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"Mixing Pop (Culture) and Politics": Cultural Resistance, Culture Jamming, and Anti-Consumption Activism as Critical Public Pedagogy Author(s): Jennifer A. Sandlin and Jennifer L. Milam Source: Curriculum Inquiry, Vol. 38, No. 3 (Jun., 2008), pp. 323-350 Published by: on behalf of the Wiley Ontario Institute for Studies in Education/University of

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"Mixing Pop (Culture) and Politics": Cultural Resistance, Culture Jamming, and Anti-Consumption Activism as

Critical Public Pedagogy JENNIFER A. SANDLIN Arizona State University

Tempe, AZ, USA

JENNIFER L. MILAM Texas A&M University

College Station, TX, USA

ABSTRACT

Culture jamming, the act of resisting and re-creating commercial culture in order

to transform society, is embraced by groups and individuals who seek to critique and

(re)form how culture is created and enacted in our daily lives. In this article, we

explore how two

groups?Adbusters and Reverend Billy and the Church of Stop

Shopping?use culture jamming as a means of resisting consumerism. We theorize

how culture jamming as

practiced operates as critical

public pedagogy, through the

ways in which it (1) fosters participatory, resistant cultural production; (2) engages learners corporeally; (3)

creates a (poetic) community politic; and (4) opens

tran

sitional spaces through detournement (a "turning around"). We propose that when

viewed as critical public pedagogy, culture jamming holds potential to connect

learners with one another and to connect individual lives to social issues?both in

and beyond the classroom. However, we also posit that culture jamming as critical

public pedagogy is not a panacea nor without problems. We also discuss how culture

jamming may in fact at times hinder critical learning by imposing a

rigid presence on the viewer-learner that limits creativity and transgression, and how it risks

becoming co-opted by the very market forces of capitalism it opposes.

"Todo lo compro de marca y consumo a todas horas. Mierda ahora estoy obligado a ser

feliz!" [Everything I buy is brand name, and I shop all the time. Shit, now I'm forced to be

happy!]

?Sign worn

by a group of culture jammers called "Ecologistas

en Accion"

celebrating Buy Nothing Day (Dia Sin Compras) in Madrid, Spain, November 24, 2006, as they dressed up

as disappointed

consumers holding

overflowing shopping bags and wailed and sobbed in busy streets and shopping malls in Madrid's busiest commercial centers

? 2008 by The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto. Curriculum Inquiry 38:3 (2008) Published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc., 350 Main Street, Maiden, MA 02148, USA, and 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK

doi: 10.1111/J.1467-873X.2008.00411.x

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324 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

In the United States, many consumer economists call the day after

Thanksgiving "Black Friday" and count it as one of the busiest shopping days of the year, as well as the official beginning of the holiday shopping season. During the most recent Black Friday (November 23, 2007), U.S. consumers spent $10.3 billion (up 8.3% from 2006) in this post

Thanksgiving festival of consumption (ShopperTrak RCT Corporation, 2007). However, on this same day activists across the globe were celebrating a different cultural holiday, Buy Nothing Day (BND), which began in 1992 in Vancouver, Canada, and has spread to over 65 countries. BND brings together

citizens who seek freedom from the manic consumer bingeing

currently colonizing the holidays, and calls attention to the ecological and ethical consequences of overconsumption (Adbusters Media Foundation,

2007). Examples of recent activities from BND include the following:

The "Space Hijackers," a group of activists in London, enacted the

"Half Price Sale." Wearing T-shirts exclaiming "EVERYTHING IN

STORE HALF PRICE TODAY!" they entered popular London retail stores and pretended to be employees, folding and straightening clothes and helping customers. They also placed leaflets explaining the philosophy of Buy Nothing Day in the pockets of the clothing items for sale.

In Tokyo, activists collected free ad-carrying packs of facial tissue, which are typically given away in busy commercial shopping areas.

Activists altered the ads and inserted Buy Nothing Day information

sheets in the tissue packs before handing them out.

In New York City, Reverend Billy and his Church of Stop Shopping held a Buy Nothing Day parade, which started at Macy's department store at 5 a.m.

During stops along the

parade route, Reverend

Billy

exorcized a cash register

at Victoria's Secret and said an anti

consumption blessing in front of Old Navy.

We view these various "culture jamming" activities as examples

of "anoma

lous pedagogies" (Ellsworth, 2005, p. 5) and critical public pedagogies. In this

article we explore

how community activist groups and others brought

together by a shared vision of a more just society

enact cultural resistance

through the tactics of "culture

jamming." In so

doing, we also

speculate on

how the "public"?the

audiences who view or engage with this activism?

might experience these potential moments of critical learning. Culture jamming is activity that counters "the continuous, recombinant

barrage of capitalist laden messages fed through the mass media" (Handel

man, 1999, p. 399). The term was coined in 1984 by the San Francisco

based eletronica band Negitivland in reference to the illegal interruption of the signals of ham radio (Carducci, 2006; Darts, 2004). Lasn (1999), founder of Adbusters Media Foundation, explains that culture jamming is

a metaphor

for stopping

the flow of consumer-culture-saturated media.

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 325

And Atkinson (2003) explains that culture jamming is based on the idea of

resisting the dominant ideology

of consumerism and re-creating commer

cial culture in order to transform society. Culture jamming includes such

activities as billboard "liberation," the creation and dissemination of anti

advertising "subvertisements," and participation in DIY (do-it-yourself)

political theater and "shopping interventions."

Many culture

jammers view themselves as descendents of the "Situation

ists," a European anarchist group from the 1950s led by Guy Debord

(Harold, 2004). Members of this group created moments of what Bakhtin

(1973) and Kristeva (1986) would later call the "carnivalesque," enacted to

fight against the "spectacle" of everyday life. The carnival, for Bakhtin

(1973), is created using folk humor positioned outside the officially sanc

tioned culture of those in power. The spectacle is

everything?advertising,

television, and so forth?comprising society's "spectacular level of com

modity consumption and hype" (Lasn, 1999, p. 100); it is a theatrical

performance that obscures and legitimizes

"violent production

and con

sumption" (Boje, 2001, p. 437). According to the Situationists, the spec tacle stifles free will and spontaneity, replacing them with media-sponsored lives and prepackaged experiences (Lasn, 1999). Like the Situationists, culture jammers reject the spectacle in favor of authenticity.

In this article we explore how two groups?Adbusters and Reverend Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping?use culture jamming as a means of

resisting consumerism; we chose these groups because they

are among the

more widely known and enduring culture jamming groups. To frame our

research, we draw from cultural studies and the critical curriculum litera

ture focusing on public pedagogy. Specifically, we ground our work in a

"Gramscian" cultural studies framework. This perspective conceptualizes

popular culture as an active process, where cultural commodities and

experiences are not

simply passively consumed, but are the raw materials

people use to create

popular culture, within various contexts of power

relations (Storey, 1999, 2006). From this view, popular culture is a

promi nent

sphere in which

inequalities of class, gender, race, and sexuality

are

made meaningful

or brought

to consciousness; it is also an arena for power

struggles between dominant and subordinate social groups?a terrain on

which hegemony, or consent, is fought for and resisted (Hartley, 2002;

Storey, 2006). This Gramscian view of cultural studies is apparent in the work of critical

curriculum scholars, especially those who focus on

popular culture as a site

of public pedagogy. However, much of the public pedagogy literature

emphasizes how

popular culture

perpetuates dominant values such as

racism, sexism, homophobia, xenophobia, machismo, and violence

(Mayo,

2002), rather than its counterhegemonic possibilities. This work includes studies of various sites of public pedagogy, including the practices of cor

porations such as Calvin Klein (Giroux, 1997), Nike (Tavin, Lovelace, Stabler, 8c Maxam, 2003), Disney (Giroux, 1999; Tavin 8c Anderson, 2003),

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326 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

and McDonald's (Kincheloe, 2002); and the ideologies of films such as

GhostWorld (Giroux, 2003b), Dirty Dancing (Giroux & Simon, 1989), and

Fight Club (Giroux, 2001). Although we see the importance of exploring how people are raced, classed, and gendered through popular culture, we

also believe it is imperative to investigate popular culture as a form of resistance (Denzin, 2003; Duncombe, 2002; Solorzano & Delgado Bernal,

2001). Through our examination, we seek to "criticalize" the notion of

"public pedagogy" and thus expand the concept of " critical public peda

gogy" (Giroux, 2000, p. 355, emphasis ours). While scholars in other disciplines have recognized culture jamming as

a mode of communication (Harold, 2004) and as consumer resistance

(Handelman, 1999), too little research within education?with some

exceptions, including researchers within critical art education (Darts, 2006;

Freedman, 2003; Kincheloe, 2003; Springgay, 2005; Stuhr, 2003; Tavin,

2003), and educators who enact and research performance pedagogy (Boal, 1985; Denzin, 2003; Garoian, 1999)?has focused on how popular

culture can act as critical pedagogy. This is surprising given the many manifestations of critical public pedagogy occurring in popular and public culture, including the work of activists and artists such as The Guerilla

Girls, Guillermo Gomez-Pena, James Luna, Adrian Piper, and The Yes Men.

However, despite a handful of studies of public pedagogy as a means of

resistance (e.g., Martin, 2005), much work in the area of "critical public

pedagogy" has remained theoretical, consisting mainly of "calls to action"

(Brady, 2006; Giroux, 2000, 2003a, 2003c, 2004a, 2004b, 2004c; Pozo, 2005) and has been harshly criticized for perpetuating "highly abstract and

Utopian" ideals that reinforce repressive myths and perpetuate hegemonic relations (Ellsworth, 1988, p. 298). Moreover, while art education scholars have examined how culture jamming may

be used in schools to promote

civic engagement with images, society, and identities (Tavin etal., 2003), much of this work is new, remains largely theorized, and is not widely

implemented in general or art education contexts. Like Mayo (2002) and

Giroux (2004b), we see the need to explore specific practices of critical

public pedagogies, in order to understand how they operate.

We find Ellsworth's (2005) most recent work on public pedagogy helpful in our

exploration; she urges critical educators

to explore

what she calls

"anomalous places

of learning"?museums, public

art installations, films,

and other forms of popular culture. We engage with her idea of the

"pedagogical hinge" (p. 5) to examine culture jamming as critical public

pedagogy, and to discover how culture jamming functions as a powerful site

of learning. In addition, we borrow from Ellsworth a way of thinking about

education within popular

culture as a process rather than a product,

and seek

to understand how knowledge is created and experienced by the "learning self in the making" (p. 2). To Ellsworth, public pedagogy is

most powerful when it creates "transitional spaces"?when

it connects our inner selves to

people, objects, and places

outside of ourselves.

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 327

Finally, we focus on culture jamming groups specifically addressing issues of consumerism and overconsumption, following Reynolds's (2004) recent call for curriculum scholars to

explore work that resists "the brand

name corporate order" (p. 32). Reverend Billy and Adbusters are part of a

wider social movement focused on resisting consumerism and consump

tion that has received little attention among educational researchers; this movement includes groups working toward labor rights, fighting against

the destructive consequences of globalization and advocating for fair trade,

raising awareness about global sweatshops,

and fighting against

the eco

logical destruction that accompanies massive overconsumption. This social

movement "attempt [s]

to transform various elements of the social order

surrounding consumption and marketing" (Kozinets 8c Handelman, 2004,

p. 691). While a handful of educators have focused on various social movements that resist consumption (Jubas, 2006; Sandlin, 2005; Sandlin 8c

Milam, 2007; Spring, 2003; Usher, Bryant, & Johnston, 1997), we believe

educators need to pay more attention to

consumption, given the increasing role it plays in structuring every aspect of our lives and in fostering gross social and economic disparities (Bocock, 1993; McLaren, 2005).We thus

place our work in the context of recent concerns of critical curriculum

scholars about the increasing power of global corporate hypercapitalism and the imperialism of commercialism which shape the educational mes

sages of popular culture while eradicating any public sphere not controlled

by the market (Giroux, 2003c; McLaren, 2005).

THE CASES OF ADBUSTERS AND REVEREND BILLY AND THE CHURCH OF STOP SHOPPING

We draw from multiple sources of data for this project. Following Ellsworth

(2005), we used secondary data from scholars in other disciplines who have researched and written about culture

jamming, and from culture jamming activists who

participate in, record, and write about their activism?"the

words and concepts of others"?as "raw material" (p. 13). We also

analyzed data from two culture jamming groups, Adbusters and Reverend Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping. To examine Adbusters, we gathered textual and visual material from its Web site, including blogs, articles, and "sub

vertisements"; 10 issues of Adbusters magazine published between 2003 and

2006; and a curriculum guide for high school teachers published by Adbusters that focuses on critical media literacy. To examine Reverend

Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping, we gathered textual, visual, and audio material from its Web site, including blogs, MP3s of Reverend Billy's "sermons," photographs,

and public performance "scripts" written by Rev

erend Billy. We also examined two recent documentaries (Post 8c Palacios, 2006; Sharpe, 2001) containing interviews with Reverend Billy, footage of Reverend Billy enacting performance interventions, and footage of

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328 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

Reverend Billy preaching in various venues. Finally, we examined Reverend

Billy's recent autobiography (Talen, 2003). We sought in our analysis to make sense of how culture jamming oper

ates as curriculum. Duncombe (2002) explains that when analyzing cultural resistance, one must examine four aspects: the

content of the

resistance, the form it takes, the ways it is interpreted, and the activities of its creation. We viewed the various forms of data we

gathered?including

visual, written, and performative?as "cultural texts," and drawing upon

McKee's (2003) approach to interpretive cultural textual analysis, we

sought to understand how culture jammers viewed and critiqued the world

around them, how they created alternative visions of the world, and how

they articulated these visions to others. To further understand culture

jamming as curriculum, we also drew upon ethnographic

or qualitative

media analysis (Altheide, 1987,1996), which focuses on the ethnography of

cultural texts and consists of the "reflexive movement between concept

development, sampling, data collection, data

coding, data

analysis, and

interpretation" (Altheide, 1987, p. 65). Altheide (1987) further explains that this type of analysis is embedded in constant discovery and constant

comparison, but seeks to go beyond description of the content of texts, to

arrive at understanding

of broader social discourses created by

and

reflected in the texts.

Adbusters is a magazine produced by the Adbusters Media Foundation.

Based in Vancouver, Canada, Adbusters describes itself as "a global network

of artists, activists, writers, pranksters, students, educators and entrepre

neurs who want to advance the new social activist movement of the infor

mation age. Our aim is to

topple existing power structures and

forge a

major shift in the way we will live in the 21st century" (Adbusters Media

Foundation, n.d.). The content of Adbusters focuses on two main themes?

how marketing

and mass media colonize space, and how global capitalism

and rampant consumption are

destroying natural environments (Rumbo,

2002). Adbusters magazine (Figure 1) is a

reader-supported, not-for-profit

magazine with an international circulation of 85,000 and contains reader

generated materials, commentaries by activists from

across the globe,

and

photographs and stories depicting readers' social activism. Adbusters also

hosts a Web site (http://www.Adbusters.org/) where activists can read

about anti-consumption campaigns;

download posters, stickers, and

flyers

for distribution; and share information about their own activism. Some of

Adbusters' ongoing campaigns include Buy Nothing Day (described

earlier) and TV Turnoff Week (a week in April where individuals are

encouraged to take a break from the incessant commercial messages

coming through their televisions by just turning them off; instead of watch

ing TV, Adbusters encourages people to interact with others and become

involved in community activism). Reverend Billy

is an anti-consumption performance artist based in New

York City, and the leader of the Church of Stop Shopping. Bill Talen, whose

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 329

J^DBUSTERS

FIGURE 1.

FIGURE 2.

stage character is Reverend Billy, adopts the persona of

a Southern, con

servative, evangelical preacher?a la Jimmy Swaggart?including pouffy hair and a white suit (Figure 2).

He stages "comic theatrical service [s]" (Lane, 2002, p. 60)?structured as comic church services? with

"readings from the saints (or the devils),

public confessions, collective exorcisms, the honoring

of new saints, dona

tions to the cause, a lively choir, and a

rousing sermon" (Lane, 2002, p. 61).

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330 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

During these services, he acts out a call-and-response style

of preaching

the audience responds with Amens! and Hallelujahs! Reverend Billy also

performs "retail interventions" in

public spaces and retail stores

along with

the Stop Shopping Gospel Choir; some of his popular targets of anti

consumption activism include the Disney Company, Starbucks, Wal-Mart, and Victoria's Secret. In addition, Reverend Billy writes "intervention

manuals" and scripts that other activists can use in their own public theater

jams.

CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY

Our analysis focused on how and why culture jamming activists enact what we

position as critical

public pedagogy. Given the nature of our data?

which focuses primarily on the activities of the jammers themselves, and

much less on audience members' reactions?we portray the

espoused and

enacted pedagogy of culture jamming, and at this point can only speculate about how audiences receive that pedagogy; we hope in future research to

focus more on audience reactions. We posit that culture jamming operates

as potentially powerful pedagogy through the ways in which it seeks to

foster participatory cultural production, engages with the learner and the

"teacher" corporeally, and aims to foster the creation of a community

politic. We further argue that culture jamming's "pedagogical hinge" lies in

the ways it aims to produce a sense of "detournement" in audience

members, which can operate as a form of "transitional space." Finally,

while

we recognize culture jamming's potential pedagogy of possibility (Giroux 8c

Simon, 1988), our analysis also revealed moments of coercion and

compliance?what we call culture

jamming's "loose

pedagogical hinge"?

which can shut down rather than encourage the possibility of counterhe

gemonic transgression (hooks, 1994).

Fostering Participatory, Resistant Cultural Production

Ellsworth (2005) argues that the question of pedagogy is "how to use what

has already been thought as a provocation and a call to invention' (p. 165,

emphasis ours). Powerful

pedagogies thus engage learners

as creators.

Critical pedagogy advocates argue that learners should become cultural

producers and build new, more democratic cultural realities (Giroux,

2004c). One aspect of culture jamming's potential power as critical peda

gogy, then, lies in how it seeks to foster participatory cultural production. In our current condition of hypercapitalism (Graham, 2006) grounded

consumption, it is a defiant notion that individuals are capable

of and

should be responsible for their own entertainment (Duncombe, 1997); yet

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 331

it is this very ideal that culture jammers promote. Duncombe (1997) also

posits that current cultural

critique necessarily involves a

critique of con

sumerism, arguing that "any vision

of a new world must include a new vision

of how culture and products will be produced and consumed" (p. 105). This new vision involves culture jammers becoming cultural producers and

creators who actively resist, critique, appropriate, reuse, recreate,

and alter

cultural products

and entertainment.

As evidenced by the varied Buy Nothing Day actions and the other

explications of culture jamming described at the beginning of this article, culture jamming is enacted in many forms, all of which rely on creative

cultural production and ultimately seek to challenge and change dominant

discourses and practices of multinational corporations (Harold, 2004). Duncombe (2002) explains that cultural resisters shift from being consum

ers to being creators; indeed,

this is what drove the genesis

of Adbusters.

Lasn (2006) explains:

We had this nasty feeling that "we the people" were

slowly but surely losing our

power to sing the songs and tell the stories and generate our culture from the

bottom up. More and more, the stories were being fed to us

top-down by TV

networks, ad agencies and corporations . . . [We wanted to take] the storytelling,

culture-generating power back from commercial and corporate forces, (p. 85)

As a form of cultural resistance, then, culture jamming is a "free

space" where artists and activists can

"experiment with new ways of seeing

and

being" and where

they can

"develop tools and resources for resistance"

(Duncombe, 2002, p. 5). Adbusters magazine, for instance, encourages

reader submissions; readers create and contribute a majority of text and

artwork in the magazine. These submissions range from "fake ads" (sub

vertisements); to critical musings on

politics, the environment, fashion,

culture, and nutrition; to visual artwork and poetry; to more

journalistic or

academic articles on a variety of topics (recent issues have featured articles on true cost economics, the Israeli-Palestinian crisis, and the effects of

Agent Orange used in the Vietnam War). During

his "revivals," Reverend

Billy also invites audience members to

participate: to

sing along, confess

their sins, or dance. Through his Web site, audience members can discuss

issues and share strategies

for creating

more awareness among consumers;

they can also find

performance scripts that

they can borrow, change, and

enact in local contexts. We posit that culture jammers thus hope

to turn

typically passive activities into active ones in which

they create culture rather

than simply

consume it. In doing so, they

aim to redefine themselves and

their relationships with consumption, and to redefine possibilities for the future.

Both Adbusters and Reverend Billy engage in cultural production as

they alter and

give new, resistant meanings to

popular cultural symbols. Culture jammers interrupt how public spaces are typically used and under stood "in ways that hold the potential for education to be contemporane

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332 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

ous with social change and identities in the making" (Ellsworth, 2005,

p. 58). Culture jammers thus clearly demonstrate how popular culture is a

field of contestation. Adbusters, through its "subvertisements," plays with and gives new meaning to the "memes" of popular culture, including the iconography associated with multinational corporations such as

McDonald's, Nike, Absolut Vodka, Tommy Hilfiger, Calvin Klein, and numerous others. Memes are media viruses that

spread throughout

society?for example, advertisingjingles, quotes from movies and situation

comedies, advertising slogans, and the like that "work their way into every

day conversations" (Duncombe, 2002, p. 369). Adbusters uses the forms of media that viewers are

already familiar with, and takes advantage

of the

power of already-existing memes that are part of

consumer consciousness.

However, through subvertisements, Adbusters

"jams" or

disrupts dominant

memes in ways that expose negative social, environmental, cultural, or

ethical consequences of the practices of multinational corporations; in so

doing, Adbusters lures viewers into interactions "with 'alternative' subject matter which poses as a 'dominant' media deployment" (Tietchen, 2001, p.

117). Thus Adbusters 'subvertisements operate like vaccines or antidotes to

memes, as they shake us out of consumer trances and refocus our attention

on messages that run counter to dominant media ideology (Boyd, 2002). If, as Lasn (1999) argues, "whoever has the memes has the power" (p. 123), then one potential avenue for social change lies in hijacking memes to

disrupt and counteract the very messages they

are trying

to convey.

For example, Figure 3 appropriates the memes originally created and

circulated by Calvin Klein's Obsession perfume advertising campaign. However, this subvertisement shows not a runway model which

a reader

might, at first glance, believe she/he is seeing, but instead an emaciated woman

leaning over a toilet

presumably to vomit. The subvertisement gives

new meaning

to the media-produced

ideal of "thinness" and to the Calvin

Klein brand by clearly associating it with eating disorders, and through

pointing out the ethical and health consequences of too many young woman being influenced by the powerful fashion industry and its unreal

istic standards of beauty.

Reverend Billy, too, plays with memes created and distributed by corpo rations such as Disney, Starbucks,

and Victoria's Secret. For instance,

during his "shopping interventions" at Disney retail stores, Reverend Billy and members of his church often carry large wooden crosses with Mickey and Minnie Mouse stuffed animals "crucified" on them. Reverend Billy

explains:

The Disney Company is the high church of retail. And that's why we put Mickey Mouse on the cross. We're taking

two great organized religions [Christianity and

what he calls the Church of Consumerism] and grinding them together and trying to confuse people

so they

can think in a new way. ... I want the symbols and

meanings to

fly away. (Reverend Billy, as interviewed in Post 8c Palacios, 2006)

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 333

i^S^:l^_^_l_^^^_^_H_^_f___i_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_^_i

FIGURE 3.

Reverend Billy thus causes these memes to take on new meanings

as they

are incorporated

into new, unexpected counterhegemonic cultural

scripts.

Mickey Mouse morphs from the Disney-sanctioned symbol of everlasting childhood and nostalgia to the leader of the evil, child-labor-sweat-soaked

empire of

Disney.

Engaging Corporeally

Ellsworth (2005) argues that effective pedagogy engages the whole learner.

That is, powerful pedagogy "involves us in experiences of the corporeality of the body's time

and space. Bodies have affective somatic responses as

they inhabit a pedagogy's time and space" (p. 4). We argue that part of

the potential power of culture jamming's pedagogy, then, lies in how it

attempts to engage the whole person?including

the body

and emotions?in

a process of "becoming." First,

the act of culture jamming

often literally

involves the body. For instance, one of Reverend Billy's

retail interventions

literally engages jammers' and audience members' physical bodies. This

intervention, targeted at Starbucks, is entitled "It's a Party! Bump

and

Grind the Buckheads" (Reverend Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping, n.d.), and involves jammers filling a Starbucks store and proceeding to

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334 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

dance, strip, and handout pamphlets describing the questionable ethics of Starbucks' business practices. Directions for this jam read:

Gather a large number of party-prone faithful. . . . Print (on two sides) many copies

of the Coverco report (which you can get at Coverco.org). Print it out in both

English and Spanish. There are lousy things in that report about people who bring non-Fair Trade Coffee to market. The study took place in Guatemala, and

a lot

Starbucks' victims are kids. Instruct everyone to stuff the pages of this report into

their trouser legs, stockings, panties, undershirts and bras. Now with this large

throng of the party-prone, fill up a Starbucks until the ratio of people to

floorspace is like SOB's on Saturday Nite. Go with saxophonists, kazoos and squeeze in

Trinidadian drum. And a blaster with Thelonius Monk on it. Press the ON button.

Ask the musicians to play. Begin to dance. Everyone bumps and grinds while the

shoppers try to

sip their $4 non Fair Trade lattes. The bumping and grinding gives

way to increasingly articulate stripping. The reports fly out of the underclothing like

bilingual white ravens. The sipping stops. Bump and grind them beans! (Reverend

Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping, n.d., para. 15)

Reverend Billy explains the physical sensations culture jamming ignites when he describes how he delivers his message to his audience. He says he

tries to lead "by example" in order to persuade people that it can be fun not to consume. He further

explains that

participants have to

Embody the fun. It all comes down to the decision, what sort of dance am I involved

in here? Where are my arms, where are my hands? How far is my voice reaching, what am I saying? It's all physical. It's the physical-spiritual. It's sacralizing the

ordinary. Once you take responsibility for that and you're willing to enter a state of

heightened oddness in

public space?or even

public space that they claim is private

[laughing]?you're by your example having fun outside their consumer strictures.

(Quoted in Ashlock, 2005, para. 31)

Culture jammers

also attempt to engage emotions when enacting

culture

jamming. Elsewhere (Callahan & Sandlin, 2006; Sandlin 8c Callahan, 2004) we have

argued that culture jammers engage

emotion to initiate action and

interest amongst members of society. We believe emotion

plays important

roles in the responses or reactions culture jammers try

to elicit in the

spectators who experience their jams. For instance,

we posit

that Adbusters

engages viewers emotionally, by transforming recognizable consumer

appeals into images that shock and disturb viewers (Sandlin 8c Callahan,

2004). Drawing upon our earlier work, we illustrate how Adbusters

attempts to do this through the subvertisement below (Figure 4). Upon first glance, the viewer thinks she/he sees an advertisement for Nike shoes.

This subvertisement draws on the recognizable meme distributed as the

Nike "Why do I run?" campaign from the 1990s, which brought together

photos of runners with inspirational explanations of why they run. A viewer

familiar with the Nike memes should then think this subvertisement fea

tures a dedicated runner and that the text contains inspirational phrases

about running. In a kind of double take, however, the viewer sees what the

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 335

__H^Hn___l__9H________^____^_^_r **m

'9_^_^_|

B|i_________!'V i ?i jj 1 * *?^ ^-0^^^^^^^^m BK?S''Jjii' y d_________________H

_0_?T-v^_J:=M:? "________________________

_^_Sfe_fe__j_^_fc_>._E 1 _ _l _-.. & -v ^J^^^^^HII^^^^hH___S ___l ___.*.. /.*"; i ~t __*_? _y*.> __^^^HHh1hHhb9h^B

^^^^^nHH|Ha|j^B J_H____|_^^^^^P^t|^^--:H

^^__l_|__|_^'/v___fc_ ^^M":"

FIGURE 4.

ad rm//y

features?a worker in an Indonesian shoe factory who

is running

(barefoot, without the Nikes she makes but cannot buy) to escape the harsh

working conditions she must endure to earn a fraction of the

price the

shoes actually sell for,

to consumers much like the one viewing the ad.

this moment, the viewer feels off-balance because the expectations for and

the reality of the ad

are at such odds. This realization produces

a variety

emotions in the viewer?outrage

at the unfair labor practices

and guilt

over

buying (perhaps, even at that moment

wearing) Nike

products?and hope

fully shocks the reader into viewing the Nike company in a different light, and to changing his or her consumption practices with regard to Nike.

Reverend Billy, too, engages emotions in his work. He says that when he

is preaching:

It feels GREAT! ... I feel SO GOOD preaching in a

Disney store! ... It is time to be

rude. It is time to be embarrassed. If you really do something that just makes you SHAKE with the feeling of being inappropriate, you've probably found

a strut, a

structure of their culture that was supposed to be there. (Reverend Billy, as inter

viewed in Sharpe, 2001)

This emotional energy is also felt among some audience members who

witness Reverend Billy's performances,

as evidenced by

data we gathered

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336 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

that focuses on audience reactions. For example, one audience member

wrote to Reverend Billy (at http://www.revbilly.com) to explain his emo

tional reaction to viewing one of Reverend Billy's public appearances:

HELLO REV.! i heard you on the Majority Report wed. night as i sat in my car (D90

volvo, a real mess) and watched the beautiful snow flakes whirl about, it could not

have been more powerful, your words about buying gifts within walking distance

really moved me . . . yes, i AM a consumer sinner, i feebly try

to do the best i can,

and feel guilty about not

doing enough! commercial society repulses me and the

last thing i want to do is feed the beast that tries to rule our planet,

i am weak, but

your message helps me

stay strong and inspires me to

keep working and spread the

word of CHANGE!!!!... Bill

In this passage we see evidence of an emotional reaction consisting of the

reader suddenly feeling moved', we posit that this reaction helped stir up a

sense of hope within the reader that is leading to a reconceptualization of

his identity.

Engaging corporeally does not mean simply engaging the physical body and internal emotions, however. Within culture jamming,

we also see evi

dence of the kind of engagement of what Springgay and Freedman (2007) call the imaginary body. That is, Springgay and Freedman draw upon and

extend the recent focus on the body in curriculum studies to engage not just the physical body, but also the social products of the body and the ways that

bodies are shaped in culturally specific ways as they act and are acted upon.

In viewing the body as having and constructing meaning in and of itself and

in relation to other bodies, Springgay and Freedman are particularly

con

cerned with "inter-embodiment." As Weiss (1999) explains, embodiment is

never a solitary experience; rather,

it is constantly mediated as we interact

with others. We posit that it is

precisely this "inter-embodiment" that lends

culture jamming its power

as a way to engage participants with others?

visually, spatially, through imagination and literally?where

one "touches

and is touched by others" (Springgay & Freedman, 2007, p. xx). We argue that through engaging corporeally, culture jamming thus

helps to establish a strong relationality?or

consciousness of being "with"

others. Springgay and Freedman (2007) suggest that a "bodied curriculum"

questions, examines and provokes particularities of different bodies rather

than accepting a homogenized and normalized conception of the body.

Thus, we posit that culture jamming?through its use of the physical as well

as visual representations of the body

in various forms?is an example of a

critically bodied curriculum. Culture jamming as critical public pedagogy

pushes participants to (re) consider their understandings of themselves,

their relationships with others, and the interaction of their subjectivities

within society for the purposes of questioning and challenging the current

political and social milieu. This is accomplished through "rewriting" hege monic discourses of societal symbols

and challenging viewer-learners to

"move beyond

modes of passive spectatorship and towards more active and

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 337

expressive forms of communication with and in the world around them"

(Darts, 2004, p. 325).

Creating a [Poetic] Community Politics

An important part of Ellsworth's (2005) "democratic civic pedagogy" is

how it puts us in new relationships

"with our selves and with our others"

(p. 96). Ellsworth believes powerful pedagogy must "create places in

which to think about 'we "

(p. 95, emphasis ours). We argue, then, that a

powerful aspect of culture jamming's pedagogy is the ways in which it

seeks to create community. Drawing upon St. Clair's (1998) discussion, we

view community as

relationship. That is, communities are formed and

maintained as individuals form relationships with each other; as St. Clair

(1998) argues, community is not the result of interaction, it is interaction

itself. Community relationships are also sites of cultural production and

reproduction. In addition, community relationships help to develop and

support shared value systems and social activism (St. Clair, 1998). As we

saw above, engaging corporeally is but one way culture jamming

seeks to

create a sense of community. In addition, the act of collaborative cultural

production?creating culture

together?also discussed earlier, and the act of

sharing that culture with others helps culture jammers and their audiences

move toward creating community. In this way, the public in critical public

pedagogy, includes culture jammers themselves, those witnessing the jams

directly, and those who may interact with media, texts, and artifacts indi

rectly thereafter. Indeed, Duncombe (2002) argues that through this

sharing and creating process, culture thus "becomes a focal point

around

which to build a community" (p. 6). For instance, Church of Stop

Shopping member Jason Grote (2002) recalls the sense of community

occurring among culture

jammers during recent interventions in the Disney

store:

I have noticed that there is a collective upswell of emotion that seems to occur at

demonstrations, or at least at the good ones. I think it would be dangerous if I

were

to feel it more often: a mix of inspiration, sentimentality, camaraderie, self

righteousness, righteous anger, abject fear, and what I think Che Guevara must have

been talking about when he said that the true revolutionary was

guided by great

feelings of love: a

deep, abiding compassion for everything and everyone, (p. 359)

Kalb (2001), in an article on Reverend Billy, also posits that culture

jamming creates a sense of

community among the audiences or viewers

jamming activities:

Flooding the halls he [Reverend Billy] performs in with an

astonishing torrent of

righteous words about the spell of consumer narcosis, he ends up offering hun

dreds of hard-core artsy skeptics (often in their twenties) their first chance ever to

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338 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

shout "Hallelujah!" and engage in Pentecostal call-and-response. In so

doing, they find themselves possessed of

a precious community that is

not accessed via flicker

ing screens, as well as a delightful channel for various inchoate angers that he has

done them the service of naming, (p. 164)

Thus, culture jammers like Reverend Billy offer audiences members

ways of relating to each other that they may have never experienced before.

The community culture jammers seek to create is not just any kind of

community, however?it is a

community drawn

together with a sense of

political purpose and a community that engages in what Brookfield (2005,

p. 31) calls "political learning." The creation of community is, in fact,

necessary for the enactment of culture jamming's politics. Brookfield

(2005), following Gramsci, argues that critical consciousness, or political

learning, cannot form in an individual without that individual becoming

part of a collective public.

Critical consciousness thus forms in groups?

communities?as people

learn about their common situations and the need

for collective political action. Culture jamming, however, hopes to create

political community through a very different kind of political engagement than traditional party politics or traditional social movement activism.

Adbusters founder Kalle Lasn (1999) argues that traditional social move

ment strategies cannot bring about the kinds of change culture jammers seek. With regard to the traditional political "Left," Lasn (1999) states that

they lack passion; he argues that "there's something drab and predictable about them; they feel like losers" (p. 118), and states that individuals who

want to build an effective social movement must use new tactics. This new

paradigm of political activism involves the creative appropriation, creation, and enactment of culture, along

with large doses of humor and creativity?

this approach works by creating a political poetics. In an interview, Reverend

Billy explains:

I'm using strategies like entertainment, comedy, music, and then of course working

with small groups of people inside transnational chain stores inside the private

property of the enemy, of the great retail juggernaut?that also is much more

fun?it's charged and less predictable than a demonstration that has its didactic

language and a set of terms that are very old. (As interviewed in Post & Palacios,

2006)

We believe that part of culture jamming's potential effectiveness as critical

public pedagogy, then, is its ability to help participants to engage in

com

munal politics. When politics becomes poetic, and is presented

or enacted

through culture?and especially through a fun, exciting, collective experi

ence of culture?it can seem more open and inviting, and less predictable,

than other forms of political protest (Duncombe, 2002).

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 339

Culture Jamming's Pedagogical Hinge: Opening Transitional Spaces

Through Detournement

Pedagogical "hinges" refer to those aspects of spaces of learning

that make

them pedagogically powerful. More specifically, the "hinge" refers to some

aspect of pedagogy that puts "inside and outside, self and other, personal and social into relation" (Ellsworth, 2005, p. 38). Pedagogy's hinges create

possibilities for both inside and outside?self and society?to be disrupted and refigured. We believe an important pedagogical moment?culture

jamming's pedagogical hinge?occurs when audience members as learners

experience detournement (literally, a "turning around"). All of the peda

gogical tactics used in culture jamming attempt to lead the learner to a

moment of detournement, where she is no longer who she used to be, but

rather is caught off guard by the possibility of becoming someone or

something different. Lasn (1999) argues that culture jamming helps

provide a new way of looking

at the world, and describes this detournement

as "a perspective^arring turnabout in your everyday life" (p. xvii).

Through moments of detournement, culture jammers

seek to move

audience members away from scripted "spectacle-driven" experiences

through igniting authenticity. As one culture jammer writing in Adbusters

stated, "Is your life a project? Do you give a shit about anything? Can you still get angry? Be spontaneous?" (Unattributed artist, 2003). Lasn (1999) also describes how detournement can

provide people with new, more

authentic choices about how to live and how to be:

You are?everyone is?a creator of situations, a performance artist, and the perfor mance, of course, is your life, lived in your own way.

. . . Many times

a day, each of

us comes to a little fork in the path. We can then do one of two things:

act the way we

normally, reflexively act, or do something

a little risky and wild, but genuine,

(p. 100)

And Lane (2002) describes how Reverend Billy invites consumers to step away from the well-defined script of consumption:

While many audiences mistake the performance for simple boycott gestures, Talen's [Reverend Billy's] point is

not to end the day's shopping. Rather, the goal is to arrest it long enough

to make the underlying psycho-social investments of the scene visible. While he speaks tongue-firmly-in-cheek of "saving the souls" of his

unsuspecting consumer-audiences through these interventions, he is, indeed, hoping to release their imaginations from the strictures of

consumer practice, (pp. 68-69, emphasis

ours)

Detournement also involves stepping away

from one's self, and suspend

ing that self in the "unknown." In an interview conducted by Sharpe (2001) after a "shopping intervention" inside a Disney store, Reverend Billy explains

this moment of detournement:

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340 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

I love it if I see someone and their jaw's down and their eyes are . . . [demonstrates

a confused look] . . . "What is this??What is this guy doing?What? Mickey's the

devil but he's not a Christian??What??What??Is he an actor or is this a stunt?"?

And you can see them looking at the cameras they're trying to add it up?as soon

as they

can add it up it's less important to them. If that suspension takes place for

two or three or four minutes, they're gonna take that home and they're gonna still

be thinking about it a week later. They might

even hesitate to buy a

Disney product.

(Sharpe, 2001)

According to Ellsworth (2005), this suspension constitutes a powerful learn

ing moment, as learning happens when the self is dissolving. Reverend Billy seeks out this dissolution and sees it as the moment of the possibility of

change. He explains:

I consider the Disney store and Starbucks and so

on?places were I

might be

arrested?as theaters, stages. They're stages. They're charged. . . . When I'm

preaching there, people kinda go?[pauses, looks around with a confused expres

sion on his face].... Their consciousness floats out away from their faces. They are

no longer

in possession of themselves and that's good?that means

something real

might be changing in them or

something. (Post 8c Palacios, 2006)

Further, we believe that this moment of detournement has the potential to

operate as a form of transitional space. "Transitional spaces" (Ellsworth,

2005) are spaces of play, creativity, and cultural production; they help us

bridge the boundaries between the self and the other. When in those

spaces, "we are

entertaining strangeness and playing in difference. We are

crossing that important internal boundary that is the line between the

person we have been but no

longer are and the person

we will become"

(Ellsworth, 2005, p. 62). Our data highlighting audience reactions indicate that when

experiencing culture

jamming, audience members sometimes

experience detournement and move into transitional spaces. Jason Grote,

now a member of the Church of Stop Shopping, experienced a moment of

detournement the first time he encountered Reverend Billy. We quote him at

length to

emphasize the

significance of his response.

He seemed to stir an honestly ecstatic religious impulse in that small theater. The

moment I remember most about that show is a bit wherein he holds a conversation

with a giant billboard of the model Kate Moss. "She's looking at me," he fumes. "She

wants me." He continues to flirt with the billboard and in so doing is transported back to an early adolescence

romance. Suddenly, he realizes: this is my self.

These

are my memories. These ads are taking our memories, attaching them

to products,

and selling them back to us. He stops, horrified. We

are completely with him. This

world is fallen and so are we. He leads us in a healing ritual, a visualization wherein

we see a Disney tchotchke, reach for it, then resist the temptation

to buy. We

are

given the following directive: "Remember your name." It occurred to me that day

how branded I am. There is a huge chunk of my memory that is someone else's

property, property that someone is right now

making money off of. I think about

the tattoo of Bugs Bunny on my right shoulder blade. It is trademarked, licensed

the tattoo company by AOL Time Warner. (Grote, 2002, p. 363)

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 341

Reverend Billy describes these moments of detournement as moments

where "a bright, unclaimed space opens up" (Talen, 2003, p. xii). He goes on to state that:

Consumers think it is a vacuum. It is really only the unknown?full of suppressed ocean life, glitterati from Bosch, DNA twists, and childhood quotes that if

remem

bered would burn down the Disney store. (Talen, 2003, p. xii)

Based on Grote's (2002) response, quoted above, and other audience

reactions, one of which is cited later in this paragraph, we contend that these moments of detournement may help

audience-members-as-learners

to envision and begin to enact what Giddens (1991) calls "life politics"? wherein people begin seeing their individual lives as intertwined with others' lives and with social issues, and begin enacting "civil labor," which involves individuals engaging politically with the commons in order to

increase the social capital of everyone (Rojek, 2001). The work of both Reverend Billy and Adbusters is aimed at engaging detournement through

helping expose the connections between individual actions and global social, economic, and environmental issues. For instance, by incorporating information about the harsh working conditions in Nike sweatshop facto ries into what otherwise looks like it should be an inspirational or uplifting

Nike advertisement, the Adbusters Nike subvertisement presented above turns the original ad's message on its head and exposes the labor politics behind the Nike corporation; this is done in order to assist readers to rethink just how "cool" it is to wear Nikes and to support that multinational

corporation. And in a sermon cited in Lane (2002) from March 26, 2000, in support of the unionization of local bodega workers, Reverend Billy

describes a moment where he began connecting his individual life choices to others' lives. Lane (2002) states that this sermon

Includes an anecdote about buying coffee at a local deli. As he [Reverend Billy]

reaches for the can on the shelf, his arm freezes in mid-gesture, before touching the

product. "I'm having a moment of accidental entry into another world," he says, as

he narrates a lyrical but lurid vision of the coffee plantation where the beans were

grown, replete with underpaid growers and threatening goon squads and rich children of the overseers

flying to resort towns ... he is "seeing backward,

upstream, into who made this, who worked, who lived, who gave, who was stopped . . ." [he says:] "I realized, I was not alone. Next to me is a man. He's been standing there for a long time, but now I see him." The presence of the worker, underpaid and exploited in circumstances comparable to those that produced the sweatshop coffee, has prompted all exploited and fetishized labor to be momentarily revealed,

(p. 76)

Lane (2002) goes on to explain that after Reverend Billy tells the worker's

story, he then urges the audience to follow him out of the building and into the streets to

participate in an action at the

bodega. One audience

member, witnessing one of Reverend Billy's shopping interventions inside

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342 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

a Disney store, reveals how a moment of detournement moved her to begin

connecting self and society in a new relationship:

I'm offended that Disney has sweatshops. I can see

Kathy Gifford, but Disney?

Disney? I'm gonna check it out, I'll tell you, ?cause I spend a lot of money in Disney.

Disney with all their billions of dollars, that's the least they can do is pay a decent

wage and not to underage children. (Audience member, as interviewed in Sharpe,

2001)

We believe these various examples

show how detournement operates as

a form of transitional space. That is, as detournement can help

make clear

and trouble our habitual responses to experiences (Ellsworth, 2005). Tran

sitional spaces suspend time and space and thus allow us room to think of

other ways of enacting particular moments. Transitional spaces introduce

"a stutter, a hesitation" and interrupt "the binary logics that keep self/

other, inner/outer, individual/social locked in face-to-face opposition," thus allowing us to relate to ourselves and others in new ways (Ellsworth,

2005, p. 64). The learning moment within transitional spaces is similar to

the Deleuzian "in-between" (Reynolds, 2004), Jarvis's (2006) notion of

"disjunction," and what Pinar (2004) calls "currere," where the self is always

positioned in relation to others.

We argue that it is in these spaces that the viewer-learner begins to

(re) consider her/his role in society, both as an individual and in relation to

others. We contend that culture jamming as critical public pedagogy fosters

human agency and democratic participation in the public sphere by

opening said "transitional spaces" where detournement is a possibility for

those involved. We further argue that these moments of detournement are

desirable for all learners?a moment or space for the learner to (re)con

sider her/his ideas or conceptions of the text, artifact, or situation.

Whether learners actually experience a turning around is ultimately left to

their desires and will?however, it is this opportunity that critical public

pedagogy potentially provides and we believe is most desirable.

Culture Jamming's Loose Pedagogical Hinge?

Ellsworth (2005) argues that the "space" in transitional spaces refers to the

kinds of educational environments that facilitate new, creative, spontane

ous ways of learning and of seeing the self in relation to others. While

culture jamming often facilitates the opening of such spaces, our data

analysis led us to believe that it also sometimes creates environments that

hinder rather than support learning-as-transgression (hooks, 1994). Some

audience members, upon experiencing a culture jam,

react with anger not

at consumerism but at the culture jammers themselves. For instance, in one

culture jamming action captured on film by Sharpe (2001), Reverend Billy

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 343

preaches against sweatshops and corporate power

in a Walt Disney

store.

Immediately following the performance, Sharpe's videographer captures

two women in the audience engaging

in a conversation. One of the women

says to the other:

I'm just offended by what just happened in the store. Where I spend my money and

where I go to shop is my business and not anyone else's. Especially

an idiot like

whoever he was. (Audience member, as interviewed in Sharpe, 2001)

At another performance, Reverend Billy

and members of his "congrega

tion" are performing outside in front of the Times Square Disney store, and as part of their action they are holding large wooden crosses with Mickey

Mouse and Minnie Mouse "crucified" on them. An angry man walks up and

yells, "Take the mouse off the cross! Because I'm a Catholic and I find that

very, very offensive?that you're taking a symbol of my religion and putting a friggin' toy on it like it means nothing. It is very, very offensive" (as interviewed in Sharpe, 2001).

Audience members also react negatively against Adbusters. A participant in an online discussion about culture jamming stated, for instance:

I HATE Adbusters. Why? Because they have this preachy holier-than-thou attitude.

In the same way that MADD public service announcements make me want a double

Maker's Mark on the rocks, and "Smoking Is Really, Really Bad For The Children"

ads make me want a big fucking cigar, Adbusters make me want to do nothing

than rent a Ford Excursion and drive straight to McDonald's. And I doubt I'm the

only one who feels that way. (Sulli, 2002)

Another participant on a different forum simply proclaims, "I hate

adbusters for being propagandistic" (Miriam, 2004). In these examples, it is evident that rather than (re) considering their own subject position or

participation in what culture jammers would deem the social and political hegemony

of popular culture, the viewer-learner views the jammers (and

their actions) as offensive, judgmental, and oppressive. This "holier

than-thou" attitude comes across in Adbusters magazine,

as contributors

and editors define for readers how they are supposed to think and live, and sometimes rant

against what they perceive as "consumer

sheep." For

instance, in the July/August 2003 issue, contributor Hunter S. Thompson asks, "Who does vote for these dishonest skinheads? Who among

us can be

happy and proud of having all this innocent blood on our hands? Who are

these swine? These flag-sucking half-wits who get fleeced and fooled by stupid little rich kids like George Bush?

... I piss down the throats of these Nazis" (cited in Activistcash.com, 2007, para. 29).

This oppressive aspect of culture jamming echoes Ellsworth's (1988)

critique of critical pedagogy, as she explains that the very attempt to put into practice the elements of critical public pedagogy espoused in the literature leads to the

reproduction of domination as the discourse works in

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344 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

repressive ways not intended. In line with Ellsworth (1988), these audience members are

reacting to a form of

oppression?the assumption that anti

consumption ideology is somehow a preferred moral condition and that

anyone not in agreement is immoral or

wrong. We believe that these

examples demonstrate that despite culture jamming's potential for foster

ing critical pedagogy, it can also at times become a space where critical

learning is squelched. Ellsworth (2005) explains a similar distinction when she describes the differences between

learning-in-the-making-as

experience and

learning-as-compliance. Culture jammers

must try

to avoid

become "saboteurs] of personal development" (Ellsworth, 2005, p. 75), much like the "unattributed voice" squelching the ideal of open-ended and

unforced play in the Art Inside Out exhibit discussed at length by Ellsworth

(2005). While this exhibit opened creative pedagogical spaces and invited

children to play there, they also contained aspects that inhibited free

creative play. Alongside quotes from the featured artists highlighting their

thoughts about their creative processes, there

were also blocks of "unattrib

uted text" (p. 74) that provided interpretations of the artwork and guide lines to "assist children's

comprehension of the

myriad concepts at

play in

contemporary art" (Ellsworth, 2005, p. 75). Ellsworth calls this unattributed

voice a "rigid, imposing, preemptive presence" (p. 75) that limited creativ

ity rather than enhanced it.

Culture jammers must, then,

strive to revel more in possible, playful

spaces, where the "

learning selfof the experience of the learning self is invented

in and through its engagement with pedagogy's force" (Ellsworth, 2005, p.

7). These transitional spaces operate as engaging learning sites because the

learning self is invited to play, to explore, to investigate partial knowledges in the making, and is not dictated by the "final correct answer" (Ellsworth, 2005, p. 76). In the final section of this article, below, we explore how

culture jammers can work to keep learning spaces open

and transitional,

and discuss some of the challenges they face in doing so.

TOWARD OPENING TRANSITIONAL SPACES

In a recent article focusing

on the brand-name corporate order currently

permeating American schools, Reynolds (2004, p. 29) asks, "Where are the

confrontations, the protest, and the resistance?" While Reynolds concludes

that there has yet to be a "major political or policy battle on classroom

commercialization" (p. 29), we respond to his question by pointing to the

important activist work focused on commercialism in schools?see, for

instance, the film Captive Audience (Media Education Foundation, 2003). We also, however, believe that when the terrain of pedagogy is widened to

include spaces outside formal educational institutions, many more sites of

resistance appear. Understanding the workings of public pedagogy is criti

cal if we are to begin to

explore how we are shaped by,

and shape

our own,

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 345

culture. We also want to note, however, that while our research focuses on

two culture jamming groups operating outside the formal classroom, there is still much to be garnered from such an exploration by those working

within traditional school buildings. As Darts (2004) writes, "Although it

may not, for instance, be desirable to instruct students in the art of

jamming billboards, educators can still meaningfully engage their classes in forms of creative and critical production inspired by culture jamming" (p. 324). Furthermore, learners are shaped by and help shape popular

culture?and they bring

those learning selves?steeped

in popular

culture?into the classroom. As we posit elsewhere (Sandlin, Milam,

O'Malley, 8c Burdick, 2007), we believe that if educators ignore the peda gogical force of popular culture, we risk operating under the false assump tion that schools are closed systems?a position strongly questioned by theorists such as Giroux (2000) and Ellsworth (2005).

We view culture jamming as a form of resistance that is potentially aligned with resistance theories within critical curriculum studies. Within the notion of resistance lies a celebration of the power of human agency, and a

recognition that individuals are not

merely passive dupes or victims

of powerful social structures (Solorzano 8c Delgado Bernal, 2001). Rather, resistance theories focus on the power of human agency to question, reject,

modify, or incorporate dominant ideologies and cultures. Denzin (2003)

explains how resistance can be enacted through public, cultural perfor mances wherein the

performer-as-cultural-critic takes sides to "show how a

participatory, feminist, communitarian ethic addresses situations of injus tice" (p. 199). However, while we see the potential of culture jamming to foster critical learning, as a form of cultural resistance and critical public pedagogy it is not a panacea; it is not without contradictions and potential problems. As we explored, when culture jamming insists on the "right answer," culture jamming

can also work against critical learning

and close

down rather than open transitional spaces. Similar to Ellsworth's (1988) experience in developing

a critical curriculum in her classroom, culture

jamming may in fact reinforce repressive myths by attempting to dictate who people should be and what they should think, rather than allowing for the open "talking back"?the "defiant speech that is constructed within communities of resistance" (p. 310). We must be mindful of the tendency of critical public pedagogy to rely too heavily on "rationalistic tools" that "fail to loosen

deep-seated, self-interested investments" based on typically

European, White, male, middle-class, Christian, able-bodied think and

heterosexual ideals.

Therefore, critical educators interested in the counterhegemonic possi bilities of public pedagogy must learn how to foster spaces of transition, and to learn to avoid closing those spaces by imposing predetermined

moral positions already constructed. We believe

an important part of this

learning involves avoiding certainty and encouraging exploration?what Ellsworth (1988) calls a "pedagogy of the unknowable." In this pedagogy,

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346 JENNIFER A. SANDLIN AND JENNIFER L. MILAM

narratives and ideas are always partial?"partial

in the sense that the

meaning of an individual's or group's experience is never [completely]

self-evident or complete" (p. 318). Indeed, we posit that the work of culture

jammers is most powerful when it demonstrates the pedagogical force of

not dictating "the final correct answer" (Ellsworth, 2005, p. 76). Reverend

Billy, for instance, attempts?and often,

but not always, succeeds?to leave

spaces open to be digested, (re)created, and acted upon by audience

members themselves. We posit that an important part of leaving these

spaces open involves Reverend Billy's ability to implicate himself in his

critique and thus more easily form relationships with his audiences than

Adbusters, which more often points critique outward. Kalb (2001), for

instance, argues that "what sets him apart from other theatrical prophets of

capitalist excess, however, is his understanding that effective critique must

point inward and outward at the same time" (p. 165). As evidence of this

understanding, Kalb (2001) cites his Web site which encourages readers to

confess their shopping sins. Furthermore, Reverend Billy consistently

acknowledges his own "state of sin" with regard

to consumerism. At one

performance captured on film by Post and Palacios (2006), in response to

a woman named Carol who has confessed to him her sin of being afflicted

with "American Affluenza," he responds, "Sister! First of all I just want to

say, Sister Carol?[sings softly]?We are all sinners."

Another issue that could potentially interrupt culture jamming's poten tial as critical public pedagogy is closely connected to the seemingly

infinite

capacity of capitalism to commodify dissent. Culture jamming has been

critiqued because of how it "hijacks" dominant culture, and essentially makes the medium of mainstream commercial culture voice counterhege

monic messages. In effect, because culture jammers "turn the power of

commercial culture against itself (Duncombe, 2002, p. 328), they must

wrestle with these questions: "When you/hijack a vehicle do you carry along

a bit of its meaning? That is: when commercial media is pirated for radical

messages do these messages become mere entertainment or product?

And

conversely: When the image of hip rebellion sells a product, does it also sell

the image that rebellion is hip?" (Duncombe, 2002, pp. 327-328). Reynolds

(2004) also highlights the ability of capitalism to commodify dissent, and

discusses the ease with which capitalism removes the possibility of resis

tance from artistic creations, through turning them into commodities and

effectively co-opting them.

Giroux and others call for learners to learn how to create their own

culture?to become cultural producers building new, more democratic cul

tural realities and spheres. We contend that critical researchers need to

continue to move past simply critiquing and deconstructing current hege

monic and oppressive cultural narratives, and look to social movements

activism-as-curriculum that are seeking to

actively produce new, resistant

pedagogy using popular culture. As Giroux (2003c) eloquently explains,

academics need to connect with and learn from activists and others

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CULTURE JAMMING AS CRITICAL PUBLIC PEDAGOGY 347

involved in social change. As a site of critical public pedagogy, culture

jamming highlights ordinary people working collectively for social change. We encourage other critical researchers and educators

to continue to

explore the potential of culture jamming and to locate other sites of

resistance within civic spaces. We feel that these inquiries could provide educators new ways of understanding

educational practice,

both within and

outside of schools.

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Article Contents

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Issue Table of Contents

Curriculum Inquiry, Vol. 38, No. 3 (Jun., 2008), pp. 227-352

Front Matter
Editorial: Bridging [pp. 227-231]
The Artist in Society: Understandings, Expectations, and Curriculum Implications [pp. 233-265]
Drifters and the Dancing Mad: The Public School Music Curriculum and the Fabrication of Boundaries for Participation [pp. 267-297]
How I Became White while Punching de Tar Baby [pp. 299-322]
"Mixing Pop (Culture) and Politics": Cultural Resistance, Culture Jamming, and Anti-Consumption Activism as Critical Public Pedagogy [pp. 323-350]
Back Matter