Epidemiology assignment due on 2/14/15

Exploring the Relationship Between Homelessness and Delinquency: A Snapshot of a Group of Homeless Youth in San Jose, California

Marci Schwartz Æ Heather Kissinger Sorensen Æ Seth Ammerman Æ Emilie Bard

Published online: 23 May 2008

� Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2008

Abstract This paper reports the findings of an exploratory study examining the relationship between homelessness and delinquency in adolescents. Researchers

collected data from interviews of 42 homeless youth contacted through a drop-in

center in San Jose, California. Participants responded to a structured interview as

well as two vignettes describing situations in which crimes were committed. The

most striking findings are that (1) reported rates of delinquency are higher than

expected based on past research, and (2) despite the high rates of delinquency,

answers to a ‘‘three wishes’’ question describe wishes and ideals that are largely

consistent with mainstream societal values. This paper provides a survey of existing

research on homeless youth and delinquency, a comparison of our findings to those

of previous studies, and two detailed case studies that highlight the patterns we

observed in the broader survey.

Keywords Homeless adolescents � Delinquency � Incarceration � Wishes

Introduction

Previous studies have shown that homeless youth are disproportionately involved in

delinquent activity (Brennan et al. 1978; McCarthy and Hagan 1992; Whitbeck and

M. Schwartz � H. K. Sorensen Lucile Packard Children’s Hospital Adolescent Health Van, Stanford University, Palo Alto, CA,

USA

S. Ammerman (&) Division of Adolescent Medicine, Department of Pediatrics, Lucile Packard Children’s Hospital,

Stanford University, Palo Alto, CA, USA

e-mail: [email protected]

E. Bard

Emergency Housing Consortium, San Jose, CA, USA

123

Child Adolesc Soc Work J (2008) 25:255–269

DOI 10.1007/s10560-008-0125-1

Hoyt 1999); however, little progress has been made toward understanding the

relationship between homelessness and delinquency among youth. The present

study on the relationship between homelessness and delinquency in adolescents

focuses on the lives and perspectives of a group of homeless teens in San Jose,

California. Based upon a review of the literature, it was expected that the homeless

youth interviewed would have high rates of delinquent activity when compared with

recent surveys of housed youth. Using the qualitative responses to a ‘‘three wishes’’

question and two vignettes describing crimes, our goal was to broaden our

understanding of the descriptive data provided by the participants and investigate

how homeless youth view themselves in relation to the broader mainstream culture.

As prior attempts to apply existing theoretical explanations for delinquency to the

homeless youth population have not quite fit the data provided by the population,

this exploratory study attempts to identify new directions for research that will bring

more clarity to the connection between homelessness and delinquency among youth.

Literature Review

Homeless Youth

A brief look at what is known about the broader population of homeless youth will

provide context for the current study. Although estimates of the exact number of

homeless teens nationwide vary greatly (estimates range from 300,000 to 1 million

homeless youth per year), researchers seem to agree that growing numbers of youth

are living on the streets or in shelters (Institute for Health Policy Studies 1995;

McCarthy and Hagan 1992; Paradise and Cauce 2002; Ringwalt et al. 1998; U.S.

Conference of Mayors 1998).

Definitions of homeless youth vary as much as the estimates of their prevalence.

‘‘Runaways,’’ ‘‘throw-aways,’’ and ‘‘street youth’’ are just some of the terms used by

researchers to define and differentiate the various characteristics of this population.

Whitbeck and Hoyt (1999) assert that any definition of homeless youth must take

into account the ‘‘dual criteria’’ of being unhoused and unsupervised, commonalities that appear across various categories of homeless youth.

Studies indicate that homeless youth face significant obstacles in life, both in

terms of their day-to-day existence and their experiences prior to leaving home.

According to the National Coalition for the Homeless (1999), most young people

leave home due to disruptive family relationships, and as many as half are asked to

leave by their parents (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 1995). The

literature reveals that large numbers of homeless youth experience physical, sexual

and psychological abuse prior to leaving home (DiPaolo 1999; Kufeldt and Nimmo

1987; Wolfe et al. 1999). Recent studies found rates of sexual abuse ranging from

17% to 35%, and physical abuse rates ranging from 40 to 60% (U.S. Department of

Health and Human Services 1997). Paradise and Cauce (2002) state that across

recent studies, the most commonly cited reasons for leaving home include parental

drug and alcohol use, family violence, neglect, and abuse. Two studies closely

matched homeless and housed youth on background and demographic variables, and

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found that homeless youth consistently reported more dysfunction, instability and

violence in their home environments than did the housed youth (Wolfe et al. 1999;

McCaskill et al. 1998).

Homeless youth often leave extremely difficult circumstances at home only to face

severe challenges living on their own. High rates of mental illness, poor nutrition and

health, increased rates of victimization and exploitation, high levels of drug abuse and

dependence, and increased risk of contracting sexually transmitted infections and are

among the challenges with which homeless youth must contend (Forst 1994a, b;

National Coalition for the Homeless 1999; Paradise and Cauce 2002; Schweitzer and

Hier 1993; Whitbeck and Hoyt 1999, p. 8–10). Attending school becomes problematic

because of requirements of legal guardianship and residency, as well as lack of access

to transportation. Because of their age, homeless youth have few legitimate options for

supporting themselves financially; often as a means of survival youth turn to illegal

activities to obtain money for food, clothing and shelter.

Homeless Youth and Delinquency

The few studies that have collected data on homeless youth and crime indicate that

homeless youth ‘‘are involved in a substantial and disproportionate share of crime

(McCarthy and Hagan 1992).’’ In a study of over 600 homeless youth in the

Midwest, Whitbeck and Hoyt (1999) found that 22% had engaged in theft, 14% in

burglary, and 30% had sold drugs. Of those who had sold drugs, most (85%) had

done so more than once. McCarthy and Hagan (1992) surveyed 390 street youth in

Toronto and found that 46% made drug sales, 49% had stolen, and 27% broke into

homes or businesses. In a recent ethnographic study, Finkelstein (2005) interviewed

and observed 50 street youth in New York City. She found that 60% admitted to

‘‘engaging in stealing, including shoplifting, boosting (stealing merchandise from

one store and selling it to another), and pulling scams (conning people),’’ p. (81).

Some homeless youth turn to the sex trade as a means of obtaining money, food,

or shelter, although measures of the extent of this survival strategy vary widely. In

Whitbeck and Hoyt’s sample, 6% of the young men and 3% of the young women

reported having traded sex for food or shelter. In studies of street youth in New

York and Los Angeles, between a third and a half reported trading sex as a means of

meeting one or more of their basic needs (see Paradise and Cauce 2002 for review).

Past research has linked delinquent behaviors with various aspects of teen

homelessness. Whitbeck and Simons (1990) reported that ‘‘deviant subsistence

strategies’’ (selling drugs, shoplifting, burglary, robbery and prostitution) were

associated with a history of abuse for males and with time spent with a deviant peer

group for females. Frequency of running away was positively associated with

deviant subsistence strategies for both males and females. Brennan et al. (1978)

found that among a sample of Colorado street youth, rates of stealing and selling

drugs were positively associated with time away from home and with the number of

times the youth had left home in the past. In one study that compared a sample of

runaway youth with a sample of housed youth with moderate to severe

psychopathology, the only significant difference found between groups was that

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the runaway group had higher rates of delinquency, indicating an important link

between periods of homelessness and delinquent behavior (Rohr 1996).

Some studies have attempted to explain delinquency among homeless youth

using theoretical models from the broader research on delinquency. For example,

one well established finding in studies of juvenile delinquents is a relationship

between low (or ‘‘immature’’) levels of moral reasoning and greater involvement in

delinquent activities (Nelson et al. 1990). Gregg et al. (1994) found that both female

and male delinquents’ moral judgment was less advanced than their non-delinquent

peers. Tavecchio et al. (1999) compared homeless youth and housed youth on

measures of delinquent activity and moral reasoning. While the homeless youth

reported a much higher rate of delinquency than the housed youth, ‘‘this difference

could not be attributed to the level of moral judgment.’’ Tavecchio et al. (1999)

suggest that homeless youth fall outside this well-established pattern connecting

delinquency to low levels of moral reasoning because they lack the social supports

necessary to reinforce their existing moral reasoning skills.

One theory attempting to explain criminal behavior argues that low self-control is the

main cause of crime and even leads to the social circumstances (e.g.: unemployment,

homelessness, association with deviant peer groups) that are associated with criminal

activity. Baron (2003) examined the relevance of this theory in understanding

delinquent behavior in a sample of homeless youth. In his study of 400 homeless youth

in Vancouver, Canada, low self-control predicted a range of criminal behaviors, and

also influenced association with deviant peers, length of unemployment, and length of

homelessness. However, he found that a number of social circumstances also had an

effect on criminal behavior (even when the researchers controlled for the variable of

self-control), ‘‘lending support to other theoretical models,’’ specifically those that look

to external factors as the primary causes of criminal activity.

McCarthy and Hagan (1992) found the effects of external factors on delinquent

activity to be particularly relevant among homeless youth, where situational

stressors tend to be extreme. They found that delinquent activity among homeless

youth was most closely related to specific survival needs; for example, youth tended

to steal food when hungry, etc. McCarthy and Hagan (1992) point out that studies of

delinquency have largely moved away from examining the role of external factors

in contributing to delinquency, and now tend to attribute delinquency to internal or

developmental factors. Contributing to this trend is the tendency of researchers

studying delinquency to overlook homeless youth (who are facing more severe

external pressures than ‘‘normal’’ youth) in the data collection process.

In summary, past studies indicate that delinquent behavior among homeless

youth cannot be attributed to low moral reasoning nor solely to low self-control.

Research also suggests that social circumstances and external factors influence the

delinquent behavior of homeless youth. However, existing research leaves many

questions unanswered. For example, how do the moral decision-making skills of

these youth come into play in the face of extreme situational stressors? How do

homeless youth, often described as having a distinct subculture with its own norms

and values, understand and relate to the broader society? What kinds of

interventions would reduce criminal and other maladaptive behaviors in this

population, and ultimately lead to more stable living conditions? The surveys we

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undertook were designed to address these questions by identifying the reasons why

homeless youth are disproportionately involved in delinquent activity, and to

identify appropriate directions for further research regarding homelessness and

delinquency.

Methodology

This is an exploratory study using qualitative research. Convenience sampling and

brief interviews were used. Most interview questions were open-ended, but a few

required simple yes/no responses or other brief demographic responses, and one

question was multiple choice.

Sample

The youth participating in the qualitative interviews had all accessed some level of

services at a comprehensive daytime drop-in service center for homeless youth

located in downtown San Jose, California. Homeless youth that come to the service

center, called ‘‘Our House,’’ can find a place to shower, do laundry, get a hot meal,

or hang out with their peers. The youth are also encouraged to access case-

management services such as employment assistance, educational assistance,

transportation assistance, and referrals.

The researchers in the present study contacted the youth through a mobile clinic

known as the Teen Health Van that provides free comprehensive primary health

care services for uninsured youth. This clinic is owned by Lucile Packard Children’s

Hospital at Stanford and funded by grants and gifts obtained through the Lucile

Packard Foundation for Children’s Health. The Teen Health Van visits Our House

twice each month. The youth can take advantage of the services of a nutritionist,

social worker, nurse, nurse practitioner, and physician. Both researchers who

conducted the interviews (MS and HKS) were employed as social workers for the

Teen Health Van.

For the purpose of this study, homeless youth were defined as not living with

families but rather on their own in a shelter, on the streets, or in an unstable living

situation (for example, living with a different friend each night). Of the 42 youth

interviewed, all were currently homeless and accessing some level of services at

Our House. The youth’s ages at the time of interview ranged from 14 to 21 with a

median age of 19. Fifty-two percent of the participants were female, and 48% were

male. Thirty-one percent were Latino, 29% were African-American, 29% were

White, 9% were Asian/Pacific Islander, and 2% were Native-American.

Data Collection

Each of the two social workers conducting the interviews recruited subjects for the

study by individually approaching groups of youth at Our House. The social workers

were familiar to many of the youth, and a sense of trust had been established with

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some of the youth. This trust allowed those who did not know the social workers to

also consider participating when they saw the ease of their peers with the social

workers. The interviews were held in a semi-private location available at the time of

the interview, such as a bench or a stairwell.

Before and during the qualitative interviews, the subjects were told of the

confidential nature of the interviews and provided with a consent form. For those

subjects under the age of 18, the interviewer consulted a case manager at the

daytime service center to ensure that to their knowledge the youth would be

appropriate to participate. The youth interviewed for the study were homeless and

without a caregiver at the time of the interview, therefore the participants were able

to self-consent to take part in the study. In the state of California, a minor 12 years

old or older can provide consent for him/ herself as long as she/he is living separate

from and not supported by his/her parent or guardian. All of the minors in this study

fit this description. In order to maintain the confidentiality of the youth, signatures

on the consent were not required. A full waiver of consent was deemed appropriate

by both the researchers and the Human Subjects Review Board as parents or

guardians were unreachable and the research presented no more than a minimal risk.

The signed consent would be the only record of the subject’s identity, and it was

additionally determined that this protocol was an instance where signed consent

could increase the potential risk to the subjects. Examples of increased risk to the

subjects would involve their admitting that they committed a crime or their illegal

drug use.

The interview for this study began by reading two brief vignettes. Each vignette

was followed by a series of questions. The first vignette, which was about stealing,

was taken from the work of Colby et al. (1983), although the names were changed.

The researchers conducting the present study created the second vignette about a

rape situation (see Appendix for both vignettes). The questions asked about the

vignettes included the youth’s feelings about the main characters, some of whom

were victims and some perpetrators. They were asked about their own history of

stealing as either a perpetrator or a victim. Demographics such as age, current living

situation, work/school status, and race/ethnicity were collected. Study participants

were also asked about delinquency activities, whom they turn to for support, what

their three wishes would be, and to select one of five descriptors to describe their

childhood environment. Since many of the answers to the questions were short

statements or yes/no responses, each interview was brief, lasting between 5 and

7 min.

Case Studies

Frequent changes in housing, caretakers, and schools can prevent the formation of

stable relationships and lead to a lifetime of struggle for survival. As described in

the literature review, many homeless youth, in their efforts to survive, engage in

illegal activity. For many of these youth their involvement in illegal activity appears

to wax and wane with their circumstances. Most experience some periods of

stability and progress toward self-chosen goals, such as finishing school or keeping

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a job. However, a lack of emotional, financial and social supports make any

experience of stability fragile for these youth, and returning to the street and to old

(and often delinquent) patterns of survival for periods of time is not uncommon.

In this section we describe the life events of two representative adolescents who

participated in the present study. These case studies provide two examples of how

patterns of delinquent activity and homelessness interact in the lives of youth.

Identifying information has been changed to protect the confidentiality of the youth

described.

Victor

At the time of the interview, Victor was a 17-year-old Latino male who would

occasionally come by Our House for a meal. He was well known to some of the case

managers at Our House. Victor grew up in San Jose with parents who were

chronically homeless and tended to move around from motel room to motel room.

His father drank heavily, couldn’t hold a job for long, and was described by Victor

as angry, mean, and aggressive. Victor’s mother, also an alcoholic, supported the

family by working full-time in a department store. By the time of the interview, both

had contracted Hepatitis C, and were still drinking heavily. Victor moved from

motel to motel with his parents, who often neglected to supervise him. By the time

he was in his adolescence, he was running away regularly, without much effort on

his parents’ part to find him. He stayed in youth shelters, with friends, or on the

streets. He had been in and out of different schools due to truancy problems, and

although his intelligence was described as above average, he eventually dropped out

of high school. He was picked up by the police numerous times for charges such as

trespassing, minor drug use, and shoplifting. At one point he spent time in juvenile

hall after robbing a convenience store with a friend. He was never arrested for

assaultive or violent behavior. Victor struggled with depression and was hospital-

ized twice for suicidal ideation. Throughout this time, Victor maintained varying

levels of contact with Our House staff, utilizing counseling and active case-

management services when he was more stable. At 16, Victor and his girlfriend

moved to Oregon for a fresh start. They both held jobs and rented an apartment for a

few months. When the relationship ended, Victor came back to San Jose. Shortly

after he returned, he was living on the street again, using and selling street drugs.

Although he complained of ‘‘mental problems,’’ he refused to be seen for counseling

or consider psychotropic medications. He began coming to Our House only for food

and rarely spoke with case managers.

Elisa

Elisa was 18 at the time of the interview, and described her ethnicity as a mix of

African -American and Caucasian. She had been known to Our House staff since

the age of 12 and throughout her adolescence utilized the help and support of case-

managers. Her parents had never married, and both drank heavily and used

drugs. Elisa’s father was illiterate and worked as a gardener. Elisa was the

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youngest of four siblings, and was often in trouble during her childhood for

disruptive and aggressive behavior. At age 11, her parents felt they couldn’t handle

her behavior and sent her to live with grandparents who were physically abusive

toward Elisa. Soon after she arrived, Elisa was hospitalized for suicidal behavior.

After her hospitalization, she continued to get into physical fights, started running

away from home, using alcohol and marijuana, and was often arrested on charges

related to drug use and fighting. Between the ages of 12 and 14 she was in and out

of juvenile hall multiple times. At the time of the interview, she had not been

arrested since the age of 15. At a young age, Elisa started having sexual

relationships with older men in their 30’s or 40’s, some of whom were physically

abusive. She worked in convenience stores and also sold drugs on the street. She

had two children before the age of 16, both of whom were removed from her care

by social services as soon as they were born due to her history of arrests and drug

use. When Elisa was 16, her mother died of AIDS. At that time, Elisa was

pregnant with her third child. She had stopped using drugs and was in a stable

relationship with the baby’s father, who was close to Elisa in age, and not abusive

toward her. Although social services tried to remove the baby from his parents’

care, the judge presiding over the case allowed Elisa and her boyfriend to keep

their son because they were in more stable circumstances. They lived together in

an apartment and Elisa’s boyfriend had a stable job. After about 9 months, Elisa’s

boyfriend left her. She lost the apartment and started living with her son in shelters

and with relatives. She started, and then stopped attending community college. She

began using and selling drugs again and was hospitalized twice for depression.

With support from extended family, she maintained custody of her son. She

checked herself into a rehabilitation program in an effort to stop using, but left

after a conflict with another resident.

Results

At the time of the interview, 38% of the participants were living in a shelter, 34%

were living temporarily with a relative or a friend, and 28% were living on the street

or in a motel. In terms of living situation, this sample appears to closely represent

the larger population of homeless youth in the country. Recent statistics released by

the National Coalition for the Homeless (2002) estimated that 35% of homeless

youth lived in shelters, 34% doubled-up with family or friends, and 23% lived in

motels.

The participants in this study appear to have little exposure to institutional,

family, or personal sources of stability and support. Forty-five percent of the

participants in the current study were neither working nor attending school at the

time of the study. This compares to 8% of teens in the general U.S. population,

according to a survey of 16–19 year-olds published by KIDS COUNT (2003). When

asked to choose from five possible childhood descriptors, the majority of the youth

(54%) chose ‘‘very difficult.’’ Another 29% chose ‘‘difficult at times,’’ 10% chose

‘‘neutral,’’ and only 2% chose ‘‘pleasant’’ or ‘‘extremely warm.’’ Five percent chose

not to answer. These responses are not surprising given the prevalence of abuse and

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family conflict reported by homeless youth, which has been well documented in the

research (see literature review). Finally, when asked who they turn to for support,

40% of the youth said they turned to themselves, which was the most common

response. Thirty-four percent named a family member, 24% a friend, and 2% named

a counselor. These results indicate that large numbers of homeless youth, including

youth such as Elisa, are isolated from the primary sources of guidance, structure,

and support afforded teens in our society—school and work environments, family,

and stable peer and adult friendships.

Eighty-eight percent of the participants reported some form of current drug and

alcohol use, with the most common substances being alcohol (76%), tobacco (76%),

and marijuana (69%). Significant numbers of participants reported using metham-

phetamines (26%), LSD (23%), cocaine (10%); mushrooms, ecstasy, heroin, and

Vicodin were also listed. Compared to a sample of high-school students (Monitoring

the Future 2004), levels of substance use in our sample were at least twice as high as

that reported by the high-school students, except for levels of alcohol use (current

use for high-school seniors was 48% compared to 76% in our sample).

Of the youth interviewed, 96% reported police contact (as was true for both case

studies), with 40% reporting frequent police contact, and 74% said they had

previously been incarcerated in Juvenile Hall. Thirty-one percent of the youth

interviewed were gang affiliated. Seventy-three percent reported having stolen from

a store or person. In a sample of high-school students (Sourcebook of Criminal

Justice Statistics 2003), only 8% had ever been arrested and taken to a police

station, and less than one-third had ever ‘‘taken something not belonging to them.’’

The levels of incarceration, stealing, and police contact in this sample were higher

than anticipated by these researchers based on the numbers reported in prior studies

of homeless teens (see literature review).

Despite the levels of isolation and illegal activity reported by the teens in our

sample, the bulk of their responses to the ‘‘three wishes’’ question reflect

mainstream values and norms (see Table 1). Seventy-two percent of the wishes

described involved a desire for stability (a job, home, money, or car), positive

family changes, or increased happiness. There was only one wish given that was

related to an illegal activity, which was ‘‘an unlimited supply of pot.’’ Two

respondents chose not to answer this question.

Table 1 Responses to ‘‘Three Wishes’’ question

Fantasy (i.e. rock star, ability to fly, world peace) 21%

Own my own home 14%

Money 14%

Improved family relationships 11%

A positive lifestyle (i.e. be happy, a stable home) 11%

A job 9%

Start my own family 8%

Go to school 7%

Be safe and healthy 5%

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The first vignette described a situation in which two crimes were committed:

‘‘Alex’’ stole $500 from a store, and ‘‘Joe’’ deceived an elderly man into giving him

$500 before ‘‘skipping town.’’ When asked to compare the two crimes, 57% of the

youth felt that Joe’s actions of deceiving the elderly man were worse than Alex

stealing from the store. When asked how the store owner felt, most youth said that

he probably felt ‘‘used’’ (69%). When asked about the feelings of the elderly man,

the youth gave more diverse responses, including feelings of betrayal (26%), anger

(21%), foolishness (21%), disappointment (19%), and hurt (13%). Clearly, the

youth felt a wider range of feelings for the elderly man than for the storeowner.

However, 53% of the youth responded that Alex should have more time in prison

than Joe should, while 13% responded that Joe should have more time, and 34%

stated that they should have the same punishment. As reported earlier, 71% of the

youth reported that they had stolen from a store or person, and 90% of the youth

reported that they had been stolen from in the past.

The second vignette described two incidences of rape in the same park: One victim

(‘‘Susan’’) was an 18-year-old, female college student who was jogging at the time the

rape happened, and the other victim (‘‘Karen’’) was an 18-year-old homeless woman

who had been sleeping on a park bench at the time of the rape. The youth described a

wider range of feelings for Karen than they did for Susan, indicating that the youths’

ability for perspective-taking is greater when they are able to identify with the victim.

Interestingly, of the one-third that thought one or both of the women had made a

mistake in judgment that led to the rape, most commented that Karen should not have

slept on a bench. Fifty-five percent of the respondents reported that their own

experiences influenced their answers regarding this vignette.

Discussion

As reported in the results, the findings of this study reinforce a growing body of

literature documenting the many hardships faced by homeless youth both prior to

and after leaving home. This is clear in both vignettes—prior to Victor becoming

homeless he had chronically unstable living situations and alcoholic parents; Elisa

was physically abused and both of her parents used drugs and alcohol. However, the

results include a noticeable deviation from previous research in the higher levels of

delinquent activity reported, warranting more extensive and broad-based research

regarding rates of delinquent activity among homeless teens. Responses to the

‘‘three wishes’’ question and the two vignettes provide important information about

the perspectives of homeless youth and how they view themselves in relation to the

broader mainstream culture.

What society defines as ‘‘delinquent’’ stems from a commonly held set of basic

values and norms for behavior. The youths’ responses to the ‘‘three wishes’’ question

not only imply an understanding of the values of larger society, but some level of

identification with those values. Their ‘‘wishes’’ clearly reflect the American dream of

owning a car and house, having a stable job and a supportive family. Evidence of this

can be seen in both case studies—Victor left a lifetime of homelessness with the plan

of working and living with his girlfriend in an apartment; Elisa took refuge from

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homelessness while she had a stable job, a boyfriend, a child and an apartment. The

desire for a mainstream life is also evident in Elisa’s effort to raise her son in stable

housing with both of his parents.

A study by Carroll et al. (1997) found that delinquent and at-risk youth attached

greater importance to goals associated with law-breaking activity, freedom from

adult control, and work avoidance. By contrast, in the current study, despite the high

levels of law-breaking activity reported, the youths’ wishes convey an interest in

attaining mainstream ideals. Similarly, in another study of homeless youth, Kufeldt

and Nimmo (1987) found that a majority of the youth interviewed wanted to return

to school, and that ‘‘most did not see themselves as bad, immoral or deviant.’’ It

appears that, at some level, the majority of homeless youth still subscribe to

mainstream ideals. Yet the past behavior of the youth in this study would indicate

otherwise—one-third reported gang affiliation and almost three-quarters have been

incarcerated at least once.

The youths’ responses to the vignette also point towards a discrepancy between their

perceptions of society’s norms and their own evaluations of what is right and wrong. At

first glance, it is puzzling that the majority of the youth stated that Joe’s actions are

worse than Alex’s, when a majority also responded that Alex should get more time in

prison than Joe. It may be that while the youth are aware that in the criminal justice

system, stealing from a corporation would likely be punished more severely than

stealing from an individual (and answered the question ‘‘who should get more time in

prison?’’ based on this awareness), the value system of their own street culture would

judge differently, as indicated by their evaluation of which crime was ‘‘worse.’’

Homeless youth have been observed to have their own street culture with values

and norms that differ from mainstream culture (Barry et al. 2002; Fest 1999). One

of the authors (EB), a long-time case-manager for homeless youth, recalls a holiday

party game (initiated by staff) in which each youth opened a gift and then was given

the opportunity to take a gift from another youth instead of keeping the one they had

opened. The group sat silently for several minutes until one youth spoke up and said,

‘‘I can’t do this. I don’t steal from my friends. I’ll steal from stores and strangers,

but not from family.’’ The group agreed and the game ended with each youth

keeping his or her own gift. Fest (1999) describes the occurrence of ‘‘situational

honesty’’ among street youth: while stealing from a store may be viewed as a means

of survival on the streets, taking things from individuals, especially other street

youth, is viewed as immoral.

One possible explanation for the discrepancy between the youths’ seeming

identification with mainstream values and their involvement with deviant subsis-

tence strategies (and development of their own value systems) lies in the glaring

lack of social connection and support to which they have access. It may be that

without regular reinforcement of mainstream ideals from supportive adults and

stable peers, a homeless youth must see her wish for stability as just that—a wish.

Other researchers have pointed to the importance of relationships with supportive

adults in increasing the adaptive functioning of at-risk teens. Tavecchio et al. (1999)

postulated that the moral decision-making skills possessed by homeless youth are

more likely to be applied to daily decisions when social supports are in place.

Paradise and Cauce (2002) assert that the only intervention empirically shown to

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improve day-to-day functioning among homeless youth ‘‘hinges on the development

of another relationship,’’ specifically, case-management by a supportive adult. One

study of adolescent resiliency found that among 770 urban youth who were

interviewed, those who reported having a supportive relationship with an adult

mentor were less likely to smoke marijuana and engage in delinquent behavior, and

more likely to have positive attitudes about school (Zimmerman et al. 2004). Given

that 40% of the youth in the current study named themselves when asked who they

would go to for support, it is clear that at least in this sample, increased social

support should be a major target of intervention.

McCarthy and Hagan (1992) hypothesize that homeless youth turn to

delinquency when (1) socially acceptable goals become unreachable due to

impediments, and (2) the youth have little source of supervision or ‘‘weak social

bonds.’’ They describe these forces as ‘‘push[ing] youth toward delinquency as well

as free[ing] them for it.’’ Youth such as Victor experience a low level of supervision

even with parents present. In the absence of the opportunity and social

reinforcement needed to achieve the socially prescribed goals expressed in the

youths’ responses to the ‘‘three wishes’’ question, these youth are likely to turn to

means of survival that damage, rather than contribute to, the larger society. These

youth may consider their wishes to be unattainable ideals, and instead turn to the

opportunities and value systems that are readily available to them, even if that

means they must deviate from their ideals.

The youths’ responses to the second vignette raise further questions about the self-

perceptions of homeless youth in relation to the broader society. While the youth

showed more sympathy for the rape victim who was homeless, many of the youth

indicated that she was partially responsible for her victimization because she was

sleeping on a park bench. One possible explanation for this reaction might be that

homeless youth, facing situations in which they often feel powerless and are prone to

victimization (like having no place to sleep), maintain a sense of control by ‘‘blaming

the victim,’’ believing that by making strategic choices they will be able to avoid

victimization. One respondent commented that he would trade sex for a place to sleep

before choosing to sleep on a park bench. The choice to sell sexual favors puts a youth

at risk of victimization, as does sleeping in a park. It may be that, just as many youth

would rather choose exposure to possible victimization on the street than an abusive

home, once on the street, homeless youth attempt to gain a sense of control over the

dangers they face on the street by ‘‘choosing’’ which risks they will expose themselves

to. Whitbeck and Simons (1990) postulate that for many homeless youth ‘‘the process

of learning to survive in the hostile environment of life on the streets actually serves to

increase the probability of further victimization.’’ With little access to safe

environments or safe relationships, survival for these youth is often a matter of

choosing which risks to incur, whether those risks are immediate or long-term.

Study Limitations and Future Research

This study involved a relatively small number of participants and was limited to one

service provider in one area of the country, impacting the generalizability of the

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data to homeless youth as a whole. In addition, the mean age of the youth was 19,

and the results may over-represent the experiences of older teens. Whether older

teens make up a larger portion of homeless youth in general is difficult to determine

from previous literature. However, it is possible that the strong representation of

older teens in the study may have contributed to the high rates of police contact,

stealing, and incarceration in juvenile hall, since older teens have had more years of

potential experience with delinquent activity than would a group of predominantly

younger teens. Finally, this study did not use standardized instruments in assessing

the responses of the youth. The use of a broader research design and analysis using

standardized instruments would likely bring more clarity to some of the compelling

themes highlighted in this exploratory study.

More research comparing homeless and housed youth on reports of goals, wishes,

and delinquent behavior would further develop our understanding of how the youth

view themselves and their decisions in relation to mainstream society and broad

social values. By using the perspectives of homeless youth as a starting point in

efforts to understand the relationship between homelessness and delinquency, rather

than trying to apply existing approaches to delinquent youth, researchers may be

able to develop theoretical approaches and applications that accurately address the

needs of this struggling population.

Research that further explores the types of interventions that would successfully

build lasting social connection and support for homeless youth would also be

valuable. It seems clear that without significant efforts to better address the needs of

these youth, and specifically to help them build connections with supportive adults,

it will be very difficult for them to feel a sense of belonging in society and to lead

successful and productive lives.

Implications for Clinical Practice

This research study highlights the importance of identifying at-risk youth and

increasing their social supports before they leave home as well as after they leave

home. Many of these youth have experienced relationships with adults in which

they were consistently disappointed, neglected, abused, or manipulated. As a

result such youth often develop a strong hesitancy to trust adults and access

supports, which presents particular challenges in working with this population.

Similarly, the transient and turbulent nature of homelessness makes it difficult to

connect with these youth and in particular to form lasting, supportive

relationships with them. Adapting outreach efforts to the norms and values of

youth street culture and allowing for a range of contact—from getting clean

clothes or toiletries, to ‘‘checking-in’’ with an outreach worker, to more formal

counseling sessions—would allow for youth to build trust gradually. Likewise,

clinically understanding the perspectives and values of the youth, as well as how

they relate to the values and norms of mainstream society, is crucial to their

future survival and well-being. Asking for input from youth informally, or

through focus groups, brings greater insight into program design and clinical

work. Efforts to understand the perspectives and values of homeless youth will

Exploring the Relationship Between Homelessness and Delinquency 267

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assist in the difficult work of building bridges for them to safer relationships and

more stable environments.

Acknowledgement This study was funded in part by Lucile Packard Children’s Hospital, the Lucile Packard Foundation for Children’s Health, and the Children’s Health Fund.

Appendix

Youths’ reactions to different crimes were evaluated using their responses to two

vignettes. Each vignette was read aloud to each subject to remove reading

comprehension as a factor in the responses.

Vignette #1

Two young men, brothers, had gotten into serious trouble. Because of this, they

were secretly leaving town in a hurry and needed money. Alexander, the older one,

broke into a store and stole $500.00. Joe, the younger one, went to a retired old man

who was known to help people in town. Joe told the man that he was very sick, and

he needed $500.00 to pay for the operation. Really, he wasn’t sick at all, and he had

no intention of paying the man back. Although the man didn’t know Joe very well,

he loaned him the money. So Joe and Alex skipped town, each with $500.00 (Colby

et al. 1983, p. 83).

Vignette #2

Susan is an 18-year-old woman who is jogging in a nearby park for her morning

exercise. It is a routine she has had for the past three years since she began running

on her high school track team. She is now in her first year of college and she hopes

to become a software engineer. One morning while running she was attacked by a

group of boys, beaten and raped. The following week an 18-year-old homeless

woman named Karen is sleeping alone on a bench in the same park. Karen has been

homeless since she was fifteen when she left home because of her abusive parents.

She has been drug-free for 2 months and is on the waiting list for transitional

housing. She was also badly beaten and raped by the group of boys.

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