. c. high-context cultures. The answer can be found in Section 5.1. 2. a. Jean Piaget. The answer can be found in Section 5.2. 3. c. self-efficacy. The answer can be found in Section 5.3. 4. d. unintentional segregation. The answer can be found in Section 5.4 5. d. Cultures. The answer can be found in Section 5.1. 6. c. Kiva. The answer can be found in Section 5.2. 7. c. personal identity (PI). The answer can be found in Section 5.3. 8. a. low income. The answer can be found in Section 5.4.

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CHAPTER 5Key Ideas

Key Ideas

The Influence of Culture on Everything We Do

• E. T. Hall examined how different cultures influence people and how people from difference cultural backgrounds often misunderstand each other, which can cause conflicts.

• E. T. Hall maintained that each one of us lives and operates within specific cul- tural contexts, and these contexts determine how we perceive, think, and behave.

• A person’s culture has a profound impact on how the person develops and learns.

Relationship Between Learning, Culture, and Education

• Piaget’s and Kohlberg’s cognitive and moral development theories are linear stage theories that view development and learning as progressive and sequential; these theories dominate today’s view of how children develop and learn.

• Some contemporary theorists believe cognitive and moral development are not linear, sequential, and progressive, but rather occur in fits and starts and are greatly influenced by significant social and cultural factors in a child’s life.

A Child’s Unique Identity Greatly Influences Development and Learning

• Identity development begins at infancy and continues until death; Erikson’s psychosocial theory of development provides important information about how children develop an identity from birth through adolescence.

• Cross’s two-factor theory of Black identity is helpful in understanding identity development of minority students.

• Race, ethnicity, gender, language, disabilities, economic status, and new immi- grant status can all be important components of a student’s identity.

• While it is important to examine individual forms of diversity, most students come to school with a complex combination of diversity factors.

Tension Between Supporting Culture, Identity, Language, and Equality

• Legal and policy developments in U.S. society and schools over the past 60 years have focused on integration and the elimination of segregation.

• Segregation is sometimes needed to develop a sense of cultural knowledge and pride in minority groups in America; further, homogeneous student groups are needed in order to target the unique needs of students from underserved groups and for functional purposes such as teaching a second language.

• Because of the economic inequality of American society, social class segrega- tion in schools tends to reflect the segregation in society and in segregated neighborhoods.

• K–12 schools deliberately create some segregation for the benefit of students, some is not deliberate, and some is a direct result of honorable intentions.

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CHAPTER 5Key Terms

Critical Thinking Questions

1. Describe the differences between high- and low-context cultures. How do these differences affect the use of language?

2. In schools, when is racial, gender, disability, or language segregation justified? What are possible unintended consequences of this segregation?

3. In your high school social studies class, an argument has developed between two students. One student says that she heard on a National Public Radio program that Jews have been a significant group in certain parts of Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, and Southwest United States for several hundreds of years. The other student, a Latina who does not listen to NPR, takes exception to this view, feel- ing it devalues her understanding of Latinos. Which student do you agree with? Why or why not? If you had a student who expressed a similar viewpoint as the Latina student, how would you respond to that student?

4. Some people believe that charter schools are an effective way to match unique family and student needs with a school’s philosophy and programs, while others see them perpetuating racial, ethnic, and economic segregation. Take one side of this view and develop a persuasive argument.

5. Explain William Cross’s assertion that in minority children RGO does not neces- sarily predict PI. Do you agree?

6. Piaget and Kohlberg/Lickona provide a stage approach to cognitive and moral development. Bruner, Kagan, and Eagan dispute this view. Are these two approaches incompatible, or can they coexist? Explain.

7. What are your present cultural contexts? How do these influence your val- ues and your worldview? How do they influence your learning (positive and negative)?

Key Terms

Erikon’s psychosocial stages An eight- stage, lifespan theory that presents a series of crises to be overcome and describes the consequences if they are not overcome.

ethnic identity A person’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group as part of that person’s thinking, perceptions, feel- ings, and behaviors.

gender intensification A process that occurs during adolescence, whereby soci- etal and cultural gender stereotypes are often increased and exaggerated.

hegemony The process in which minor- ity cultures and perspectives are changed, usurped, and co-opted by the majority culture.

high-context cultures Cultures in which words change their meaning based on the context in which they are used; more so of African and Latin American cultures.

intentional segregation Segregating students or family members for specific purposes, such as translating into one lan- guage or serving children with the same disability.

low-context cultures Cultures in which words and verbal instructions maintain their meaning, regardless of the cultural context; used in Northern Europe and North America.

monochromatic system A system of time that is linear and the same for all opera- tions and all endeavors; a North American and Northern European approach.

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CHAPTER 5Key Terms

moral reasoning The process by which children and people think about and rea- son about good and bad, right and wrong, and ethnical and unethical behaviors.

personal identity (PI) A term used in William Cross’s two-factor theory of Black identity; includes self-esteem, tem- perament, personal characteristics, and self-worth.

polychromatic system A system of time that changes according to the activity or endeavor; each activity or event has its own timeframe. Used in Latin America, Africa, and Southern Europe.

Premack principle The use of an activity a child likes or is good at doing to rein- force what a child does not like and is not good at doing; an approach used exten- sively when working with children with disabilities.

reference group orientation (RGO) A term used in William Cross’s two-factor theory of Black identity; involves a child’s sense of racial belonging, group affiliation, racial identity, and racial self-worth.

role confusion The behaviors that occur during adolescence as a student struggles with identity issues of gender, race, ethnic- ity, language, beliefs, career choices, and so on.

salient feature A feature that stands out compared to other features: color, shape, sound, etc.

school busing A court decision that required White students to be bused to predominately Black schools and Black students to be bused to predominately White schools in many major U.S. cities to integrate the schools.

self-concept One’s view of self; includes knowledge and beliefs about gender, eth- nicity, competencies, family, and physical features. Answers the question, Who am I?

self-efficacy Refers to a person’s beliefs about how competent they are in achiev- ing a task.

self-esteem Answers the question, How good am I as a person? It includes judg- ments and feelings about the self.

two-factor theory of Black identity A theory developed by William Cross that explains the racial identity development of Black individuals. Cross believes the model also applies to other minority stu- dents in America.

unintentional segregation Racial, ethnic, gender, income, and other segregation that occurs as a result of some other action, policy or program, which often has a laud- able purpose.

village culture A term used by E. T. Hall to describe the way people in certain cultures view their interrelationship with others who live in their town or neighborhood.

whole child approach An approach to working with children with various dis- abilities that focuses on addressing all of the child’s needs, not just the areas in which the child struggles or needs help.

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CHAPTER 5Additional Resources

Additional Resources

Children’s Defense Fund http://childrensdefense.org

Resegregation of American Public Schools http://www.inthesetimes.com/issue/27/04/feature1.shtml

Home Language http://www.iteachilearn.com/cummings/mother.htm

National Association of Bilingual Education http://www.nabe.org/

What Are We Measuring: School Quality or Poverty? http://www.nea.org/home/17622.htm

Teaching Tolerance: Inclusive and Nurturing School Environments http://www.splcenter.org/what-we-do/teaching-tolerance

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