DISCUSSION POSTS
Being ‘‘in Control’’ May Make You Lose Control: The Role of Self-Regulation in Unethical Leadership Behavior
Anne Joosten • Marius van Dijke • Alain Van Hiel •
David De Cremer
Received: 14 May 2012 / Accepted: 16 March 2013 / Published online: 25 March 2013
� Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013
Abstract In the present article, we argue that the constant
pressure that leaders face may limit the willpower required
to behave according to ethical norms and standards and may
therefore lead to unethical behavior. Drawing upon the ego
depletion and moral self-regulation literatures, we examined
whether self-regulatory depletion that is contingent upon
the moral identity of leaders may promote unethical lead-
ership behavior. A laboratory experiment and a multisource
field study revealed that regulatory resource depletion pro-
motes unethical leader behaviors among leaders who are low
in moral identity. No such effect was found among leaders
with a high moral identity. This study extends our knowledge
on why organizational leaders do not always conform to
organizational goals. Specifically, we argue that the hectic
and fragmented workdays of leaders may increase the like-
lihood that they violate ethical norms. This highlights the
necessity to carefully schedule tasks that may have ethical
implications. Similarly, organizations should be aware that
overloading their managers with work may increase the
likelihood of their leaders transgressing ethical norms.
Keywords Unethical leadership � Ego depletion � Moral identity
One critical challenge that organizational leaders face is to
remain focused on the display of ethical behavior during
the course of their fragmented, hectic, and disorderly work
days. In fact, the many ethical failures within organizations
that have emerged in the media over the past decade, such
as fraud and corruption, clearly highlight the need for
organizational leaders to act in an ethical manner. Indeed,
if leaders focus on behaving ethically, then they will serve
as an important source of ethical guidance for their
employees (Brown et al. 2005; Walumbwa et al. 2011).
Conversely, when leaders act unethically, employees will
usually follow suit (Mayer et al. 2009). Yet, acting in
ethical ways is not necessarily easy for leaders because
they often have busy and demanding work schedules.
Leaders are responsible for a great variety of complex
decisions and actions that range from multi-million dollar
decisions to more trivial ones; thus, they must constantly
decide which decisions are worthy of their attention and
which are not (e.g., Ganster 2005; Hambrick et al. 2005;
Mintzberg 1973).
In the present paper, we argue that the constant pressure
that organizational leaders face can limit the willpower that
is required to act ethically. This lack of mental energy can
potentially result in negative consequences, such as dis-
criminating against employees based on gender or race,
discussing confidential company information with unau-
thorized others, and theft of company property. Following
the ego depletion literature, we argue that when leaders
have to make multiple decisions and function in demanding
situations, they are less likely to maintain the mental
energy (i.e., cognitive resources) needed for other con-
trolled, energy-requiring processes (Muraven and Bau-
meister 2000; Vohs et al. 2008). Furthermore, because
ethical behaviors may depend on cognitive resources
(Usoof-Thowfeek et al. 2011), ego depletion (i.e., as
A. Joosten (&) � A. Van Hiel Department of Developmental, Personality and Social
Psychology, Ghent University, Henri Dunantlaan 2, 9000 Ghent,
Belgium
e-mail: [email protected]
M. van Dijke
Rotterdam School of Management, Erasmus University,
Burgemeester Oudlaan 50, 3062 PA Rotterdam, The Netherlands
D. De Cremer
CEIBS, 699 Hongfeng Road, Shanghai 201206, Pudong, China
123
J Bus Ethics (2014) 121:1–14
DOI 10.1007/s10551-013-1686-2
resulting from the hectic leader role) may increase the
likelihood of leaders displaying unethical behavior.
We further postulate, however, that this proposed effect
of ego depletion on unethical leader behavior may have
boundary conditions. One important limit may be the
extent to which people assign value and importance to
morality. This variable is likely relevant because it may
influence the amount of cognitive resources that leaders
need to behave in an ethical manner. Specifically, moral
identity refers to the extent to which people consider being
a moral person as an important part of their self-definition
(Aquino and Reed 2002; Blasi 1980). For those who define
themselves in terms of morality, the display of ethical
behavior will be more frequently implemented and, con-
sequently, more internalized and automatic; as such, they
will consume fewer cognitive resources and maintain their
self-control (cf. Aquino et al. 2009; Aquino and Reed
2002; Reynolds and Ceranic 2007). One can therefore
expect that leaders who are high in moral identity are less
vulnerable than leaders low in moral identity to the effects
of ego depletion on their display of ethical behaviors.
Ego Depletion and Self-Control
Self-control refers to an individual’s capacity to inhibit,
override, or refrain from acting upon his/her impulses and
desires (Baumeister et al. 1994; Mischel 1974; Muraven
and Baumeister 2000; Tangney et al. 2004). Successful
self-control has been linked to numerous positive outcomes
such as success at school and at work, increased concen-
tration, an improved ability to cope with stress, and even
lower divorce rates. Self-control failure, on the other hand,
has been linked to negative actions such as theft, assault,
and aggression, and various negative outcomes such as
obesity, depression, and obsessive thoughts, (Hagger et al.
2010; Muraven et al. 1998; Tangney et al. 2004). It is thus
clear that self-control plays a highly important role in a
many aspects of our lives.
Baumeister and colleagues (e.g., Baumeister et al. 1998;
Baumeister and Heatherton 1996; Baumeister et al. 2007;
Muraven and Baumeister 2000; Muraven et al. 1998)
proposed a limited-strength model of self-control to
explain self-control failures. The idea behind this model is
that self-control requires mental energy that is limited in its
availability (Baumeister et al. 1998; Muraven et al. 1998).
More specifically, all acts of self-control, such as repress-
ing habitual responses, draw from the same limited
resource, which can become depleted with repeated use
(Muraven and Baumeister 2000). Baumeister and col-
leagues compared self-control to a muscle, which requires
strength and energy to exert force over a period of time
(Hagger et al. 2010). Just as muscles get tired from
exertion, self-control performance also deteriorates after
repeated use (Baumeister et al. 2007).
The state of diminished resources following exertion of
self-control is usually referred to as ego depletion (Bau-
meister et al. 1998). In support of the idea that different
acts of self-control draw on a limited and shared resource,
research shows that various acts of self-control (e.g.,
resisting tempting foods, suppressing emotions, performing
counter-attitudinal behaviors) impair performance on a
subsequent completely unrelated act that requires self-
control (for an overview, see Hagger et al. 2010). Partic-
ularly important for the present purposes, research has
shown that after an act of self-control, people are less
willing to help others (DeWall et al. 2008), are more likely
to cheat (Gino et al. 2011; Mead et al. 2009), and more
likely to act aggressively (DeWall et al. 2007).
Research has identified several causes of resource
depletion, including lack of sleep (Barnes et al. 2011),
having to resist temptation (Baumeister et al. 1998; Vohs
and Heatherton 2000), and stress (Muraven and Baumeister
2000). Interestingly, one prime determinant of ego deple-
tion is having to make multiple choices and decisions
(Vohs et al. 2008). As noted, most organizational leaders
experience heavy workloads and have to make numerous
choices and decisions each day. These specific character-
istics of the leadership role seem to form a source of
resource depletion, which might make leaders especially
prone to self-control failure.
Awareness of the ethical dimension of many complex
business decisions is an active and attention-consuming
process that requires cognitive resources (Usoof-Thowfeek
et al. 2011). Moreover, resisting the temptation to act in
unethical ways is also likely to draw on these resources;
this temptation may be especially pronounced for leaders
because of their position of power (see, e.g., Fiske 1993;
Georgesen and Harris 1998; Rusbult and Van Lange 2003).
The assumption that ethical leadership draws from the
same regulatory resources as the other aspects of the
leadership role (e.g., decision making, number of choices,
high workload) thus leads us to expect that depletion of
self-regulatory resources can lead to higher levels of
unethical leadership behavior.
However, there may be important boundary conditions
for the link between ego depletion and unethical leader
behavior. Specifically, the extent to which people assign
value and importance to morality is likely to influence the
amount of cognitive resources that leaders need to behave
in an ethical manner. That is, leaders who define them-
selves in terms of morality will require fewer cognitive
resources to inhibit impulses and will be able to buffer
the effects of ego depletion on their ethical behaviors
(cf. Aquino et al. 2009; Aquino and Reed 2002; Reynolds
and Ceranic 2007). We explicitly test this argument by
2 A. Joosten et al.
123
focusing on the role of moral identity as a variable that
limits the effects of ego depletion on unethical leader
behaviors.
Moral Identity as a Buffer
Moral identity reflects the importance of morality to one’s
self-concept (Aquino and Reed 2002; Shao et al. 2008).
Moral identity is usually conceptualized as a cognitive
representation or schema of moral values, goals, traits, and
behavioral scripts (Aquino et al. 2009; Lapsley and Nar-
vaez 2004; Shao et al. 2008). For people high in moral
identity, this moral self-schema is more readily accessible
and available for use than for people low in moral identity.
Moral values and ideals (such as being a good person,
being helpful) are more central to someone’s self-concept
for people high in moral identity (Narvaez et al. 2006; Shao
et al. 2008). When activated, moral identity should influ-
ence one’s cognition and behavior as people have a strong
tendency to maintain self-consistency (Aquino and Reed
2002; Blasi 1980, 1983).
In line with the idea that moral identity is an important
source of motivation to behave in an ethical manner, pre-
vious studies have revealed a positive relationship between
moral identity and moral behavior as reflected in self-
reported volunteering (Aquino and Reed 2002), the actual
likelihood of making a donation (Aquino and Reed 2002;
Reed and Aquino 2003), and charitable giving (Reynolds
and Ceranic 2007). Additionally, moral identity has been
associated with decreased levels of immoral conduct, such
as lying in business negotiations (Shao et al. 2008), low-
ered aggression on the football field (Sage et al. 2006), and
less antisocial behavior among adolescents (Barriga et al.
2001). Interestingly, recent research has suggested that
moral identity also functions as an antecedent of ethical
leader behavior (Mayer et al. 2012).
We argue that moral identity is also a relevant boundary
condition for the effects of ego depletion on unethical
leader behavior. As noted, moral identity is an important
motivator of ethical behavior (Aquino and Reed 2002;
Blasi 1980; Hardy and Carlo 2005), and people with a high
moral identity should thus be especially likely to expend
extra effort to self-regulate their ethical behavior. Over
time, people with a high moral identity will more fre-
quently regulate their behavior (i.e., inhibit selfish impul-
ses), resulting in more internalized and automatic
enactment of ethical behavior (Seeley and Gardner 2003).
Consequently, for people high in moral identity, this
internalization of ethical behavior arguably implies that
one’s ethical behavior is less likely to draw on controlled
cognitive processes that share resources with other con-
trolled processes and thus may suffer less from regulatory
depletion. In other words, because people high in moral
identity are much more likely than people low in moral
identity to have internalized the display of ethical and
prosocial behaviors, acting ethically may proceed in a more
automatic manner that uses fewer controlled resources (see
Bargh 1994; Schneider and Chein 2003; Shiffrin and
Schneider 1977; Smith and Lerner 1986). Hence, in a state
of resource depletion, a high moral identity will provide
leaders with a buffer against the detrimental effects of ego
depletion on their ethical behaviors.
Study Overview
In the present research, we collected both experimental and
(multisource) field data to cross-validate our findings. We
did not opt for qualitative research as we were particularly
interested in testing specific hypotheses, for which quan-
titative research is most suitable. Furthermore, we chose to
use established and validated measures. Moral identity was
measured using Aquino and Reed’s (2002) instrument (for
an overview, see Shao et al. 2008). In Study 1, we
manipulated depletion using a frequently used and effec-
tive depletion task (for an overview, see Hagger et al.
2010); in Study 2, we assessed depletion with a measure
that has been successfully used in prior research (Vohs
et al. 2008). Unethical leader behavior was measured using
Bennett and Robinson’s (2000) often-used instrument that
measures workplace deviance (for an overview, see Berry
et al. 2007), which has shown good psychometric proper-
ties (Bennett and Robinson 2000) and which has been
adapted and validated for peer report (Stewart et al. 2009).
In our research, we thus investigate unethical behavior
by focusing on the prevalence of deviant leader behaviors
in the workplace. In line with the literature, we define
workplace deviance as voluntary behavior that violates
significant organizational norms and, as such, threatens the
well-being of the organization and/or its members (Bennett
and Robinson 2000; Robinson and Bennett 1995). Deviant
behavior represents volitional behavior that occurs because
people either lack the motivation to conform to organiza-
tional norms and standards or because they become moti-
vated to violate these norms and standards (Bennett and
Robinson 2000). Workplace deviance encompasses a
diversity of behaviors varying from interpersonal deviance
(i.e., acts that inflict harm on individuals) to organizational
deviance (i.e., acts that are directed at the organization)
which can vary in intensity and potential consequences
(Robinson and Bennett 1995) and, as such, form a mean-
ingful operationalization of unethical behavior. Example
behaviors include humiliating coworkers, procrastinating
on work, and falsifying receipts to receive more money
than was spent on business expenses.
As argued above, we expect that unethical leadership
behaviors may occur when leaders face regulatory resource
Leadership and Self-Regulation 3
123
constraints. We expect this because for many leaders,
behaving ethically may not be an important part of their
self-definition and is thus insufficiently internalized. To test
this idea, we include the leader’s moral identity as a
moderator of the effect of self-regulatory depletion on the
unethical behavior of leaders. Specifically, we expect self-
regulatory depletion to result in unethical leadership
behaviors particularly among leaders who are low, rather
than high in moral identity.
We tested our hypothesis in two studies. Study 1 used a
validated depletion task in a controlled laboratory setting
which allows us to draw causal conclusions. Study 2 was a
cross-sectional multisource study for which we relied on
leaders’ self-ratings of their depletion and moral identity,
while ratings about the leaders’ ethical behavior were pro-
vided by their colleagues as well as by the leaders them-
selves. The field study permits us to generalize our findings
to an organizational field setting in which leaders function
in meaningful day-to-day situations. At the same time, the
specific multisource design of this study minimizes con-
cerns about the effects of potential common method vari-
ance and self-presentation (Podsakoff et al. 2003).
Study 1
Method
Participants and Design
Seventy-eight undergraduate students (41 males and 37
females) with a mean age of 19.00 years (SD = 1.95) from
a Dutch university participated in the study for partial
course credit. Participants were randomly assigned to one
of two experimental conditions: self-regulatory depletion
or no depletion.
Experimental Procedure
This study was conducted in two stages. The first stage
consisted of participants responding via the internet to a
bogus ‘‘leadership ability’’ questionnaire and to the moral
identity measure. The second stage included the actual
experimental tasks. Upon arrival at the laboratory (one day
after they had responded to the internet questionnaires),
participants were seated in separate cubicles that were each
equipped with a personal computer. All communication
took place via this computer. Participants were informed
that they would work together with two other participants
on several tasks. They were led to believe that a computer
network was established between them and the other group
members via which they would collaborate.
All participants were then assigned to the leadership
role. Instructions were taken from previous experiments
that were designed to study unethical leadership behaviors
(Maner and Mead 2010). Participants were informed that
the group assignment required one person to be the leader
and the others to be the subordinates. All participants
learned that they were assigned the group leader role based
on their answers on the ‘‘leadership ability’’ questionnaire
that they completed in the first stage of the study (i.e., the
day before the actual experiment). As the designated lea-
der, they would thus be responsible for the functioning of
their group. To check whether the participants understood
this role assignment, we asked them which role they had to
fulfill in the group assignment.
Participants then completed the regulatory depletion
task (taken from Baumeister et al. 1998, Study 4). This
task consists of two parts and has proven successful in the
manipulation of ego depletion in a number of studies
(Baumeister et al. 1998; DeWall et al. 2011; Fischer et al.
2007; Moller et al. 2006; Wheeler et al. 2007). The
regulatory depletion task was presented as part of the
group assignment. In the first part of the task, participants
were instructed to indicate each instance of the letter
e that they saw in a text (i.e., by clicking each e with the
computer mouse). Participants received visual feedback
whenever they clicked an e (i.e., a highlighted circle
around the corresponding e) and were given five minutes
to complete the task. This first phase was relatively easy
and was used to establish a strong habitual response for
scanning and indicating every e. In the second part of the
task, participants either continued identifying the es using
the same rule as before (i.e., the no depletion condition)
or were given the instruction to respond to each e, except
when the e was followed by a vowel or when a vowel
appeared two letters before the e (i.e., the high depletion
condition). For participants in the high depletion condi-
tion, overriding the response to scan for and indicate
every e would require more regulatory resources than for
participants in the low depletion condition who did not
need to override a habitual response. After completing
this task, we measured the dependent variables and
manipulation checks.
Manipulation Checks
The effectiveness of the self-regulatory depletion manipu-
lation was measured on a 7-point scale ranging from 1
(totally disagree) to 7 (totally agree) using two items: ‘‘The
second task was habit-breaking’’ (taken from DeWall et al.
2008) and ‘‘The second task was simple’’ (reversed item;
taken from Balliet and Joireman 2010).
4 A. Joosten et al.
123
Measures
In the first phase of the study (i.e., twenty-four hours before
the experimental condition), we administered an online
questionnaire that included demographic information
questions, a measure of moral identity, and a bogus lead-
ership scale that was administered to provide a justification
for the role assignment.
We used Aquino and Reed’s (2002) instrument to measure
the participants’ moral identity, which has been used in
several studies and has shown good psychometric properties
(for an overview, see Shao et al. 2008). In line with our ideas,
we relied on the internalization dimension of this instrument
(i.e., the extent to which people find morality an important
aspect of who they are) and disregarded the symbolization
subscale (which measures the extent to which people want to
appear as a moral person). Consistent with Aquino and
Reed’s (2002) procedure, the following instructions were
given: ‘‘Listed below are some characteristics that might
describe a person: Caring, compassionate, fair, friendly,
generous, helpful, hardworking, honest, and kind. The person
with these characteristics could be you or it could be someone
else. For a moment, visualize in your mind the kind of person
who has these characteristics. Imagine how that person would
think, feel, and act. When you have a clear image of what this
person would be like, answer the following questions.’’ Par-
ticipants then answered the five internalization items on a
7-point scale ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 7 (totally
agree). Sample items from this scale are ‘‘It would make me
feel good to be a person who has these characteristics’’ and
‘‘Having these characteristics is not really important to me’’
(reverse scored). The scale proved to be internally consistent
(Cronbach’s a = .71; M = 5.42, SD = 0.88). We assessed leadership deviance as a dependent variable
for which we used the interpersonal deviance subscale of
the organizational deviance measure which was developed
and validated by Bennett and Robinson (2000). Participants
answered these 7 items on a 7-point scale ranging from 1
(not at all) to 7 (very much so). We asked participants the
extent to which they found the following behaviors in the
current setting acceptable: ‘‘Say something hurtful to
someone,’’ ‘‘Make an ethnic, religious, or racial remark,’’
‘‘Curse at someone,’’ ‘‘Play a mean prank on someone,’’
‘‘Act rudely toward someone,’’ and ‘‘Publicly embarrass
someone’’ (Cronbach’s a = .82; M = 2.10, SD = 0.84).
Results
Comprehension and Manipulation Checks
All participants correctly indicated that they were assigned
to the leader role. As expected, participants in the self-
regulatory depletion condition rated the second task as
more habit-breaking than those in the no depletion condi-
tion (Ms = 5.10 vs. 4.42, SDs = 1.27 vs. 1.34, respec-
tively, t(76) = -2.30, p \ .05). Furthermore, the second task was experienced as less simple in the self-regulatory
depletion condition than in the no depletion condition
(Ms = 4.48 vs. 3.47, SDs = 1.37 vs. 1.42, respectively,
t(76) = -3.17, p \ .01). As an additional test of the effectiveness of our manipulation, we regressed the
manipulation checks on the main and interactive effects of
the regulatory depletion manipulation and participants’
moral identity. These analyses show that both the manip-
ulation checks were significantly related to the regulatory
depletion manipulation, while the main effect of moral
identity and the interaction term remained insignificant.
Deviant Leader Behavior
To test our hypothesis, we conducted a hierarchical
regression analysis in which leader deviance was predicted
by the main effects of the regulatory depletion manipula-
tion and participants’ moral identity at Step 1. We added a
two-way interaction between regulatory depletion manip-
ulation and moral identity at Step 2. Following Aiken and
West (1991), the interaction term was based on the mean-
centered scores of moral identity and the effect-coded
scores of regulatory depletion. Table 1 shows the regres-
sion results.
Table 1 shows that the predicted two-way interaction
was significant, b = -.27, p \ .05. We conducted simple slope analyses to further examine this interaction (Aiken
and West 1991). Figure 1 shows that, in line with our
hypothesis, regulatory depletion significantly increased
deviant leader behavior among participants who are low in
moral identity (one SD below the mean), b = .24, p \ .05. However, among participants who are high in moral iden-
tity, regulatory depletion decreased deviant leader behavior;
however, this effect was not significant, b = -.21, p = .11.
Supplemental Analyses
To test the robustness of the OLS regression, we conducted
a Tobit regression (see Tobin 1958), which was developed
for variables with a lower (or upper) limit and a concen-
tration of observations at this limiting value. Such distri-
butions can result in the violation of OLS assumptions.
Deviant leader behaviors are typically low-frequency
phenomena that show such a cluster of observations at and
just above the lower limit, thus making them strongly
positively skewed. A Tobit regression revealed results
similar to the OLS regressions for the hypothesized inter-
action on leader deviance, b = -.27, p \ .05.
Leadership and Self-Regulation 5
123
Discussion
Study 1 provides supporting evidence for the hypothesized
buffering role of moral identity in the effect of resource
depletion on unethical leadership behavior. Regulatory
depletion indeed increased unethical leadership behavior
for leaders who are low in moral identity. In contrast, there
was no such increase in unethical leadership behavior for
leaders with a high level of moral identity. These findings
thus highlight the pivotal role of moral identity in pre-
venting unethical leadership behaviors.
Study 2
While Study 1 provided causal evidence for our proposed
ideas, Study 2 was designed to generalize our findings to an
organizational setting in which supervisors and employees
function together in meaningful work situations. Instead of
manipulating regulatory depletion, we measured supervi-
sors’ depletion in Study 2.
Method
Sample and Procedure
The study participants included 100 organizational super-
visors (30 line, 61 middle, and 9 senior/top managers) and
their matched colleagues from a variety of Dutch organiza-
tions. For their participation, they received credit points they
could trade in for certain gifts (i.e., a ticket for the movies).
Of the focal supervisors, 70 were male and 30 were female,
and their mean age was 44.73 years (SD = 9.91). Supervi-
sors worked an average of 11.79 years (SD = 9.25) in their
current organization and 5.97 years (SD = 5.69) in their
current function. Twenty percent of the focal supervisors
were employed in the public sector and 80 percent in the
private sector. The matched group of colleagues included 60
males and 40 females, with a mean age of 41.84 years
(SD = 10.52).
Measures
In Study 2, we used the same five-item internalization
subscale of moral identity (Aquino and Reed 2002) as in
Study 1. To assess focal supervisors’ levels of regulatory
depletion, we asked the focal supervisors to indicate on a
5-point scale ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 5 (totally
agree) how much they agreed or disagreed with the fol-
lowing statements: ‘‘I often feel as if I have low energy,’’
and ‘‘I often feel as if things are taking a lot of effort’’
(taken from Vohs et al. 2008, Study 5).
We measured unethical leadership behavior using Ben-
nett and Robinson’s (2000) 19-item measure of organiza-
tional deviance on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (not at
all) to 5 (very much so). This measure consists of an
interpersonal and an organizational subscale, and it has
shown good psychometric properties (Bennett and Robin-
son 2000). The leaders completed the items as self-reports,
while the items were adapted for a peer report for their
Table 1 Results of hierarchical regression analysis for leader deviance in Study 1
Variables B SE B b DR2
Step 1 .03*
Regulatory depletion (RD) 0.01 0.10 0.02
Moral identity (MI) -0.16 0.11 -0.17
Step 2 .08*
Regulatory depletion (RD) 0.02 0.09 0.02
Moral identity (MI) -0.11 0.11 -0.12
RD 9 MI -0.27 0.11 -0.28*
Final model: F(3, 74) = 2.94, p \ .05 B = unstandardized regression coefficient; b = standardized regression coefficient. For the regulatory depletion factor, -1 denotes no regu- latory depletion manipulation, whereas 1 indicates regulatory depletion
* p B .05
Fig. 1 Deviant leader behavior as a function of regulatory depletion manipulation and moral identity
6 A. Joosten et al.
123
colleagues who rated how often the focal leader performed
actions such as ‘‘Discussed confidential company infor-
mation with an unauthorized person,’’ ‘‘Falsified a receipt
to get more money than spent on business expenses,’’ and
‘‘Publicly embarrassed someone at work’’ (modified and
validated by Stewart et al. 2009).
Results
Descriptive Statistics and Intercorrelations
Table 2 presents the means, standard deviations, internal
consistencies, and intercorrelations of the study’s variables.
Hypothesis Test
We conducted a hierarchical regression analysis with self-
reported unethical leader behaviors serving as the depen-
dent variable. The age, gender, and tenure of leaders were
entered as control variables in the first block of the
regression. Regulatory depletion and moral identity were
entered in the second block of the regression. We added a
two-way interaction between regulatory depletion and
moral identity in the third block of the regression. Fol-
lowing Aiken and West (1991), the interaction term was
based on mean-centered scores of the independent vari-
ables. Table 3 shows the regression results for self-reported
unethical leader behavior. For one respondent, self-ratings
of deviance were missing, and thus her information was
disregarded in this analysis.
The predicted two-way interaction was significant,
b = -.25, p \ .01. We conducted simple slope analyses to further assess this interaction (Aiken and West 1991).
Figure 2 shows that among leaders who are low in moral
identity (one SD below the mean), regulatory depletion and
unethical leader behaviors are positively related, b = .55, p \ .001. However, among leaders who are high in moral identity, the relationship between regulatory depletion and
unethical leader behaviors was not significant, b = .10, p = .40.
The regression analysis was then repeated with the
colleague ratings of unethical leader behaviors as the
Table 2 Descriptive statistics and intercorrelations of Study 2 measures
Variable M SD 1 2 3 4
1. Regulatory depletion 2.54 0.95 (.89)
2. Moral identity 5.34 0.81 .07 (.62)
3. Leader deviance (OR) 1.47 0.52 .33** -.22* (.93)
4. Leader deviance (CR) 1.60 0.81 .19 -.18 .61** (.98)
N = 100. Internal reliabilities (coefficient alphas) are provided in parentheses on the diagonal
OR own ratings, CR colleague ratings
* p B .05; ** p B .01
Table 3 Results of hierarchical regression analysis for leader devi- ance (own ratings) in Study 2
Variables B SE B b DR2
Step 3 .06**
Age -0.01 0.01 -0.21
Gender 0.10 0.10 0.10
Organization tenure 0.01 0.01 0.15
Function tenure 0.00 0.01 0.02
Regulatory depletion (RD) 0.18 0.05 0.33***
Moral identity (MI) -0.15 0.06 -0.24**
RD x MI -0.15 0.06 -0.25**
Final model: F(7, 91) = 4.95, p \ .001 B = unstandardized regression coefficient; b = standardized regres- sion coefficient
* p B .05; ** p B .01; *** p B .001
Fig. 2 Unethical leader behavior (self-ratings) as a function of regulatory depletion and moral identity
Leadership and Self-Regulation 7
123
dependent variable. As shown in Table 4, the predicted
two-way interaction was significant, b = -.33, p = .001. We conducted simple slope analyses to further analyze this
interaction (Aiken and West 1991). Figure 3 shows that
among leaders who are low in moral identity (one SD
below the mean), regulatory depletion and the leaders’
unethical behavior are positively related, b = .52, p \ .001. Among leaders high in moral identity, however, the relationship between regulatory depletion and unethical
leader behavior was not significant, b = -.09, p = .46.
Supplemental Analyses
We conducted several additional analyses to further
investigate the validity of our findings. First, as in Study 1,
we conducted a Tobit regression (see Tobin 1958). The
Tobit regression produced results similar to the OLS
regressions for the hypothesized interaction on leader
deviance, b = -.15 and -.31, ps \ .05, for self and observer ratings, respectively.
Second, there has been much discussion about the
advantages and disadvantages of including control vari-
ables in organizational research. We thus decided to follow
Spector and Brannick’s (2011) suggestion by repeating our
analyses without the control variables as predictors in the
equations. These analyses led to similar conclusions to
those presented previously. Most importantly, we found
significant interactions with the self-ratings of leader
deviance, b = -.26, p \ .01, and with the colleague- indicated ratings of leader deviance, b = -.34, p = .001.
Discussion
Consistent with our main hypothesis and with the results
obtained in Study 1, we obtained corroborative evidence
for the moderating effect of moral identity in the rela-
tionship between regulatory depletion and unethical leader
behavior. This time, however, results were obtained in an
actual organizational setting. These findings provide fur-
ther evidence for the prediction that leaders who are high in
moral identity do not need regulatory resources to refrain
from unethical leadership, while leaders with a low moral
identity do require these resources.
General Discussion
The aim of the present research was to investigate the
effects of regulatory depletion and moral identity on
deviant leadership behavior. We obtained corroborative
evidence for our hypothesis. More specifically, we identi-
fied ego depletion as a variable that may make leaders act
in norm-transgressing ways. Moreover, to further enhance
our understanding of this relationship, we also focused on
moral identity as a possible boundary condition. Our results
indicate that leaders with a low moral identity need self-
regulatory resources to refrain from engaging in deviant
leader behaviors, while for leaders who are high in moral
identity, behaving ethically is less reliant on these resour-
ces and thus not influenced by regulatory resource deple-
tion. This interactive effect was shown across the
laboratory experiment (Study 1) and the multisource field
study (Study 2).
Theoretic Implications
Our results are the first to show that ego depletion can
induce leaders to display a wide range of norm-trans-
gressing behaviors that are as varied as embezzling com-
pany property, deferring work in order to be paid overtime,
and humiliating one’s coworker in public. Such behaviors
Table 4 Results of hierarchical regression analysis for leader devi- ance (colleague indicated) in Study 2
Variables B SE B b DR2
Step 3 .10***
Age -0.03 0.01 -0.30***
Gender -0.07 0.16 -0.04***
Organization tenure 0.01 0.01 0.13***
Function tenure -0.00 0.02 -0.02***
Regulatory depletion (RD) 0.19 0.08 0.22***
Moral identity (MI) -0.13 0.09 -0.13***
RD 9 MI -0.32 0.09 -0.33***
Final model: F(7, 92) = 4.36, p \ .001. B = unstandardized regres- sion coefficient; b = standardized regression coefficient
* p B .05; ** p B .01; *** p B .001
Fig. 3 Unethical leader behavior (colleague ratings) as a function of regulatory depletion and moral identity
8 A. Joosten et al.
123
contrast sharply with how organizations prefer to view the
leadership role. Specifically, leaders often face hectic and
fragmented workdays, but they are at the same time
expected to cooperate, to serve the interests of the orga-
nization, and to direct followers toward organizational
interests (e.g., Hollander 1980; Maner and Mead 2010;
Tjosvold 1984; Van Vugt et al. 2008; Yukl and Van Fleet
1992). In fact, leadership is often defined as influencing
followers to contribute to the collective and as coordinating
collective interests (e.g., Hollander and Offermann 1990;
Van Vugt et al. 2008).
Research has documented a number of cases in which
leaders do not conform to the ideal leadership role of
cooperatively working toward the organization’s goals, but
instead act in self-serving and norm-transgressing ways.
This has been attributed to variables such as the instability
of the leadership position (Maner and Mead 2010) and to
leaders’ feelings of incompetence (Fast and Chen 2009).
Some scholars have even claimed that norm-transgressing
behaviors are intrinsic to the leadership role (De Cremer
2003; Van Dijk and De Cremer 2006) because leaders feel
entitled to obtain more outcomes than followers (De Cre-
mer and Van Dijk 2005; Stouten, De Cremer and Van Dijk
2005). The present research identifies ego depletion as a
variable that may make leaders act in norm-transgressing
ways. Importantly, the nature of ego depletion sheds new
light on (un)ethical leader behavior because leaders need to
be able to control their automatic drives toward self-
servingness.
These findings are particularly important because lead-
ers, by means of their behavior, serve as social models for
their employees, which influence follower cooperation, and
displays of ethical behavior. This process is usually
understood in terms of social learning theory (Bandura
1977, 1986), which holds that people learn behavior by
observing and imitating others. According to Bandura
(1986), people with high status who have the ability to
control rewards may function as effective role models.
Therefore, leaders are the most likely source of vicarious
learning in an organizational setting. This makes leaders’
conformity to ethical rules a particularly important aspect
of the leadership role. In support of this idea, norm-trans-
gressing leaders are known to decrease positive affect,
trust, cooperation, and performance among their followers
(De Cremer 2006a, 2006b; Van Knippenberg and Van
Knippenberg 2005). In sum, the hectic and fragmented
workdays that leaders typically face may increase the
likelihood that they cross essential boundaries of their
leadership role by displaying unethical behaviors, which
consequently makes them less effective in motivating
employees to act productively and cooperatively.
A second theoretic implication is derived from the fact
that Study 2 revealed that self-reports and colleague ratings
of leader deviance show a highly similar pattern. Specifi-
cally, ego-depleted leaders reported more deviant behav-
iors and they were rated as more deviant by their coworkers
(at least leaders who are low in moral identity). It thus
seems that leaders are well aware of the specific and
sometimes norm-transgressing actions they perform, even
when they are depleted of cognitive resources. This,
however, does not necessarily imply that leaders are also
aware of the ethical dimension of their actions. Leaders
may, for instance, frame a specific action not in ethical
terms, but rather in purely economic terms (e.g., striving
for a financial reward even if it comes at the expense of
others; Tenbrunsel and Messick 1999). In fact, it has been
argued that the salience of the economic aspects of a sit-
uation may make the ethical dimension of the decision
‘‘fade’’ into the background; thus, leaders do not recognize
their actions as unethical (Tenbrunsel and Messick 2004).
This idea suggests that ego depletion can lead to deviant
leader actions ranging from discrimination to forgery
because it hinders the identification of the ethical dimen-
sion of a decision, which is a necessary first step in con-
ducting ethical behavior (Rest 1986).
Our research also contributes to the literature on moral
identity. To date, most research has focused on the ante-
cedents and consequences of moral identity (for an over-
view, see Shao et al. 2008). Research that investigates
precisely when moral identity may influence behavior
remains relatively sparse. Thus far, scholars have looked at
the interaction between moral identity and formalism
(Reynolds and Ceranic 2007), at the interaction between
moral identity and ethical organization culture (Skarlicki
et al. 2008), and at the interaction between internal and
symbolic moral identity (Caldwell and Moberg 2007). We
add to this existing literature and illuminate how moral
identity operates. In this context, it is interesting to note
that while ego depletion hinders behavior that requires
cognitive processing, it does not influence automatic pro-
cesses (DeWall et al. 2008; Schmeichel et al. 2003). Our
results thus suggest that moral identity influences moral
behavior in a fairly automatic way, and it is not thwarted by
other processes that require controlled processing.
Practical Implications
A first important practical implication of the present find-
ings is that they suggest that characteristics of leaders’ day-
to-day activities can undermine their ability to behave
ethically and may actually make leaders more likely to act
in norm-transgressing ways. This is an important finding
for managers to acknowledge because much of a leader’s
influence is derived from being a role model, rather than
from explicit attempts to influence followers (Brown et al.
2005; Walumbwa et al. 2011). Organizations should thus
Leadership and Self-Regulation 9
123
be aware that overloading their managers with decisions to
take may come with the cost of an increased likelihood of
leaders transgressing ethical norms. Nevertheless, manag-
ers should be similarly aware that whenever they are facing
tasks that can have important (i.e., ethical) implications,
their cognitive state can affect their behavior; thus, it is
necessary to carefully schedule these tasks. Tasks that may
have ethical implications should preferably be made after a
period of rest because rest can replenish managers’ cog-
nitive resources (Baumeister et al. 2000).
Our findings also convey a more optimistic message by
indicating that not all leaders are prone to displaying norm-
transgressing behaviors due to the effects of ego depletion.
Specifically, leaders who are high in moral identity proved
to be immune to the effects of ego depletion in promoting
norm-transgressing behaviors. This finding is relevant from
a practical perspective because although moral identity
represents a rather stable individual characteristic, it might
also be impacted by the situation. Research (Aquino et al.
2009; Reed et al. 2007) shows that it is possible to situa-
tionally increase the accessibility of moral identity. Com-
bined with the present results, these prior findings have two
promising implications for organizations. First, making
moral identity accessible through situational interventions
such as stimulating a clear ethical climate and ensuring that
the organization’s top management behaves in ethical ways
(Martin and Cullen 2006; Mayer et al. 2009; Mayer et al.
2010) makes it more likely that leaders behave ethically.
More importantly, this effect should also buffer the effects
of ego depletion on leaders’ norm-transgressing behaviors.
Second, and equally important, situational interventions
that make moral identity salient are likely to result in
leaders being ‘‘trained’’ to act ethically. Such training may
make ethical behaviors more automatic, thus rendering
leaders immune to the effects of ego depletion on norm-
transgressing behaviors.
Strengths and Limitations
A major strength of this article lies in the use of diverse
methods to test our hypothesis. While the laboratory
experiment conducted in Study 1 permits us to make causal
inferences, Study 2 was a field study that allowed us to
investigate whether the hypothesized effects emerged in an
organizational setting.
We recognize, of course, that we did not include a sit-
uational manipulation of morality in the experiment.
However, our reliance on a dispositional operationalization
of moral identity is clearly in line with our ideas that moral
identity as a dispositional variable is likely to lead to
internalized moral behavior (i.e., these leaders are better
trained to act ethically). Obviously, this is not the case with
situational manipulations of morality in relatively short-
lived experimental contexts. Yet, various studies show that
a moral prime can stimulate morality and thus can induce
individuals to behave more morally (Aquino et al. 2009;
Mazar et al. 2008; Reed et al. 2007). At the same time, it
should be recognized that other research shows that situa-
tional manipulations of morality can lead to compensatory,
rather than consistent, moral behavior. In other words,
priming morality can also reduce the display of moral
behaviors (Jordan et al. 2011; Sachdeva et al. 2009; Sme-
esters et al. 2003; Zhong et al. 2009). Rather than trying to
resolve this inconsistency in the literature, we relied on a
dispositional measure of moral identity, which has proven
to be a consistent predictor of moral behavior (for an
overview, see Shao et al. 2008). Moreover, a dispositional
measure of moral identity is more likely to tap into inter-
nalized moral values and, more importantly, should be a
stronger predictor of the prevalence of (internalized) moral
actions.
Research on deviance has typically relied on self-
reported behavioral measures (Berry et al., 2007). In line
with this, we also relied on self-reported deviance in Study
1. However, we found the same consistent pattern in the
multisource field sample using observer measures of
leaders’ actual behaviors, which cross-validates the use of
self-report in the experimental study. Additionally, the
observer ratings of deviance in Study 2 yielded a pattern of
results which was analogous to the self-reported ratings,
which corroborates results of a recent meta-analysis on
organizational deviance (Berry et al., 2007) showing high
convergence between observer- and self-reported organi-
zational deviance.
An additional limitation of this research that should be
mentioned is the skewed gender distribution in Study 2. A
majority of our respondents were male, reflecting the pre-
ponderance of males in an executive function. This skewed
gender distribution may pose potential problems to the
validity of our results. We addressed this issue by including
gender as a control variable in Study 2 and found no effect
of gender. Furthermore, excluding gender as a control
variable did not alter our results in any way. It is in this
respect relevant to note that a meta-analysis on workplace
deviance showed that gender had only a very weak corre-
lation with deviant behavior (Berry et al. 2007).
Directions for Future Research
One highly relevant avenue for future research might be to
investigate our research questions in another cultural set-
ting. For instance, the present research was conducted in
the Netherlands, which is considered an individualistic
culture (Schimmack et al. 2005). It might be interesting to
conduct a similar study in a collectivistic culture. Many
aspects of moral behavior are interpersonal in nature
10 A. Joosten et al.
123
(Aquino et al. 2009; Kant 1785/2005; Singer 1981), and
differences in cultural orientation might therefore influence
deviant leader behavior. In Japan, for example, expressing
anger publicly is considered unseemly, while this is con-
sidered necessary (to avoid ‘‘boiling over’’ or ‘‘blowing
up’’ at a later point) in the United States (Markus and
Kitayama 1991). Even more directly relevant to the present
research question, collectivist cultures place greater
importance on acting in line with norms and expectations
(Husted and Allen 2008). Therefore, like our respondents
high in moral identity, collectivist cultures should be more
experienced in inhibiting their selfish impulses than indi-
vidualists (Seeley and Gardner 2003). As a result, leaders
in collectivistic cultures might be less influenced by ego
depletion and may refrain from deviant behavior when they
are depleted.
A second avenue for future research lies in the specific
type of norm-transgressing behavior that is focused on as
the outcome variable. In our research, we focused on
unethical leader behaviors that harm the organization and/or
its members. It could be interesting, however, to focus on
different types of unethical leader behavior. For instance,
prosocial rule breaking (Morrison 2006; Umphress et al.
2010) represents norm-transgressing behavior that is
intended to benefit the organization and/or its members. An
example of this is violating organizational policies or pro-
cedures to solve a problem (Galperin 2012). Arguably, this
creates tension between doing the morally right thing from a
rule-based (i.e., deontological) perspective and from an
outcome-based (i.e., utilistic) perspective.
Concluding Remarks
The hectic, fragmented nature of a typical day for organi-
zational leaders makes them especially prone to resource
depletion. Regretfully, depletion makes it more likely that
organizational leaders display norm-transgressing behaviors
that conflict with their desired leadership role, which should
focus on benefitting the organization and stimulating
employees to strive toward these goals as well. We showed
that leaders who are high in moral identity are less vulnerable
to resource depletion effects in their display of unethical
behaviors, indicating that they need less controlled resources
to act ethically. Leaders who are low in moral identity,
however, need these cognitive resources to display ethical
leader behaviors. This indicates that the nature of the lead-
ership role can lead to unethical leader behaviors, as such
highlighting the importance of internalizing the motivation
to act in ethical ways in organizational settings.
Acknowledgement This research was supported by grant G063610N from the Fund for Scientific Research-Flanders (FWO-Vlaanderen).
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- c.10551_2013_Article_1686.pdf
- Being ‘‘in Control’’ May Make You Lose Control: The Role of Self-Regulation in Unethical Leadership Behavior
- Abstract
- Ego Depletion and Self-Control
- Moral Identity as a Buffer
- Study Overview
- Study 1
- Method
- Participants and Design
- Experimental Procedure
- Manipulation Checks
- Measures
- Results
- Comprehension and Manipulation Checks
- Deviant Leader Behavior
- Supplemental Analyses
- Discussion
- Study 2
- Method
- Sample and Procedure
- Measures
- Results
- Descriptive Statistics and Intercorrelations
- Hypothesis Test
- Supplemental Analyses
- Discussion
- General Discussion
- Theoretic Implications
- Practical Implications
- Strengths and Limitations
- Directions for Future Research
- Concluding Remarks
- Acknowledgement
- References