mass media HW
TESTIMONY OF JOHN F. STURM, PRESIDENT AND CEO OF NAA
TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND THE INTERNET SUBCOMMITTEE, HOUSE
OF REPRESENTATIVES COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND COMMERCE
December 5, 2007
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
• FCC action to relax the decades-old newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership ban is egregiously overdue and is supported by a colossal evidentiary record. Few, if any,
issues have been examined more thoroughly by the FCC in recent history.
• Given the remarkably one-sided record before the Commission demonstrating that the current ban is counterproductive to the interests of newspaper publishers,
broadcasters, and local communities alike, the Chairman’s recent proposal will
provide only a modicum of the regulatory relief that would be fully justified in the
agency’s proceeding.
• By any reasonable measure, today’s media world bears little resemblance to that which informed the FCC’s decision to impose the ban in 1975. As a consequence
of the growing fragmentation in the media marketplace, there has been an
undeniable decline in the prominence and economic performance of local daily
newspapers and broadcasters. Since the cross-ownership ban was adopted in 1975,
several hundred daily newspapers have ceased publishing altogether, newspaper
circulation has been on a downward slide, and advertising revenue has taken a
substantial hit. The broadcast industry is facing similar challenges, especially in
smaller markets.
• Until the FCC levels the regulatory playing field between traditional daily newspapers, broadcasters, and their growing list of competitors, it will continue to
inflict unnecessary economic injury on the nation’s traditional media. As a result,
the agency needlessly will detract from newspapers’ and broadcasters’ ability to
remain efficient, vital, and competitive in today’s media marketplace—and thus
their capacity to continue informing and serving their local communities to the best
of their abilities.
• Removing the cross-ownership restriction would serve, and not harm, local communities. In all the volumes of evidence that have been accumulated on this
issue, there is none that credibly shows that newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership is
detrimental to the public interest. To the contrary, the record repeatedly and
indisputably has demonstrated that cross-ownership enhances localism by enabling
broadcasters to increase local news and does not detract from the diversity of
viewpoints available to local audiences.
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TESTIMONY OF JOHN F. STURM
PRESIDENT AND CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER,
NEWSPAPER ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA
Before the
TELECOMMUNICATIONS AND THE INTERNET SUBCOMMITTEE,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES COMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND
COMMERCE
December 5, 2007
Good morning/afternoon. I am John Sturm, the President and CEO of the
Newspaper Association of America. I am very pleased to have the opportunity to appear
before this Subcommittee today to discuss the FCC’s current review of its absolute ban
on newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership in local markets. While defenders of the status
quo have characterized the FCC Chairman’s plan to move forward in this proceeding in
the near future as a “rush to judgment,” the facts show that such action is, in reality,
woefully overdue. Further, in light of the remarkably one-sided record before the
Commission demonstrating that the current ban is counterproductive to the interests of
newspaper publishers, broadcasters, and local communities alike, the Chairman’s recent
proposal will provide only a modicum of the regulatory relief that would be fully justified
in the agency’s proceeding.
I. FCC ACTION TO RELAX THE DECADES-OLD NEWSPAPER/ BROADCAST CROSS-OWNERSHIP BAN IS EGREGIOUSLY OVERDUE
AND IS SUPPORTED BY A COLOSSAL EVIDENTIARY RECORD.
Before commenting on the substance of the Chairman’s recently announced
proposal to modify the newspaper/broadcast ban, it is important to place the timing and
context of the FCC’s current media ownership proceeding in proper perspective. The flat
restriction on the cross-ownership of a daily newspaper and a TV or radio station within
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the same local market now has been in existence for 32 years. More than a decade ago,
the FCC began questioning the utility of the ban and recognized the need to reformulate
it. Since that time, the agency has conducted a series of interrelated proceedings with the
goal of relaxing the absolute restriction. Indeed, the media ownership proceeding
currently underway at the Commission represents the sixth that the FCC has conducted in
the past 11 years to consider the continuing validity of the 1975 rule.
None of these proceedings, however, has resulted in any actual changes to the
absolute ban. In fact, most of these proceedings were not completed at all. Instead, they
were rolled into subsequent rulemakings, creating a seemingly endless cycle of regulatory
uncertainty for the affected newspaper and broadcast industries. Thus, although the
Commission repeatedly has recognized that the flat cross-ownership restriction is no
longer needed and in reality is inimical to some of the agency’s central public interest
goals, the rule has remained stubbornly in place.
As a result, the prohibition now stands alone among the series of broadcast
ownership regulations that were enacted by the Commission in the 1960s and 1970s.
Each of those rules has been relaxed by the agency on at least one occasion. For
example, since 1999, broadcasters have been permitted to own two TV stations in many
markets. In 1996, Congress determined that a single party should be permitted to own as
many as eight radio stations in large markets. By contrast, new newspaper/broadcast
combinations are strictly prohibited in all markets.
During the course of the agency’s protracted reconsideration of the newspaper
ban, the FCC has amassed a mammoth record on the impact of cross-ownership. Based
on clear, convincing, and consistent evidence that a blanket restriction is not necessary to
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protect either competition or diversity and is detrimental to localism, the FCC decided in
2003 to replace it with a set of more flexible—though still measured—cross-media limits.
That decision, as the agency explained, was based on the “most comprehensive” record
ever gathered on the issue of newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership. Prior to issuing its
2003 decision, the Commission received and analyzed many thousands of pages of
information from a wide range of interested parties, including the full gamut of industry
representatives, many public interest organizations, and an unusually large number of
private citizens. The agency supplemented this massive amount of information by
commissioning 12 media ownership working group empirical studies and conducting a
series of localism hearings around the country.
As everyone who has followed this issue is acutely aware, the agency’s 2003
attempt to adopt the cross-media limits never went into effect. Instead, it was reversed
and remanded by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit. It is imperative,
however, for those interested in the outcome of these proceedings not to lose sight of the
scope of that remand decision. Even in directing the agency to reconsider the new cross-
media limits, the Third Circuit expressly found that “reasoned analysis supports the
Commission’s determination that the blanket ban on newspaper/broadcast cross-
ownership was no longer in the public interest.”
As part of the periodic review mandate imposed on the Commission with respect
to its broadcast ownership rules in the Telecommunications Act of 1996, Congress
directed the agency to “repeal or modify any regulation that it determines to be no longer
in the public interest.” Because the Third Circuit confirmed that the blanket cross-
ownership ban falls into this category, the FCC is under an express directive to abandon
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the restriction in order to satisfy the demands of the 1996 Act. Thus, its specific task in
the current proceeding is to decide how to respond to the Third Circuit’s objections to the
calibrated restrictions the agency proposed in 2003.
In order to respond to the court’s concerns and to fulfill its quadrennial review
obligation under the 1996 Act, the FCC once again is in the midst of updating the already
voluminous record it has accumulated with respect to this issue. More than 18 months
ago, the Commission again requested input from interested parties. The resulting
comment period spanned six months and generated thousands of pages of additional
evidence from a wide variety of industry representatives, consumer interest groups, and
individual consumers. Furthermore, the FCC commissioned ten empirical studies from
academics and other economic experts, the release of which this past summer triggered
yet another round of extensive public comment. Overall, more than 160,000 comments
already have been filed in the latest round of these proceedings. To build on this gigantic
record even further, the Commission also has held six field hearings on media ownership
and two hearings on broadcast localism over the past several months. Overall, the FCC
took testimony from more than 100 expert witnesses at these hearings as well as the
statements of multitudes of concerned citizens.
In sum, few, if any, issues have been examined more thoroughly by the FCC in
recent history. While the gathering of additional public input and other information will
remain a theoretical possibility far into the indefinite future, the Commission must move
forward at some point to finally bring these proceedings to a close. On behalf of the
NAA, I submit that the time for such action is long overdue. By any reasonable measure,
the agency now has before it far more than enough evidence to eliminate or, at the very
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least, modify the outdated ban. Further, nearly three and one-half years have passed
since the Third Circuit remanded the FCC’s most recent cross-ownership decision, a
delay that already has imposed significant regulatory costs on the affected industries
during a period that any realistic observer would describe as a “challenging” time to be in
the newspaper or broadcast business. In light of these considerations, the FCC
Chairman’s proposal to issue a decision in this proceeding in the coming weeks is
entirely reasonable. If nothing else, this action finally may bring a small measure of
regulatory certainty to newspaper publishers and broadcasters, many of whom now have
been waiting for more than a decade for the fate of this rule to be resolved.
II. THE PROPOSED MODIFICATION TO THE FLAT CROSS-OWNERSHIP BAN WOULD PROVIDE ONLY MODEST, AND MUCH-NEEDED,
REGULATORY RELIEF TO NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS AND
BROADCASTERS.
Since the Chairman released his proposal to modify the blanket
newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership ban several weeks ago, opponents of deregulation
predictably have sent out alarm bells that the revised rule would lead to wave upon wave
of consolidation. According to these parties, local media marketplaces would be left in
an almost unrecognizable state, devoid of diverse local news and information, if this
proposal comes to fruition. But a close look at the suggested changes to the rule reveals
that the reality is quite different. In fact, the Chairman’s proposal would give newspaper
publishers and broadcasters only modest regulatory relief in an intensely competitive
environment.
Given that the FCC now is obligated under the 1996 Act and the Third Circuit’s
holding to relax the blanket cross-ownership restriction, the suggested changes are about
as limited as possibly could be expected. Indeed, in light of the revolutionary changes
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that have taken hold of the media marketplace in recent years as well as the unequivocal
evidence that restrictions on cross-ownership disserve (and certainly are not needed to
protect) the public interest, NAA strongly believes that far more extensive deregulation is
called for and would be fully justified.
The limited changes to the rule suggested by Chairman Martin would create
relatively few and modest opportunities for new media combinations. Out of the 210
Designated Market Areas (DMAs) that exist in this country, the Chairman’s current
proposal would permit cross-ownership only in the 20 largest. Even in these markets, the
new rule would create only a “presumption” in favor of cross-ownership, meaning that
opponents would have an opportunity to make the case that a given combination should
be precluded. To qualify for such a presumption, moreover, newspaper publishers could
own, at most, only one TV station or one radio station—but not both. In this respect, the
new rule would be considerably more limited than the current TV/radio cross-ownership
rule, pursuant to which one entity can own up to two full-power TV stations and as many
as six or seven radio stations within the same market. What is more, daily newspapers
would be prohibited from owning same-market TV stations that are ranked among the top
four in their markets based on audience share. While it is true that the proposal includes
a waiver standard for combinations that do not meet the strict criteria for a presumption
in favor of cross-ownership, the possibility of waivers is nothing new—the FCC always
has the capacity to waive its rules when the public interest would be served as a result.
Further, the Chairman’s proposed rule would provide no assurance of relief from
the ban in medium-sized and smaller markets. In many markets of this size, broadcast
news is becoming a scarcer commodity as the cost of producing news escalates, media
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choices increase, and audiences get smaller. Thus, the proposed rule does nothing to
enhance the quantity or quality of local news on television and radio in precisely the
markets that need help the most. In addition, the proposed rule could lead to the
divestiture of co-owned properties that have been created in the past decade through
acquisitions—a result that is clearly unwarranted and will result in less local news, not
more, for the public.
The proposed changes to the newspaper rule appear even more modest when
viewed against the backdrop of the vast changes in the media marketplace since the ban
first was put in place. By any reasonable measure, today’s media world bears little
resemblance to that which informed the FCC’s decision to impose the ban in 1975. Back
then, consumers had access to a local daily newspaper and, at best, a handful of television
and radio stations. The original “Big Three” television networks brought us the only
national newscasts, cable television was in its infancy, and the Internet, wi-fi, cell phones,
DBS, satellite radio, and iPods were not even visible on the distant horizon.
By contrast, consumers today can turn to all of these choices and a growing
chorus of others for news, information, and entertainment at any given time and on
virtually any imaginable topic. Choices have expanded for local news, just as they have
for nearly any other content category. In particular, the endless capacity of the Internet
has proven to be a particularly rich breeding ground for hyper-local blogs and websites,
which often cover news and information that may be too narrowly focused to be
addressed by mainstream media. Thus, as consumers turn to an ever broader variety of
media to get full diets of news and information, the decades-old notion that newspapers
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and broadcasters serve as the exclusive “gatekeepers” to local viewpoints has become
antiquated and increasingly detached from reality.
As a consequence of the growing fragmentation in the media marketplace, there
has been an undeniable decline in the prominence and economic performance of local
daily newspapers. Since the cross-ownership ban was adopted in 1975, at least 300 daily
newspapers have ceased publishing altogether. Newspaper circulation has been on a
downward slide for 20 years. In the past six months alone, it declined 2.6 percent. Not
surprisingly, advertising revenue—which accounts for 75 to 80 percent of average
newspaper earnings—also has taken a substantial hit. For example, newspaper
advertising revenue decreased by more than nine percent in May 2007 compared to May
2006, a drop that Goldman Sachs recently described as “extraordinary in terms of the
scale of the decline and the scope of the challenges it represents.” As a result of this
statistic and similar data, Goldman Sachs concluded in a recent report that “the
magnitude of the recent declines [in newspaper ad revenue] is extraordinary for a non-
recession period and provides concrete evidence, in our view, that the share shift from
print to online in the publishing industry is accelerating.”
The broadcast industry is facing similar challenges, especially in smaller markets.
The transition to digital television has been expensive for all television stations, and has
not been any less so in smaller markets. Likewise, cutbacks in network compensation
have been particularly deep for smaller-market stations. At the same time, small-market
broadcasters must borrow funds and seek investors in the same capital and money
markets as large-market owners who have more resources to leverage and pledge. As the
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FCC media ownership rulemaking languishes at the agency, the trends in the newspaper
and broadcast industries have become increasingly troubling.
Thus, while the opponents of deregulation continually make the nonsensical claim
that any modification of the cross-ownership ban would spell the end of democracy as we
know it, there are realistic and urgent concerns that need to be addressed with respect to
the rule. Until the FCC levels the regulatory playing field between traditional daily
newspapers, broadcasters, and their growing list of competitors, it will continue to inflict
unnecessary economic injury on the nation’s traditional media. As a result, the agency
needlessly will detract from newspapers’ and broadcasters’ ability to remain efficient,
vital, and competitive in today’s media marketplace and thus to continue informing and
serving their local communities to the best of their abilities. In particular, unless and
until these media are permitted to operate in a more efficient manner by shedding
regulations designed for a bygone era, they may have little choice but to begin cutting
back on some of their most important—but costly—services, including in-depth
investigative reporting.
III. REMOVING THE CROSS-OWNERSHIP RESTRICTION WOULD SERVE, AND NOT HARM, LOCAL COMMUNITIES.
Perhaps most fundamentally, in all the volumes of evidence that have been
accumulated on this issue, there is none that credibly shows that newspaper/broadcast
cross-ownership is detrimental to the public interest. To the contrary, the record
repeatedly and indisputably has demonstrated that cross-ownership enhances localism.
This is because broadcast stations that are jointly owned with a co-located daily
newspaper offer local audiences superior national and local news coverage. This has
been proven time and again through the real-world experiences of existing
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newspaper/broadcast combinations as well as through numerous empirical and academic
studies. For example, notwithstanding the efforts of some deregulatory opponents to
mask the results, this reality was confirmed once again by no fewer than five of the
empirical studies released by the Commission just this past summer. Given the extensive
newsgathering resources and journalistic traditions of daily newspapers, it makes perfect
sense that this would be the case.
Working together, newspaper and broadcast staffs can overcome the financial
obstacles that both industries have faced in recent years and continue to deliver quality
journalism. Notwithstanding the economic challenges confronting the newspaper
industry, dailies that are part of newspaper/broadcast combinations have remained
especially well-equipped to continue providing exceptional local service. This has
proven especially true in medium and small-sized markets. In many such communities,
cross-ownership has helped to stem losses in newspaper circulation.
At the same time, combination owners have continued to increase local broadcast
news and information. For instance, in four of the smaller markets where Media General,
Inc., a proponent of cross-ownership, operates combined properties, the weekly television
news output of its stations has grown by between 30 minutes and seven and one-half
hours since the combinations were created. Contrary to general media industry trends,
these TV stations have increased their newsroom staffs in order to bring this enhanced
news programming to local communities. In fact, Media General has increased the
overall TV staff numbers in the majority of its cross-ownership markets.
Similar trends also are apparent in larger markets. By way of example, in Atlanta,
the country’s ninth largest market, the newspaper/radio/television combination owned
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and operated by Cox Enterprises, Inc. consistently has offered more local news and
public affairs programming than its peers. WSB-TV now airs seven more hours of news
programming than its closest competitor, and it is currently the only television station in
the market to feature a weekly community affairs show and editorials during its Sunday
evening newscast. Similarly, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution features additional daily
local coverage, including local community zoned editions of the paper.
As these and many other combination owners repeatedly have demonstrated,
cross-ownership enables media properties to “tag-team” on local administrative and
political proceedings. Among other benefits, such collaboration has ensured gavel-to-
gavel coverage for small-town residents who otherwise would not receive such thorough
reports. Newspaper/broadcast combinations also are better able to cover developments in
the “far corners” of sparsely populated rural markets, ensuring comprehensive regional
coverage. By joining forces, co-owned newspaper and broadcast outlets also have
produced serious investigative journalism pieces that otherwise would not have been
feasible. Such benefits are particularly pronounced in the area of election coverage.
Cross-owned properties consistently are the leaders in their markets in holding candidate
debates and town hall forums. On election nights, the pooled resources of both outlets
are able to bring more results to more residents more quickly and present more in-depth
reports on them.
In addition, it is well-established that cross-ownership is not harmful to local
viewpoint diversity. Rather, as many existing combination owners have shown through
their own practices, same-market outlets tend to make editorial decisions on an individual
basis and have strong incentives to offer divergent viewpoints on different platforms.
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This experiential evidence has been soundly confirmed by recent empirical evidence: one
of the studies released in the ownership proceeding over the summer unambiguously
found that cross-owned broadcast stations and daily newspapers are no more likely to
share viewpoints than any other same-market media outlets. Previous studies on this
topic consistently have reached analogous conclusions. Finally, it is now widely
recognized that restrictions on newspaper/broadcast cross-ownership are not needed to
protect competition. The FCC concluded in 2003, and the Third Circuit affirmed, that
newspaper publishers and broadcasters simply do not compete directly for advertising
revenue.
Given the clear benefits and lack of harms stemming from cross-ownership,
undoing existing combinations through forced divestitures clearly would be a public
interest loss. Notably, the FCC’s peer-reviewed studies and numerous other record
studies regarding news produced on cross-owned TV stations offer no reason to
distinguish by market size in granting relief from the current ban. In addition, the
proposed waiver standard may be extremely difficult to meet in smaller markets, both for
existing combinations and potential new ones. The uncertainties inherent in case-by-case
evaluations also will make acquisitions extremely difficult. Most TV deals are today
accomplished through brokers’ auctions, and sellers undoubtedly will be reluctant to
consider deals with buyers that bring the prospect of lengthy waiver litigation at the FCC.
* * *
Chairman Markey, Vice Chairman Doyle, and Members of the Committee, the
evidence shows that the time has long since passed for the FCC to change the decades old
ban on newspaper cross-ownership and that consumers will be the beneficiaries of such
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action. On behalf of the NAA, I respectfully request that Congress allow the agency to
move forward on this important issue as expeditiously as possible.
Again, the NAA appreciates this opportunity to share its views with you, and I
look forward to answering any questions you may have.
Thank you.