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Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management Ethical fashion dimensions: pictorial and auditory depictions through three cultural perspectives Lindsey Carey Marie-Cécile Cervellon
Article information: To cite this document: Lindsey Carey Marie-Cécile Cervellon , (2014),"Ethical fashion dimensions: pictorial and auditory depictions through three cultural perspectives", Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management, Vol. 18 Iss 4 pp. 483 - 506 Permanent link to this document: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/JFMM-11-2012-0067
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Users who downloaded this article also downloaded: Srikant Manchiraju, Amrut Sadachar, (2014),"Personal values and ethical fashion consumption", Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management: An International Journal, Vol. 18 Iss 3 pp. 357-374 http:// dx.doi.org/10.1108/JFMM-02-2013-0013 Bin Shen, Yulan Wang, Chris K.Y. Lo, Momoko Shum, (2012),"The impact of ethical fashion on consumer purchase behavior", Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management: An International Journal, Vol. 16 Iss 2 pp. 234-245 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13612021211222842 Catrin Joergens, (2006),"Ethical fashion: myth or future trend?", Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management: An International Journal, Vol. 10 Iss 3 pp. 360-371 http:// dx.doi.org/10.1108/13612020610679321
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Ethical fashion dimensions: pictorial and auditory depictions through three cultural perspectives
Lindsey Carey School for Business and Society, Glasgow Caledonian University,
Glasgow, UK, and
Marie-Cécile Cervellon People, Markets and Humanities Department, EDHEC Business School,
Lille, France
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide the results of an exploratory study comparing attitudes of young fashion conscious consumers towards ethical fashion in Canada, France and the UK. Design/methodology/approach – The methods used in this research were qualitative with a mix of interviews and focus groups and a new application of a visual method widely used within design and fashion environments, the mood board. The study is based within the contrast of a growing trend towards sustainability and the rise of fast fashion where consumers are increasingly demanding cheaper items. The research is also grounded in cross-cultural research where the comparison of data emanating from different cultures and languages presents specific dilemmas for researchers. Findings – Results indicated that there were notable differences in the perception of ethical fashion between the respondents from these three cultures. In the representation and appeal of this fashion segment, in terms of its perceived availability, the transfer of meaning connected with the observation of higher price points and in the use of ethical purchases in the fashion arena as an offset or redemption for unethical behaviour in other contexts. Originality/value – The originality of this paper lies in the innovative use of the visual qualitative methods which contributes to the debate concerning the research methods associated with cross- cultural research and extends the restricted body of literature which compares cultural attitudes in this area by offering key insights into the complex issues surrounding ethical fashion consumption.
Keywords Cross-cultural research, Visual techniques, Ethical fashion, Mood boards
Paper type Research paper
Introduction Enabled by increasing globalization, fast fashion, where retailers attempt to reproduce catwalk trends within a very short time-span, has dominated the clothing industry since the turn of the twenty-first century (Wiggin, 2008). Growth of this trend has been encouraged by increasing consumer demand for cheap fashion items and consequently retailers and fashion brands have pressurized suppliers, often from developing countries, to lower manufacturing costs (Iwanow et al., 2005; Rudell, 2006). As a result, some retailers have had to sacrifice ethical standards (examples could be related to excessive packaging, the condoning of unfair working practices within supply chains and/or energy inefficient distribution practices amongst others) to remain competitive
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at www.emeraldinsight.com/1361-2026.htm
Received 6 November 2012 Revised 3 September 2013
Accepted 11 November 2013
Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management
Vol. 18 No. 4, 2014 pp. 483-506
r Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1361-2026
DOI 10.1108/JFMM-11-2012-0067
The authors would like to acknowledge Emma Roy (Glasgow Caledonian University) and Helena Hjerth (International University of Monaco) for their input into the data gathering phase of this research.
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in the fashion apparel industry (Choi et al., 2012; McAspurn, 2009). In contrast, perhaps in part as a result of this phenomenon, recent years have also seen a rise in ethical consumption in the fashion arena as awareness of ethical issues increases (Paulins and Hillery, 2009; Chan and Wong, 2012; Joy et al., 2012; Bishop, 2012). However, this trend is not universal as the attitudes towards ethical fashion differ between countries in line with other ethical phenomena such as outlooks towards advertisements with environmental messages (Leonidou et al., 2011), fair trade consumption (Ozcaglar-Toulouse et al., 2006) and the development of green energy alternatives (do Paço et al., 2009). The recognition that international markets are disparate and have innate differences is not new (Carlson et al., 1996; Craig and Douglas, 2001; Okazaki and Mueller, 2007). Extant literature covers cross-cultural studies of ethical consumers in general (Lampe and Gadza, 1995; Polonsky et al., 2001; Bhate, 2002; Babakus et al., 2004; Loureiro and Lotade, 2005; Belk et al., 2005) and consumer attitudes towards ethical fashion (based on a single cultural context) (Iwanow et al., 2005; Paulins and Hillery, 2009; Cervellon and Wernerfelt, 2012; Hill and Lee, 2012; Shen et al., 2012; Ritch and Schröder, 2012), however, there is a gap in the research concerning cross-cultural consumer attitudes towards ethical fashion with very few studies involving international comparisons ( Joergens, 2006; Joy et al., 2012). Belk et al. (1997) suggest that the investigation of ethical choices without taking culture into consideration is unrealistic due to the close association between consumption and the cultural context within which it is embedded.
In their annual worldwide tracking survey monitoring consumer progress towards environmentally sustainable consumption, National Geographic found that Canada had the second worst score overall (from 17 countries participating), with France coming in the bottom half and the UK towards the middle of all countries surveyed (National Geographic & Globescan, 2012). As a representation of consumer attitudes to sustainable consumption, a more in-depth comparison of three countries (two within the European Union (EU), France and the UK and one from North America, Canada) with particular emphasis on approaches towards ethical fashion could elicit marked differences which would benefit the academic and practitioner discussion surrounding differing attitudes in this context. This study aims to address this gap by providing the results of exploratory research comparing attitudes towards ethical fashion of apparel consumers in Canada, France and the UK using an original mix of research techniques. Due to the exploratory nature of this research, its cross-cultural approach and the visual nature of the fashion context within which it is rooted, visual research techniques were employed together with more traditional interpretative methods. Projective methods with the creation of collages (or mood boards) were used, as well as in-depth interviews and focus groups.
This paper will review literature associated with the pertinent areas surrounding both cross-cultural ethical research and fashion, present the research methods employed before discussing the research findings emanating from the comparison of attitudes towards ethical fashion in the UK, France and Canada. The paper ends with a conclusion which reviews the key themes of the findings and addresses the limitations of the research and possible areas for future investigation. The contribution of this research is twofold. It lies in the innovative use of the visual qualitative methods employed which contributes to the debate concerning the research methods associated with cross-cultural research and extends the restricted body of literature which compares cultural attitudes in this area by offering key insights into the complex issues surrounding ethical fashion consumption which could be built upon following this exploratory research.
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Literature review A growing concern towards sustainability has emerged in recent years within the developed world which translates into the rise of environmental concerns, the sales growth of organic products, the increased concern towards the chemical components of personal hygiene and beauty products, the provenance of manufactured products and a concern for workers’ conditions and rights (Grande, 2007; Clavin, 2009; Bishop, 2012). These issues are set against the adverse economic climate which is currently prevalent in the western world (Giles and Politi, 2011). Additionally, Markkula and Moisander (2012) suggest that within the wider context of sustainable consumption, there are contradictory discursive approaches by competing agencies (mainly governmental and corporate) which add to consumer confusion at the point of decision making when intending to purchase a product with ethical credentials. Davies et al. (2012) add to the complexity of this area by suggesting that ethics may have more significance in the purchase behaviour of consumers of fashion due to substitution terms such as eco-fashion, sustainable fashion and green fashion (amongst others) which are all used inter-changeably within the extant literature. Past research involving cross-cultural studies of ethical consumers will be reviewed before a description of relevant definitions for ethical fashion is offered. The themes pertinent to consumer attitudes towards ethical fashion which have emerged from past literature will then be discussed before finally reviewing the available research which deals with cross-cultural attitudes to ethical fashion.
Cross-cultural studies of ethical consumers Cross-cultural research in the context of ethical consumers covers principally the attitude of consumers towards corporate practices which are deemed unethical (Polonsky et al., 2001; Auger et al., 2007) but also encompasses consumer behaviour (Belk et al., 1997; Babakus et al., 2004). Both Belk et al. (2005) and Auger et al. (2007) found that although culture does have an influence on the ethical involvement of consumers, there was a greater demonstrable differentiation within cultures between sensitized consumers and those which were not interested in ethical issues. Babakus et al. (2004), on the other hand propose that nationality is a significant predictor towards individual attitudes towards unethical consumer behaviour while Polonsky et al. (2001) who sampled consumers in eight EU countries found broadly homogeneous perceptions towards ethical corporate practices and suggested that the comparison be extended out with the EU. There is therefore some uncertainty in the extant literature as to the existence of a significant culturally induced difference between ethical consumer behaviour and attitudes which suggests that focusing on consumer sectors in particular, such as fashion, may be helpful to the elucidation of this issue.
Definitions of ethical fashion As already determined in much of the literature pertinent to this area, there is a proliferation of terms used to describe “ethical fashion” which can lead to confusion in the minds of the consumer and which contributes to the wider discursive mystification which surrounds this area (Markkula and Moisander, 2012; Shaw and Tomolillo, 2004). Mintel, a UK market research company (Magnussen, 2009), suggests the following classification in order to clarify the distinct concepts included in the overall umbrella term of “ethical fashion”:
Ethical clothing refers to clothing that takes into consideration the impact of production and trade on the environment and on the people behind the clothes we wear. Eco clothing refers to
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all clothing that has been manufactured using environmentally friendly processes. It includes organic textiles and sustainable materials such as hemp and non-textiles such as bamboo or recycled plastic bottles. It also includes recycled products (clothes made from recycled clothing including vintage, textile and other materials and can also be termed re-used) and is not necessarily made from organic fibres. Organic clothing means clothes that have been made with a minimum use of chemicals and with minimum damage to the environment and fairtrade is intended to achieve better prices, decent working conditions, local sustainability and fair terms for farmers and workers in the developing world.
In addition to the above terms, there are also references to green fashion (Moisander and Pesonen, 2004), sustainable fashion (Glausiusz, 2009) and even slow fashion (Fletcher, 2007, 2008). These terms are sometimes used with precise meaning behind them (usually in specialist and academic literature) or interchangeably, within the wider written contributions to this area (newspaper and magazine articles). In addition to disparate appellations in this context, there are also significant regulatory bodies who issue labels of compliance for the manufacturers/retailers of this type of garment. Trade or verification bodies are contingent to particular countries, but at an international level, a global network of organizations exists such as the World Fair Trade Organization and the Global Organic Textile Standards. Contingent areas of research surrounding the context of ethical fashion can also blur the lines of understanding further. Ethics in the fashion industry can also involve issues surrounding body and gender image, brand fakes and the wearing of fur (Skov, 2009) alongside issues concerned with production, consumption and the discarding habits relevant to fashion garments. Paulins and Hillery (2009) bring an alternative view to the ethical debate by engaging with the supplier point of view and looking at the implications the decisions that purveyors of this type of fashion make for consumers. It is useful to note the extent of the possible areas of confusion for the mainstream consumer when investigating fashion in this context and the proliferation of terms available to describe a garment which belongs to this family of clothing but also to determine that this research will use the term ethical clothing or ethical fashion in the knowledge that it is an umbrella term which can encompass one or various of the characteristics described above.
Consumer attitudes towards ethical fashion There are several characteristics pertinent to this sector of industry relevant to the review of consumer behaviour within this context. Fast fashion, as described in the introduction of this paper which affects all segments of the market (luxury, high street and supermarket/discounter) (Bruce and Daly, 2006), has created a consumer environment where the purchase frequency of clothing has been accelerated, expectations of the quality of the garments have been lowered and any guilt or self-questioning related to the disposal process of “unfashionable” or damaged garments has been dispelled (Morgan and Birtwistle, 2009). The perpetuation of this situation is facilitated by an aesthetically led fashion press, an increasingly uniform globalized approach to fashion retail outlets in different countries (i.e. H&M, Zara, Mango) and the sheer complexity of the supply chain involved in the fashion apparel industry (Morris et al., 2009). This industry also displays a distinct distance between the consumer and the producer and/or supply chain ( Joergens, 2006) which unlike other areas such as the food industry, has not been questioned by the consumer with such interest and longevity (Carey et al., 2011). This may be partly explained by the point which Joergens (2006) raises in her research suggesting that in view of the fact
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that there is no positive health benefit attached to the purchase of ethical clothing, the arguments which switch consumers to ethical alternatives in the food and cosmetic contexts do not translate into the fashion apparel area. Moreover, the fashion industry is similar to any other corporate entity in as much as market-based companies are primarily concerned with their positive financial performance which can sometimes lead to decisions which go against the ethical standards required by accreditation bodies and non-governmental organizations (Markkula and Moisander, 2012). This has led, in some cases, to the boycotting of large fashion manufacturers and retailers such as GAP and H&M (Siegle, 2011). Therefore, in addition to a proliferation of terms and discourses relevant to sustainable living and ethical fashion as described in the section above, the mainstream fashion consumer also negotiates calls to boycott which can be high profile and distributed through a mainstream media output such as the British Broadcasting Corporation. It has been shown that some consumers feel very removed from the issues represented by ethical awareness raising campaigns, due in part to this distance and ignorance of the production processes involved in garment production but also, it is suggested, because the belief that the responsibility for any issues within the production process lies with the brand, production company, retailer or even the government and that western cultural norms can be applied to western fashion brands ( Joergens, 2006).
The literature suggests that consumer attitudes to ethical fashion are ambiguous, consumers are aware and sympathetic to ethical issues within this industry but the visual appearance of the garment is above all the strongest predictor of purchasing intention as opposed to its ethical credentials (Gam, 2011). This has been the paradox that surrounds the ethical debate in this context, in contrast to food purchasing or energy saving engagement, for example, where consumers are receptive to ethical arguments to induce the purchase (Moisander, 2007; Papaoikonomou et al., 2011), fashion purchasing remains above all a visual medium which has to appeal to the personality and taste of the buyer (Ritch and Schröder, 2012). Furthermore, it has been suggested that the ethical context, in general, is a complex area in which to investigate attitudes and behaviour in relation to purchasing as participants are prone to put forward what they perceive as socially desirable responses as opposed to a reflection of their actual thoughts and practices (Lea-Greenwood, 1999). This links into a recognized characteristic of consumer behaviour in this environment which is the lack of conversion of stated ethical beliefs and attitudes into ethical purchases. This has been termed the attitude/behaviour gap (Carrigan and Attalla, 2001) or the disconnect between people’s ethical thought processes and their consumption behaviour (Belk et al., 2005, p. 283). Notwithstanding this finding, two recent studies in the UK indicated that at a comparable price and performance, consumers would rather purchase an ethical product (Magnussen, 2009; Bishop, 2012). Within the fashion context, past research has also shown that drivers to purchase in this area are linked to the extent of a consumer’s fashion involvement (O’Cass, 2004), product preferences, in terms of performance, quality, style and comfort of the garment (Shen et al., 2012) and of course, the price of the product (Ritch and Schröder, 2012). Additionally, Hustvedt and Dickson (2009) have suggested that clothing can act as an expression of ideology and the choice of ethical clothing, in particular, nurtures the formation of self-identity. It had already been suggested in research investigating issues surrounding ethical lifestyle choices that making decisions based on ethical criteria helps build self- identity, peer support and a sense of belonging through group conformity (Shaw and Newholm, 2002; Carey et al., 2008; Joergens, 2006). It has also been posited that a
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pre-disposition towards ethical beliefs is a determinant towards purchase intention for this type of clothing (Gam, 2011; Ritch and Schröder, 2012; Ma et al., 2012).
Most of the research carried out on consumer attitudes towards ethical fashion has concluded that the aesthetic appearance of fashion pieces in this sector is the deterrent for mainstream fashion consumers (Cervellon et al., 2010; Gam, 2011). However, a study by Ma et al. (2012) conducted in the USA suggests that the ethnic appearance of clothing may actually increase the intention to purchase this type of garment. The importance of the “look” of a garment and its visual appeal cannot be under-estimated in this context but also as a determinant in the choice criteria for any fashion apparel consumer. This is heightened when investigating the issues surrounding attitudes towards ethical clothing and has been at the centre of research in this area (Shen et al., 2012; Ma et al., 2012).
Cross-cultural studies of ethical fashion consumers Little research has been carried out comparing nationals from different countries and their attitudes towards ethical fashion. Joergens (2006) and Joy et al. (2012) compared ethical fashion choices in different countries (UK/Germany and Hong Kong/Canada, respectively) and found that ethical criteria can be applied to purchasing decisions but this is often not carried through into fashion choices. Joergens (2006) did not find a significant difference in terms of consumer behaviour in the two countries she investigated whilst Joy et al. (2012) also found little difference especially in terms of the priority given to sustainable fashion by young consumers. Both studies suggested that further research needed to be carried out in this area to address the extent and depth of differing cultural attitudes towards ethical fashion.
Research method The purpose of this exploratory research was to investigate consumer attitudes towards ethical fashion in three different cultures (UK, France and Canada) with a marked differentiated “a priori” attitude towards sustainable consumption as detailed in the introduction to this paper. The methods used in this study were qualitative and based on the one hand on past research in this area (Shaw and Tomolillo, 2004; Joy et al., 2012; Ritch and Schröder, 2012) and on the other, on a new application of a method used widely within design and fashion contexts, the mood board. The use of traditional qualitative techniques such as focus groups and interviews enabled an understanding of the narrative and outlook of the participants but the use of representatively visual mood boards created a precise pictorial representation, which, with analysis and reflection as well as in discussion during the data gathering process, facilitated a deeper understanding of the physical and attitudinal representations of this type of fashion. It also permitted a clearer and recordable basis for cross-cultural comparisons of the phenomena under scrutiny.
Visual research techniques Researching in a cross-cultural context is a challenge for two reasons: first, ensuring the equivalence in all aspects of the research across countries is a difficult task. Craig and Douglas (2005, p. 141) define equivalence as data that have as far as possible, the same meaning or interpretation, and the same level of accuracy, precision of measurement, or reliability in all countries and cultures. In view of this, conceptual equivalence related to ethical fashion is difficult to secure. Furthermore, translation equivalence (lexical as much as experiential) is an additional barrier to the use of both
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quantitative and qualitative research methods. Even if researchers are bilingual, sharing the experience of ethical fashion in different languages could become insurmountable. For these reasons, researchers have an option to turn to qualitative techniques which involve the use of visual stimuli or projective techniques ( Javalgi et al., 2011). Belk et al. (1997) explored consumer desire in Turkey, Denmark and the USA using collages, story telling, sentence completion and word associations. Collages have also been used as an alternative to the Thematic Apperception Test in some research, including multicultural assessment and clinical treatments (see Havlena and Holak, 1996). The meaning of ethical consumption and the attitude of consumers towards issues related to the environment have been studied by researchers through quantitative and qualitative research methods alike (Bhate, 2002); yet, the additional difficulty when specifically exploring ethical fashion lies in verbalizing substance and style (Cervellon et al., 2010). The meaning of emotional laden concepts, difficult to grasp with words, such as nostalgia (Havlena and Holak, 1996) or consumer guilt (Bonsu et al., 2008), has been successfully studied through the use of visual images as stimuli for focus groups and individual interviewees’ reflections. McDonagh and Storer (2004) and Garner and McDonagh-Philp (2001) suggest that mood boards are a useful way to engage and communicate with stakeholders in order to access meaningful outcomes and insights in relation to the visual stimuli produced. Transposing this concept into the task of the visualization and subsequent practical representation of ethical fashion for the respondents to this study added a further dimension to the understanding of cross-cultural consumer representations of this sector of fashion which would not have been possible through in-depth interviews and focus groups alone. Additionally, style research and product design have a tradition of use of visual imagery through mood boards (Costa et al., 2003; Moody et al., 2001). McDonagh and Storer (2004, p. 16) define a mood board as “[y] typically a collection of abstract media which the designer uses for personal inspiration and also to discuss and communicate with the client and possibly other stakeholders including users [y] mood boards can inspire creativity and aid communication”. Mood-boards enable two-way communication which has been shown to often inspire lateral thinking (McDonagh and Storer, 2004). For this reason, the technique is extensively used in the creative phase of advertising development or product design. Mood boards were used in this research as part of the qualitative mix of data gathering methods as described below.
Focus groups Four focus groups were carried out (one in France, one in Canada and two in the UK). In order to ensure that all participants had comparable knowledge within the group to facilitate group interaction and parity of results (Denscombe, 2010), a homogeneous, self-selected, fashion conscious sample of university students was used. The Canadian and French group contained both males and females whereas the UK groups contained only women. The age range was similar across all groups (18-26 years old). The size of the groups varied between four participants (UK groups) to seven (French group) and eight (Canadian group). The language used throughout the focus groups was English for the UK and Canadian groups and French for the French groups.
Interviews Ten in-depth interviews were carried out (six in the UK, two in France and two in Canada) using the same criteria for participant recruitment as above. As the sample
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was self-selected through a call from academic staff in each location, the researchers had no control over the gender of the participants; however, a declared interest in fashion was stipulated. All interviewees were female, aged 18-26 years old with no regular purchase pattern of ethical fashion. As with the focus groups, the language of the interviews was concurrent with the country within which they took place. The recruitment of participants for both the focus groups and interviews follows a similar study in Finland (Markkula and Moisander, 2012) where a homogeneous group suggests that the results will provide insight into broadly shared cultural meanings for the context within which the participants operate.
Mood boards The interviewees were additionally asked to create mood boards freely reflecting their perceptions of a typical ethical fashion consumer and a representation of the type of clothes they would wear from supplied fashion-orientated magazines (Costa et al., 2003), resulting in the creation of ten individual mood boards.
Interview and focus group guide A semi-structured guide was used for both the focus groups and the in-depth interviews which was broadly similar in content. Participants were engaged by focusing on their general apparel fashion purchasing modus operandi (including their interest in fashion magazines and particular bias towards certain types of fashion apparel (clothing, leather goods, shoes, etc.) before elucidating their understanding and level of participation in ethical issues and lifestyles, motivations and/or restraints towards the purchase of this type of goods, familiarity and possible purchasing habits surrounding ethical fashion (including any existing knowledge of relevant brands), and awareness and understanding of ethical certifications and bodies. For the interviewees, the mood board exercise happened after the initial discussion about apparel fashion consumption habits and, in addition to the prompts provided by the topics in the interview guide, served as a catalyst to the discussion points which ensued relating specifically to ethical fashion.
Data analysis All narratives from the focus groups and the interviews were taped and transcribed (translated into English where necessary) and the mood boards were scanned in order to preserve the visual representations in their most optimum conditions. The researchers involved in the interpretation of the narratives and the visuals are bilingual as well as bicultural regarding the three cultures studied, providing an emic perspective in addition to allowing relevant comparisons between cultures. Grounded theory analysis (as described by Easterby-Smith et al., 2008) was selected as the analytic tool for the transcriptions. The seven-stage process was used to analyse information gleaned from focus groups and interviews and themes were developed. To facilitate the emergence of a holistic approach to the meanings given to ethical fashion by the respondents, interpretation of the mood boards followed the approach described by Ruby (1976, 1991) and Hurworth et al. (2005) to extract meaning and significance from still photographs. Themes were also derived from the understanding of the meanings behind the visual representations created through the mood boards and cross-fertilized with the results from the narrative analyses in order to create meta-themes covering both the results from the interview and focus group analyses and the results from the interpretation of the mood boards. The results, organized
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by themes, are presented in Table I and discussed in turn in the following section of the paper.
Research findings and discussion Alternative discourse relating to the purchase price of ethical fashion The perception of a high price attached to ethical fashion has been shown to be a deterrent to the growth of this sector in the extant literature (Ritch and Schröder, 2012). However, the simplistic relationship between a high price and ethical fashion has been extended in this research as it emerged that price was being considered as a vehicle for other characteristics. In the UK, a higher price denoted a higher quality for the garment whereas in France a higher price symbolized the search for higher social status:
If the price is high, then status will be there (Participant, Focus Group France).
It may be easy to show you purchased a green car yet showing that one wears organic clothes is not easy [y] Brands make a statement for this reason. An example which comes to my mind: I am not a plastic bag (Participant, Interview France).
UK participants generally considered ethical clothing more expensive than mainstream fashion, as a consequence of the way the clothing is sourced and the assumption that ethical production is expensive. However, Canadian participants did not think it was more expensive but rather that is was less available. Overall, respondents were unwilling to pay a premium purely for ethical fashion, however, some participants in France stated they would be willing to pay extra if it coincided with self-fulfilment criteria or even as
Themes Key concepts
Alternative discourse relating to the purchase price of ethical fashion
Price as a vehicle representing quality of garment or individual social status Issues surrounding perception of premium cost of ethical fashion Purchase of high priced ethical clothing as redemption for anti-ethical behaviour Consumer uncertainty and mistrust over beneficiaries of perceived higher price of ethical clothing
Motivations to purchase ethical fashion Fashion choice criteria supersedes ethical appeal (style, price and quality are key evaluative fashion apparel purchasing criteria) Motivation to purchase increased through mainstream media awareness Ethical consumption is a lifestyle choice
Confusion and cynicism surrounding understanding and credentials of ethical fashion
Confusion surrounding understanding of concepts Ethical credentials as marketing ploy Scepticism over the credibility and reliability of information available
Contrasting cultural attitudes towards the style and typical representation of ethical fashion
Ethical fashion is basic and unfashionable vs quirky and trendy
Conflicting nature of an ethical appeal Favoured fashion brands supersede boycotting appeals Boycotting can only be effective on a mass scale
Table I. Table of themes and
key concepts
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a redemption for other “bad” behaviour. This finding extends the argument suggested by Dickson (2005) and Hustvedt and Dickson (2009) that fashion choices nurture self-identity by adding a means of symbolic redemption of conscious anti-ethical behaviour by having the opportunity to purchase an ethical product. This finding was confined to the French sample:
I have a four wheel car [y] yeah [y] I know I pollute a lot. I think I would purchase green products in general and fashion in particular to relieve the guilt. I compensate for my bad behaviour (Participant, Focus Group France).
I am a sinner [y] I purchase counterfeit stuff. I am a fashion addict, I throw away after a season [y] boo [y] I keep behaving contrary to the interest of our world [y] So whenever I can I try to purchase ethical fashion and green products. It is fair. It is redemption (Participant, Focus Group France).
Relating to the cost of the garments, mistrust was more universal. A thread of uncertainty was displayed by some participants who claimed they would be unsure whether the extra money charged for ethical clothing actually went to producers:
It’s more expensive to purchase organic products. I want to be 100% sure I am not misled (Participant, Focus Group France).
Afterwards, one discovers that the money did not go where it should have. Is there an official body which controls these financial flows? (Participant, Interview Canada).
It is also indicative of demand for unbiased information concerning companies’ ethical practices:
I feel that they say this is an organic t-shirt, I don’t always believe it. To what extent is it actually a green shirt. I have just the feeling they put on an organic label. It is marketing. Or maybe one aspect is truly organic but in fact, in the manufacturing process, they do not respect the environment. They pollute the water when tainting (Participant, Interview France).
These findings contribute towards the deepening and extension of the discussion surrounding the motivations to purchase in the ethical fashion context. Some researchers concluded that fashion consumers would be willing to pay a premium for ethically produced goods (Magnussen, 2009; Clavin, 2009) whereas Joergens (2006), found consumers would be resistant to paying more for ethical fashion even if financially able. However, this research shows price as a more complex issue for the consumer, on the one hand as a vehicle for quality or social status and on the other redemption for other areas of consciously anti-ethical behaviour. Issues related to the mistrust of possible profiteering by ethical fashion companies were also evident in this sample.
Motivations to purchase ethical fashion Past literature confirms that consumers have a fixed set of evaluative criteria when purchasing mainstream clothing (Boulstridge and Carrigan, 2000; Iwanow et al., 2005). Findings from this research propose that this incorporates ethical fashion, with price, style and quality being at the forefront of choice. Additionally, participants stated they would be hypothetically willing to purchase ethically as long as the product met other important criteria (price, quality, style). This is representative of the contradictive nature and attitude-behaviour gap which is prevalent in this context (Belk et al., 2005). Results also suggested that when consumers consider other criteria more important
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than ethics, it does not necessarily denote a lack of interest but simply a conflict of interest:
I don’t think anyone buys clothing if they think it’s ugly just because it is ethical (Participant, Focus Group UK).
I would like to make a bit more of a difference and buy more ethical clothes, so if they were more stylish then I would definitely (Participant, Interview UK).
I would not purchase any garment just because it is ethically produced. But when I find it nice and it has an ethical label on it, it definitively encourages me to purchase (Participant, Interview Canada).
The UK was unique in that respondents suggested that an increase in awareness of the consequences of unethical behaviour by fashion companies would increase their reach, however, if they were not exposed to such behaviour frequently, it was easy to ignore its existence. Overall, participants also suggested that if information and publicity surrounding unethical practices of companies increased in mainstream media, attitudes towards ethical clothing purchase would become more favourable:
I think yeah if it was more shocking and in your face, like if there were huge placards outside of Primark, then you wouldn’t go in there [y] (Participant, Focus Group UK).
Perversely, participants further expected negative information to have more of an impact on attitudes than positive information:
I think it’s just the way this world works; people get noticed more for doing bad than they do for doing good (Participant, Interview UK).
For instance, knowing that Victoria’s Secret prints million of catalogues a day with no respect to deforestation seriously harms the image I have of the brand. Using recycled paper in this industry should not be a bonus but a given (Participant, Interview Canadian).
Within the meta-theme of the key drivers towards the purchase of ethical fashion, the mood boards revealed that participants thought that potential interest in ethical issues relating to fashion and clothing would extend to other areas in their lifestyle. The projection of ethical consumers presented in the mood boards encompassed fashion but also different areas of activity such as leisure activities (Mood board 1) and food and drink consumption (Mood board 2). This suggests that ethical interest in one area produces a snowball effect which extends these concerns to other spheres of life.
Confusion and cynicism surrounding understanding and credentials of ethical fashion Past literature has ascertained that there is a proliferation of terms pertinent to ethical fashion and that consumers are often confused and unaware of the differences between them (Markkula and Moisander, 2012; Shaw and Tomolillo, 2004). This study confirmed that this segment characteristic has not progressed; for all respondents across the different national borders, there was confusion concerning the actual meaning of ethical fashion and the terms organic, green, fair-trade, eco, recycled, etc., which were often used interchangeably during the data gathering process by the respondents:
There are so many terms, I do not find my way in all this. I am not encouraged to purchase green for this reason (Participant, Focus Group France).
The trend is going in the direction of fair-trade products. I think green is also considered ethical or is it totally different? (Participant, Interview Canada).
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Moreover, cynicism and distrust were displayed towards ethical companies. Both the UK and French participants suggested that they had the perception that ethical fashion companies used the ethical credentials of their garments as a marketing ploy. There was also a call for accredited labelling, to counteract the issue of mistrust in relation to manufacturer’s claims; however, there was a definite lack of awareness of current labelling schemes and their remit:
It is important that it would be certified by an external institution. There should exist a specific label, just like for food. Yes, it would be important to have one (Participant, Interview France).
Contrasting cultural attitudes towards the style and typical representation of ethical fashion Mood board findings highlighted both differing and shared opinions on ethical fashion style throughout the three countries. Each participant had their own fixed views and perceptions but, there was agreement from most in the UK and France that ethical clothes would be basic and made mostly of natural fibres in neutral tones (Mood boards 3 and 4):
The first thing I think about when hearing green fashion is something dull (Participant, Interview France).
That’s the kind of image that comes into my head, like neutral, organic materials (Participant, Interview UK)
Respondents in France were more extreme in that they considered ethical clothes to be particularly unfashionable, whereas Canadian respondents conveyed a mainstream
Mood board 1. Participant UK
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appeal and the UK had a mixture of respondents on both sides of the argument with some participants considering ethical fashion as dull and others as quirky and trendy (Mood boards 5-7):
I think it is fashionable to be ethical but I wouldn’t say the clothes were particularly fashionable (Participant, Focus Group UK).
The style is awful. Maybe if they could improve the style [y] away from potato bags (Participant, Interview France).
It is cool and sexy, the American Apparel style (Participant, Interview Canada).
Super hip to wear organic (Participant, Interview Canada).
The contrast was most significant between the Canadian respondent’s representation of a typical ethical fashion consumer and that of the French respondents’. For the latter, the typical consumer is a woman in her 40s, down to earth, old fashioned with bad taste who also displays activist tendencies. For the Canadian depiction, she is a woman in her 20s, simple but sexy, healthy with a unique urban contemporary style, confident and happy to express herself through her fashion choices (Mood board 8).
The relationship between ethical clothing and activist tendencies was only mentioned in the French sample and may represent the lack of development of the ethical argument which is still nascent in that country.
Mood board 2. Participant UK
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Conflicting nature of an ethical appeal Findings were conflicting regarding the issue of boycotting; some participants claimed they would boycott a company if they were made aware that it was using unethical practices, particularly if child labour or animal cruelty were involved:
Why should they get away with it, being unethical and its bad quality; why should consumers still shop there when they’re not even working in a proper manner, people should boycott it because of that (Participant, Focus Group UK).
Yeah I personally have never shopped in GAP but when I found out they had been using child labour, I don’t want anything to do with it (Participant, Interview UK).
Mood board 3. Participant UK
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However, even amongst those who claimed they would boycott an unethical company, participants admitted they would find it extremely difficult to boycott a company or a brand they really liked:
It sounds really bad but I’m going to be really honest and say I probably would still shop there. I know it’s not really the answer I would like to give [y] (Participant, Interview UK).
Like Topshop would have to do something awful because everyone holds Topshop quite close to their heart, it would be difficult to boycott them (Participant, Focus Group UK).
Mood board 4. Participant France
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No I have to make it clear: I will not boycott a brand I am loyal to (say Victoria’s Secret) just because I heard it has a bad behaviour regarding the environment. I like the brand too much! (Participant, Interview Canada).
This suggests consumers would find it difficult to boycott a product they liked or had been using for some time. Additionally, it was also suggested that boycotting would only be successful if it was executed on a mass scale as an individual had little power to act alone:
If I decided to boycott Primark no one would even notice (Participant, Focus Group UK).
[y] and even if you did stop buying what’s one person going to do? Nothing to them in the long run (Participant, Interview UK).
Boycotting is a collective act. Otherwise, it is not effective (Participant, Interview France).
I could spread bad word-of-mouth but boycotting is ineffective if you are alone (Participant, Interview Canada).
This feeling of inadequacy as a single consumer facing large, often global corporations goes to the very heart of the ethical consumer dilemma. In the fashion context, it seems that the very nature of the product increases the complexity of the decision-making and the obligation predictor towards the purchase of an ethical product which Shaw et al. (2000) developed as an adjunct to other ethical consumer predictors may be overshadowed by the desire to be fashionable.
Mood board 5. Participant Canada
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Summary and conclusions This exploratory research used conventional qualitative techniques including focus groups and interviews as well as the more unusual projective technique of participant creation of mood boards to investigate and compare attitudes towards ethical fashion of self-selected fashion-orientated consumers in three different countries, Canada, France and the UK. Some results supported outcomes from previous literature but findings indicated that there were notable differences in the perceptions of ethical fashion between these three western cultures. First, in the representation and appeal of this fashion segment, with Canada and France being at polar opposites of the scale. The Canadian participants presented a positive and fashionable image of ethical fashion whereas French respondents were concerned with the lack of appeal and
Mood board 6. Participant France
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Mood board 7. Participant UK
Mood board 8. Participant France
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“dullness” of this sector of clothing. Availability of this type of fashion was also perceived unequally between the different cultures with Canadian participants finding it less accessible than their UK counterparts. This can be explained by the fact that the UK is recognized as being in the “avant-garde” for this segment of the fashion industry with strong British influences in all clothing sectors from luxury (e.g. Stella Macartney) to high-street purveyors (e.g. Marks and Spencers) (Magnussen, 2009). Second, this research advances the understanding of the complex issues regarding consumer behaviour surrounding ethical fashion consumption by pinpointing the subtle cultural differences between the mainstream participants in relation to the purchase price of ethical garments. Both in the UK and France, a higher price tag for ethical fashion was expected. However, in the UK, this cost was the representation of a higher quality, a higher cost of raw materials, etc., and perceived negatively whereas in France the higher cost and purchasing of ethical fashion represented a means of redemption for other unethical behaviour relating to the purchasing of counterfeit goods, forgetting to recycle or polluting the atmosphere with a large vehicle, for example. This notion of tapping into different consumer motivations and being able to purchase ethical credentials in one area to offset another has not yet been suggested in the extant literature although it was suggested by Dickson (2005) and Hustvedt and Dickson (2009) in relation to the nurturing of self-identity.
The confusion surrounding terms associated with ethical fashion (Markkula and Moisander, 2012; Shaw and Tomolillo, 2004) was not resolved with this research and none of the participants were clear as to terminology associated with this area or exact understanding of terms. Other findings indicated that within a fashion context, style, price, quality and brand appeal will notably supersede the ethical argument. The data also confirmed the expectation of a gradual extension of ethical concerns into different areas of life (Berry and McEachern, 2005) when there is an initial interest in ethical issues, however, this was also contradicted as respondents admitted it would be very difficult for them to switch out of their favourite clothing brands if they wanted to become more ethical. Mistrust of ethical appellations, labels and marketing activities was also consistent with previous findings (Ritch and Schröder, 2012; Ma et al., 2012) as was the reticence to enter into boycotting activity (Stolle et al., 2005). Finally, the mixed use of qualitative data gathering techniques, including visual representations of the participants’ perceptions of ethical fashion, adds a further dimension to the understanding of the meaning that the participants’ attributed to this fashion garment type but also of the increased benefit of using representational tools alongside more conventional qualitative techniques. Cross-cultural or international research can benefit from this mixed approach as by its very nature it relies on the comparison and interpretation of data in different languages which, this research shows, can have increased accessibility by the use of visual representations.
Limitations and future research The findings of this research should be considered in light of its limitations. The selection method of the participants for each country resulted in small homogeneous samples of university students aged between 18 and 26 years old with broadly similar socio-economic and educational backgrounds. The UK students principally emanated from fashion related courses, which was not the case in France and Canada whose participants were mainly derived from general business degrees, they were. All participants were, however, interested in fashion per se. The fact that they were all students facilitated a comparison but does not present diversity in terms of mainstream
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fashion consumers or any possibility of generalization to a wider consumer group. Additionally, a broad similarity of university education linked to a higher than average socio-economic background has been shown to correlate positively with an empathy with ethical issues (Treise et al., 1994). This fact should also be taken into account when reflecting on the limitations of this research. The cross-cultural nature of this research also meant the translation of the French data into English which, due to the content and the nature of the discussion, presented some difficulties in terms of relating the exact meaning attributed to the data. This paper is exploratory in nature, not only in cross-comparisons of cultural attitudes towards ethical fashion but also in the use of visual representations to enhance meanings emanating from the written and spoken word. Yet, cross-cultural differences and similarities found in this paper may encourage researchers to broaden the scope of comparisons to cultures with radically different orientations and a priori different perceptions of ethical ways to produce fashion, such as, for instance China and India. Furthermore, the themes which emanated from the discussion in this paper, in particular, the sub-division of the discourse relating to price concerns attached to ethical fashion, brand attachment enabling the superseding of ethical concerns and the purchase of ethical goods as redemption for un-ethical consumption practices could be considered with larger, more representative consumer populations.
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Further reading
Belk, R.W., Ger, G. and Askegaard, S. (2003), “The fire of desire: a multisited inquiry into consumer passion”, Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 30 No. 3, pp. 326-351.
Bray, J.P. (2009), “Ethical dimensions in clothing purchase”, First Annual Ethics in Everyday Life Conference, 17-19 March, Salzburg.
Cherrier, H. (2005), “Meanings’ construction in ethical consumer narratives: the importance of control, social integration and authenticity”, in Harrison, R., Newholm, T. and Shaw, D. (Eds), The Ethical Consumer, 1st ed., Sage, London, pp. 125-135.
Ethical Fashion Forum (2012), “Homepage of ethical fashion forum”, available at: www.ethicalfashionforum.com/the-issues/standards-labelling (accessed March 13, 2012).
Manrai, L.A., Manrai, A.K., Lascu, D. and Ryans, J.K. (1997), “How green-claim strength and country disposition affect product evaluation and company image”, Psychology and Marketing, Vol. 14 No. 5, pp. 511-537.
Valor, C. (2007), “The influence of information about labour abuses on consumer choice of clothes: a grounded theory approach”, Journal of Marketing Management, Vol. 23 Nos 7/8, pp. 675-695.
About the authors
Dr Lindsey Carey, a Senior Lecturer at the Glasgow Caledonian University obtained her PhD in the area of consumer psychology and decision making. Her research interests lie in the area of consumer behaviour and she has researched in the context of ethical consumers, eco-fashion, value-clothing purchasers and into the purchase motivations at farmers’ markets. Dr Lindsey Carey is the corresponding author and can be contacted at: [email protected]
Dr Marie-Cécile Cervellon holds a PhD from the McGill University, Montreal, Canada. She is an Associate Professor of Marketing at the International University of Monaco. Her research interests focus on consumer behaviour and misbehaviour related to the luxury and fashion industries, as well as to ethical and green behaviours.
To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: [email protected] Or visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints
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