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Socialization is the process whereby children acquire knowledge about the language, values, etiquette, rules, behaviors, social expectations, and all the subtle, complex bits of information necessary to get along and thrive in a particular society.

Although socialization continues throughout life, most of it occurs in childhood. Children need to learn how to interact with other people. They must learn which behaviors are considered acceptable and which are not. For example, children should learn that they must abide by the directives of their parents, at least most of the time. They must learn how to communicate to others what they require in terms of food and comfort. On the other hand, they also must learn what behaviors are not considered appropriate. They need to learn that breaking windows and spitting in the eyes of other people when they don’t get their way will not be tolerated.

Because children start with knowing nothing about their society, the most awesome socialization occurs during childhood. This is when the fundamental building blocks of their consequent attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors are established.

Because children’s lives are centered initially within their families, the family environment becomes the primary agent of socialization. The family environment involves the circumstances and social climate within families. Because each family is made up of different individuals in a different setting, each family environment is unique. The environments can differ in many ways. For example, one obvious difference is socioeconomic level. Some families live in luxurious twenty-four-room estates, own a Mercedes and an SUV in addition to the family minivan, and can afford to have shrimp cocktail for an appetizer whenever they choose. Other families subsist in two-room shacks, struggle with payments on their used 1996 Chevy, and have to eat macaroni made with processed cheese four times a week.

This section addresses several aspects of the family environment. They include variations in family structures, positive family functioning, impacts of social forces and policies on family systems, and the application of systems theory principles to families.

Families in the United States today are no longer characterized by two first-time married parents who live blissfully together with their 2.5 children. The traditional nuclear family included heterosexual parents married one time, with one or more children. As of 2004, only 23 percent of all families included children living with their own biological married parents in a household, reflecting a decline from 40 percent in 1970 (Fields, 2004). A household “comprises all persons who occupy a ‘housing unit,’ that is, a house, an apartment or other group of rooms, or a single room that constitutes ‘separate living quarters’” (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007, p. 6).

Today’s families are more likely to reflect a varied medley of structures and configurations. Family structure is “the nuclear family as well as those non-traditional alternatives to nuclear family which are adopted by persons in committed relationships and the people they consider to be ‘family’” (Commission of the Council on Social Work Education, 2002). Scrutinizing this definition shows how flexible the notion of family has become.

The family environment involves the unique circumstances and social climate within a family.

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A family is a primary group defined as “people who are intimate and have frequent face-to-face contact with one another, have norms [that is, expectations regarding how members in the group should behave] in common, and share mutually enduring and extensive influences” (Barker, 2003, p. 338). Thus, family members as members of a primary group have significant influence on each other. The second concept in the definition of family involves “obligations for each other,” which means mutual commitment and responsibility for other family members. The third concept in the definition is “common residences”—that is, to some extent, family members live together.

Families, then, may consist of intact two-parent families with or without children, single-parent families, blended families, stepfamilies, or any other configuration that fits our definition. Some of these terms are defined as follows.

A single-parent family is a family household in which one parent resides with the children but without the other parent. More than 28 percent of all households with their own children under age 18 are headed by single parents; more than 80 percent of these single-parent families are headed by women (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).

Stepfamilies are families in which one or both parents reside with children from prior marriages or unions. Members may include stepmothers, stepfathers, and any children either may have from prior marriages. Stepfamilies may also include children born to the currently married couple. Stepfamilies have become extremely common because about half of all marriages end in divorce. Stepfamilies may also become very complex when one or both spouses have been married more than once and/or have children from a variety of relationships.

A blended family is any nontraditional configuration of people who live together, are committed to each other, and perform functions traditionally assumed by families. Such relationships may not involve biological or legal linkages. The important thing is that such groups function as families.

Several other changes from traditional patterns characterize today’s family life:

· Marrying later or not at all. Both men and women are waiting much longer to marry. In 1960 the average age for men to marry was 23 and women 20; now men marry at an average age of 28 and women at 26 (Mooney, Knox, & Schacht, 2009). More than 9 percent of all women age 35 and over and almost 12 percent of men age 35 and over have never been married (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007, Table 56).

· Unmarried cohabitation. Same-gender and heterosexual cohabitation without marriage has increased (Mooney et al., 2009). The number of couples cohabiting prior to marriage increased from 16 percent to 41 percent between 1960 and 2000 (Amato, Booth, Johnson, & Rogers, 2007). Nine percent of all couples living together are unmarried (Mooney et al., 2009).

About 11 percent of all cohabiting unmarried couples in the United States are of the same gender (Mooney et al., 2009). Legally forbidding or endorsing same-gender marriage is currently under national debate (see Chapter 13). Many unmarried-partner households have children present, including 43 percent of unmarried heterosexual couples, more than 22 percent of gay male couples, and more than 34 percent of lesbian couples (Mooney et al., 2009).

· Increased interracial marriages. Although most couples are of the same race, interracial and inter-ethnic marriage in the United States has risen from 4 percent of all couples in 1980 to 9 percent in 2000 (Amato et al., 2007).

Attitudes toward interracial marriages have also changed. “Interracial dating, once a point of contention between the races, troubles only a small and dwindling minority of Americans. More than eight-in-ten (83%) agree with the statement: ‘I think it’s all right for blacks and whites to date each other’” (Pew Research Center, 2007, p. 39). This stands in sharp contrast with a 1987 study in which only 48 percent of those surveyed concurred with that statement (Pew Research Center, 2007, p. 39).

Age differences exist concerning attitudes toward interracial dating: “Nearly two-thirds of all Americans born before 1946 (65%) say it is acceptable for whites to date blacks. In contrast, this tolerant view of interracial dating is shared by more than eight-in-ten Baby Boomers (84%) and members of Generation X (87%), who were born between 1965 and 1976. Among younger people there is even broader acceptance of interracial dating: 94% of those born since 1977 say it is all right for blacks and whites to date” (Pew Research Center, 2007, p. 42).

· Increased births to single women. Births to unmarried mothers increased from 26.6 percent in 1990 to 36.8 percent in 2005 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007, p. 85). Note, however, that many of the unmarried mothers may be cohabiting with partners. Obviously, when only the mother is present, she faces greater pressure to fulfill all the responsibilities traditionally assumed by two parents who shared them.

· Increased employment of mothers. Almost 73 percent of single women with children under age 18 and more than 68 percent of married women with such children are employed outside the home (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007, Table 580). These figures have increased from 52 percent and more than 54 percent, respectively, since 1980 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). Note that women with small children are also likely to work. More than 68 percent of single women and almost 60 percent of married women who have children under age 6 work outside the home (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).

In view of the vast range of family configurations, it is extremely difficult to define a “healthy” family. However, at least two concepts are important when assessing the effectiveness of a family. These include how well family functions are undertaken and how well family members communicate with each other.

Family functions include a wide range of caregiving functions including nurturing and socializing children, providing material and emotional support, and assuming general responsibility for the well-being of all members. Children must be nurtured and taught. All family members need adequate resources to thrive. Additionally, family members should be able to call on each other for help when necessary.

Good communication is the second characteristic of “healthy” families. Communication and autonomy are closely related concepts. Good communication involves clear expression of personal ideas and feelings even when they differ from those of other family members. On the other hand, good communication also involves being sensitive to the needs and feelings of other family members. Good communication promotes compromise so that the most important needs of all involved are met. In families that foster autonomy, boundaries for roles and relationships are clearly established. All family members are held responsible for their own behavior. Under these conditions, family members much less frequently feel the need to tell others what to do or “push each other around.” (Family communication is discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 12.)

Negotiation is also clearly related to good communication and good relationships. When faced with decisions or crises, healthy families involve all family members, so as to come to solutions for the mutual good. Conflicts are settled through rational discussion and compromise instead of open hostility and conflict. If one family member feels strongly about an issue, healthy families work to accommodate his or her views in a satisfactory way. Both unhealthy and healthy families suffer conflict and disagreements, but a healthy family deals with conflict much more rationally and effectively.

Families can be compared and evaluated on many other dimensions and variables. The specific variables are not as important as the concept that children are socialized according to the makeup of their individual family environments. The family teaches children what types of transactions are considered appropriate. They learn how to form relationships, handle power, maintain personal boundaries, communicate with others, and feel that they are an important subset of the whole family system.

We have established that families provide an immediate, intimate social environment for children as they develop. However, families do not exist in a vacuum. They are in constant interaction with numerous other systems permeating the macro social environment. Families can provide caregiving and nurturance only to the extent that other macro systems in the environment, including communities and organizations, provide support and empower them.

For example, unemployment may soar because of an economic slump. Political decisions such as increasing business taxes may have sparked the slump. Ideologically, the general public may feel that in “a free country” of rugged individualists, it is each person’s responsibility to find and succeed in work. The public may not support political decisions to subsidize workers by providing long-term unemployment benefits or developing programs for job retraining. At the same time, legislators concerned about the increasing unemployment rate and their reelection may hesitate to impose increasing restrictions on business and industry such as more stringent (and more costly) pollution control regulations. Thus, the physical environment suffers.

This example, of course, is overly simplistic. Volumes have been written on each aspect of the political, economic, environmental, and ideological dimensions of the social environment. However, the point is that it is impossible to comprehend a family’s situation without assessing that family within the context of the macro social environment. For example, economic downturns and unemployment may leave a parent jobless and poverty-stricken. That parent will then be less able to provide the food, shelter, health care, and other necessities for a family environment in which children can flourish.

Likewise, the resources available to agencies and communities for dispersal to clients depend on legislative and organizational policies. For instance, U.S. society is structured so that all citizens have the right to receive a high school education. This idea is based in ideology that, in turn, is reflected by legislative and administrative policy that regulates how that education is provided.

Public day care, on the other hand, is not provided to working parents on a universal basis. Day care involves an agency or a program that provides supervision and care for children while parents or guardians are at work or otherwise unavailable. There are many historical ideological reasons for this lack. For one, traditional thought is that a woman’s place is in the home and that she should be the primary caretaker of the children (Spakes, 1992). However, a strong majority of women, many with children under age 6, work outside the home (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007, Table 580). Massive evidence suggests that although most women in heterosexual relationships work, they still continue to carry the overwhelming responsibility for child care and other household tasks (Coltrane, 2000; Kesselman, McNair, & Schniedewind, 2008; Renzetti & Curran, 2003; Sapiro, 2003; Shaw & Lee, 2007). Although most people marry, “45 percent of American and 30 percent of Canadian marriages ... end in divorce” (Berk, 2008b, pp. 509–510). More than 83 percent of all single-parent families are headed by women (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007, Table 65). (Many of these issues will be discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 9.)

In summary, a number of facts point to the need for adequate day care to serve the nation’s children. First, most women work outside the home because of economic necessity. Second, the majority have the additional burden of being primary homemakers. Third, many women have no mate to help with child care.

Day-care facilities are clearly inadequate to meet the nation’s needs (DiNitto, 2005; Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2007). Parents often struggle to find adequate, affordable, and accessible day care for their children. Many day-care centers refuse to accept small infants because of the difficulty of caring for them. Furthermore, numerous children in the United States are provided day care in private homes, unregulated by public standards.

Why doesn’t the government require that facilities be developed to meet the day-care need? There is no clear answer. Cost may be one possibility. Low priority may be another.

Ethical Question 4.1

As a student social worker, what do you think about the nation’s day-care situation? How critical is it, especially for women? To what extent might you be willing to seek out answers for how to solve this problem and others like it?

In order to understand family functioning, it’s helpful to view the family within a systems perspective. Systems theory applies to a multitude of situations, ranging from the internal mechanisms of a computer to the bureaucratic functioning of a large public welfare department to the interpersonal relationships within a family. Regardless of the situation, understanding systems theory concepts helps you to understand dynamic relationships among people. Systems theory helps to conceptualize how a family works. Basic systems theory concepts were introduced in Chapter 1. The next section reviews those concepts and shows how they can be applied to family systems.

Systems theory helps us understand how a family system is intertwined with many other systems. Each member of a family is affected by what happens to any of the other members. Each member and the family as a whole are also affected by the many other systems in the family’s environment. For instance, if Johnny flunks algebra, the family works with the school system to help him make improvements. The entire family might have to cancel their summer vacation because Johnny has to attend summer school. The school system directly affects the family system.

A second example concerns Shirl, Johnny’s mother and the family’s primary breadwinner. She works as an engineering supervisor for Bob Bear, a corporation based in Racine, Wisconsin, that makes tractors. New World International, an immense conglomerate corporation, owns Bob Bear. What if New World International decides to close down the Bob Bear plant in Racine because of inadequate profits and to move the large plant to Bonetraill, North Dakota? Bonetraill is a far cry from small, but urban, Racine. One possibility for the family is to move two states away to a totally different environment because Shirl has been offered a comparable position in Bonetraill. Lennie, Johnny’s father, is a journalist for the local paper. In the event of a move, he would have to find a new job. The whole family would have to leave their neighborhood and friends. Another alternative is for Shirl to seek a new job in the Racine area. However, the economy there is depressed, and she would have difficulty finding a position with a salary anywhere near the one she is currently earning. Thus, the family system is seriously affected by the larger Bob Bear system, and the Bob Bear system by the even larger New World International system.

Another important reason can be given for understanding systems theory as it relates to families. Intervention in families with problems is a major concern of social work. Family therapy is intervention by a social worker or other family therapist with members of a family to improve communication and interaction among members and to pursue other changes and goals they wish to pursue. Family therapy is based on the idea that the family is a system. In finding solutions to problems within a family, the target of intervention is the family system.

Whether a particular problem is initially defined as an individual member’s or as the entire family’s, a family therapist views this problem as one involving the entire family system. The entire family should be the focus of treatment. In family therapy, the specific relationships between various family members in the family system need to be closely observed. Family interaction is discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 12.

A number of the basic systems theory concepts introduced in Chapter 1 will be briefly redefined here and then applied to examples of family situations.

A system is a set of elements that form an orderly, interrelated, and functional whole. Several aspects of this definition are important. The idea that a system is a “set of elements” means that a system can be composed of any type of things as long as these things have some relationship to each other. Things may be people, or they may be mathematical symbols. Regardless, the set of elements must be orderly. In other words, the elements must be arranged in some order or pattern that is not simply random. The set of elements must also be interrelated. They must have some kind of mutual relationship or connection with each other. Additionally, the set of elements must be functional. Together they must be able to perform some regular task, activity, or function and fulfill some purpose. Finally, the set of elements must form a whole.

Families are systems. Any particular family is composed of a number of individuals, the elements making up the system. Each individual has a unique relationship with the other individuals in the family. Spouses normally have a special physical and emotional relationship with each other. In a family with seven children, the two oldest sisters may have a special relationship with each other that is unlike their relationship with any of the other siblings. Regardless of what the relationships are, together the family members function as a family system. These relationships, however, are not always positive and beneficial. Sometimes, a relationship is negative or even hostile. For example, a 3-year-old daughter may be fiercely jealous of and resentful toward her newborn brother.

Homeostasis refers to the tendency for a system to maintain a relatively stable, constant state of equilibrium or balance. A homeostatic family system functions effectively. The family system is maintaining itself and may even be thriving. However, a homeostatic family system is not necessarily a perfect family. Mother may still become terribly annoyed at father for never wanting to go out dancing. Ten-year-old Bobby may still be maintaining a D average in English. Nonetheless, the family is able to continue its daily existence, and the family system itself is not threatened.

Homeostasis is exceptionally important in determining whether outside therapeutic intervention is necessary. Absolute perfection is usually unrealistic. However, if the family’s existence is threatened, the system may be in danger of breaking apart. In these instances, the family system no longer has homeostasis.

For instance, an 89-year-old maternal grandmother no longer can care for herself. She has been living alone since the death of her husband 20 years ago. Her eyesight is failing, and her rheumatoid arthritis puts her in constant pain. She remains fairly alert, however, with only some minor forgetfulness. Mother refuses to place grandmother in a nursing home. She feels responsible for her mother because she is the only child, and she would like to “pay back” all the care she received as a child.

Father, however, hates the idea of having his mother-in-law move in. Grandmother, he feels, has always tried to intervene in his marriage. He feels that she takes sides with his wife and constantly tells him what to do. He also feels she talks incessantly and is so hard of hearing that she listens to old Lawrence Welk reruns loud enough to deafen him, even as he works down in the basement.

Father relents, and grandmother moves in. Mother and father start quarreling more and more over grandmother. Soon they seem to be quarreling over everything. Mother has to quit her job because grandmother requires more care and attention than she expected. The family had just purchased a new home with high mortgage payments. Without mother’s salary, money becomes scarce for food, clothing, and other necessities. Mother and father fight over the financial situation; each blames the other for buying the expensive new home to begin with. The children’s grades in school start dropping, and they begin to display some behavior problems. Father threatens to leave if things don’t improve. The family system’s homeostasis is threatened.

At this point, intervention might take the form of family counseling to help the family clearly identify their problems, voice their opinions, and come to some mutually agreed-upon resolutions. Couple’s counseling might be involved to improve the communication between mother and father. Social services might be needed to help the family and grandmother decide what her best care alternative might be, including consideration of placement in a nursing home. In order for the family to survive, homeostasis must be restored and maintained.

A subsystem is a secondary or subordinate system—a system within a system. The most obvious examples are the parental and sibling subsystems. Other more subtle subsystems may also exist depending on the boundaries established within the family system. A mother might have a daughter to whom she feels especially close. These two might form a subsystem within a family system, apart from other family members. Sometimes subsystems exist because of more negative circumstances within family systems. A subsystem might exist within a family with an alcoholic father. Here the mother and children might form a subsystem in coalition against the father.

Boundaries are repeatedly occurring patterns of behavior that characterize the relationships within a system and give that system a particular identity. In a family system, boundaries determine who are members of that particular family system and who are not. Parents and children are within the boundaries of the family system. Close friends of the family are not.

Family systems involve powerful interpersonal connections and dynamics. A subsystem may be subtle—a mother might feel especially close to one child.

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Boundaries may also delineate subsystems within a system. For instance, boundaries separate the spouse subsystem within a family from the sibling subsystem. Each subsystem has its own specified membership. Either a family member is within the boundaries of that subsystem or he is not.

Input can be defined as the energy, information, or communication flow received from other systems. Families are not isolated, self-sufficient units. Each family system is constantly interacting with its environment and with other systems. For example, one type of input into a family system is the money received for the parents’ work outside the home. Another type of input involves the communication and supportive social interaction family members receive from friends, neighbors, and relatives. Schools also provide input in the form of education for children and progress reports concerning that education.

Output is the energy, information, or communication emitted from a system to the environment or to other systems. Work, whether it be in a job situation, a school setting, or in the home, can be considered output. Financial output is another form. This is necessary for the purchase of food, clothing, shelter, and the other necessities of life.

An important thing to consider about output is its relationship to input. If a family system’s output exceeds its input, family homeostasis may be threatened. In other words, if more energy is leaving a family system than is coming in, tensions may result and functioning may be impaired. For example, in a multiproblem family troubled by poverty, illness, lack of education, isolation, loneliness, and delinquency, tremendous amounts of effort and energy may be expended simply to stay alive. At the same time, little help and support may be coming in. The result would be severely restricted family functioning and lack of homeostasis.

Feedback is a system’s receipt of information from an outside source about its own performance or behavior. Feedback can be given to an entire family system, a subsystem (such as a marital pair), or an individual within the family system.

Feedback can be information obtained from outside the system. For example, a family therapist can provide a family with information about how it is functioning. Feedback can also be given by one individual or subsystem within the family system to another. For example, the sibling subsystem might communicate to the alcoholic mother that they are suffering from the consequences of her alcoholic behavior. Finally, a system, subsystem, or individual within a system can give feedback to those outside the family system. For instance, a family might contact their landlord and notify him that their kitchen sink is backing up. They might also add that he won’t see another rent check until it’s fixed.

Feedback can be either positive or negative. Positive feedback involves information about what a system is doing right in order to maintain itself and thrive. Positive feedback can provide specific information so that members in a family system are aware of the positive aspects of their functioning. For example, a mother works outside her home as a computer programmer. During her job performance evaluation, her supervisor may tell her that she has maintained the highest accuracy record in the department. This indicates to her that her conscientiousness in this respect is valued and should be continued.

Negative feedback can also be valuable. Negative feedback involves providing information about problems within the system. As a result of negative feedback, the system can choose to correct any deviations or mistakes and return to a more homeostatic state. For example, the mother mentioned earlier who works as a computer programmer can receive negative feedback during the same job evaluation. Her supervisor indicates that she tends to fall behind on her weekly written reports. Although she feels the reports are extraordinarily dull and tedious to complete, her supervisor’s feedback gives her the information she needs to perform her job better.

Perhaps the most relevant example for social workers concerning feedback is its application in a family treatment setting. When a family comes in for help about a particular problem, feedback can raise their awareness about their functioning. It can help them correct areas where they are making mistakes. It can also encourage them to continue positive interactions. For example, if every time a husband and wife discuss housework responsibilities they yell at each other about what the other does not do, a social worker can give them feedback that their yelling is accomplishing nothing. Constructive suggestions might then be given about how the couple could better resolve their differences over who takes out the garbage, who makes waffles for breakfast, and who separates the colors from the whites in the laundry.

Positive feedback might also be given. The husband and wife may not be aware that when asked a question about their feelings for each other or about how they like to raise their children, they are very supportive of each other. They immediately look to each other to check out the other’s feelings. They smile at each other and encourage the other’s opinions. Giving them specific positive feedback about these interactions by describing their behaviors to them may be helpful. Such feedback may encourage them to continue these positive interactions. It may also suggest to them that they could apply similar positive means to resolving other differences.

Entropy is the natural tendency of a system to progress toward disorganization, depletion, and, in essence, death. The idea is that nothing lasts forever. People age and eventually die. Young families get older, and children leave to start their own families.

Homeostasis itself is dynamic in that it involves constant change and adjustment. Families are never frozen in time. Family members are constantly changing and responding to new situations and challenges.

Negative entropy is the process of a system moving toward growth and development. In effect, it is the opposite of entropy. Goals in family treatment often involve striving to make conditions and interactions better than they were before. A relationship between quarreling spouses can improve. Physical abuse of a child can be stopped. Negative entropy must be kept in mind when helping family systems grow and develop to their full potential.

Equifinality refers to the idea that there are many different means to the same end. It is important not to get locked into only one way of thinking, because in any particular situation, there are alternatives. Some may be better than others, but there are alternatives. It’s easy to get trapped into tunnel vision in which no other options are apparent. Frequently, family systems need help in defining and evaluating the options available to them.

· System: A set of elements that form an orderly, interrelated, and functional whole.

· Homeostasis: The tendency for a system to maintain a relatively stable, constant state of equilibrium or balance.

· Subsystem: A secondary or subordinate system—a system within a system.

· Boundaries: Repeatedly occurring patterns of behavior that characterize the relationships within a system and give that system a particular identity.

· Input: Energy, information, or communication flow received from other systems.

· Output: Energy, information, or communication emitted from a system to the environment or to other systems.

· Feedback: A system’s receipt of information from an outside source about its own performance or behavior.

· Entropy: The natural tendency of a system to progress toward disorganization, depletion, and, in essence, death.

· Negative entropy: The process of a system moving toward growth and development.

· Equifinality: The idea that there are many different means to the same end.

· Differentiation: A system’s tendency to move from a more simplified to a more complex existence

Consider, for instance, a family in which the father abruptly loses his job. Instead of wallowing in remorse, they might pursue other alternatives. The family might consider relocating someplace where a similar position is available. The mother, who previously had not worked outside the home, might look into finding a job herself, to help the family’s financial situation. Moving to less expensive housing might be considered. Finally, the father might look into other types of work, at least temporarily. There are always alternatives. The important thing is to recognize and consider them.

Differentiation is a system’s tendency to move from a more simplified to a more complex existence. In other words, relationships, situations, and interactions tend to get more complex over time instead of more simplified.

For example, two people might fall in love, marry, and begin to establish their lives together. They have three children, and both parents work full-time in order to save enough for a modest home of their own. As time goes on, marital problems and disputes develop as their lives grow more complicated with children and responsibilities. Their initial simple life becomes clouded with children’s illnesses, car payments, job stresses, and so on. Systems theory provides a framework for viewing this couple’s relationship. It provides for the acknowledgment of increasing complexity. From a helping perspective, the basic fact of the couple’s affection for and commitment to each other may need to be identified and emphasized.

One other aspect of the family needs to be examined. This text assumes a chronological framework. People functioning within their environments are not stagnant; they change. And just as people change, so do families. Families have life cycles of their own.

Several decades ago, the family life cycle and the types of experiences family members had during specified phases of the cycle were fairly predictable. This is no longer the case. Today, there is no typical family cycle.

The traditional family life cycle was conceptualized as having six major phases (Carter & McGoldrick, 1980). Each phase focused on some emotional transition in terms of intimate relationships with other people and on changes of personal status. The six stages were:

1. Separating an unattached young adult from his or her family of origin

2. Marrying and establishing an identity as part of a couple, rather than as an individual

3. Having and raising young children

4. Dealing with adolescent children striving for independence, and refocusing on the couple relationship as adolescents gain that independence

5. Sending children forth into their own new relationships, addressing midlife crises, and coping with the growing disabilities of aging parents

6. Adjusting to aging and addressing the inevitability of one’s own death

Carter and McGoldrick (1999) propose a newer way of thinking about families that greatly expands the traditional family life-cycle perspective. Families progress through phases, but not in such a neat, predictable manner. Yes, the stages described previously can and do occur, but not necessarily in that order or at all. Rather, each family experiences a complex existence, as a system and as a collection of individuals, within an environmental context involving “race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexual orientation, religion, age, family status” and “disability” (p. 21). Spotlight 4.1 explores diverse perspectives on the family life cycle.

Within the context of the family system’s life cycle, we will now turn our attention back to the social development of young children. We will focus on how children become integrated into their family system and how they learn to behave (or misbehave). Learning theory provides a relevant, conceptual base for understanding how socialization and learning occur. Thus, we will emphasize the theoretical basis for learning theory and its applications to practical parenting.

“Mom! I want a candy bar! You promised! I want one right now! Mom!” Four-year-old Huey screamed as loudly as he possibly could. He and his mother were standing in the checkout line at the local supermarket. An elderly woman was checking out in front of them. Two other women and a man were waiting in line behind them.

Huey’s mother saw everybody looking at her and her young son. Huey simply would not stop screaming. She tried to shush him. She scolded him in as much of a whisper as she could muster. She threatened that he would never see the inside of a McDonald’s again. Absolutely nothing would work. Huey just kept on screaming.

Finally, in total exasperation, his mother grabbed the nearest candy bar off the shelf, ripped off the wrapper, and literally stuck the thing into Huey’s mouth. A peaceful silence came over the grocery store. All witnessing the event breathed a sigh of relief. Huey stood there with a happy smile on his sticky face. One might almost say he was gloating.

The family environment has already been established as the primary agent of children’s socialization. It provides the critical social environment in which children learn. The next logical question to address concerns how children learn. The social and emotional development of children is frequently a focus of social work intervention. Children sometimes create behavior problems. They become difficult for parents and other supervising adults to manage. When they enter school, these management problems often continue. Teachers and administration find some children difficult to control. Frequently, as children get older, problems escalate.

Children can learn how to be affectionate, considerate, fun-loving, and responsible. But they can also learn how to be selfish, spoiled, and inconsiderate. This latter state is not good for parents and other supervising adults, nor for the children themselves. Children need to cooperate with others. They need to know how to get along in social settings in order to become emotionally mature, well-adjusted adults. Learning theory concepts are useful for recognizing why anyone, child or adult, behaves the way he does. However, the concepts are especially helpful when addressing the issue of behavior management.

In order to change behavior, it first must be understood. Learning theory is a theoretical orientation that conceptualizes the social environment in terms of behavior, its preceding events, and its subsequent consequences. It posits that behavior can be learned, and therefore, maladaptive behavior can be unlearned. Learning theory provides a framework for understanding how behavior develops. We will focus on learning theory for several reasons. First, it emphasizes the social functioning of people within their environments (Angell, 2008; W. D. Harrison, 1995). The total person in dynamic interaction with all aspects of the environment is the focus of attention. This is in contrast to many other theoretical approaches that focus primarily on the individual’s personality or isolated history.

Second, learning theory emphasizes the importance of assessing observable behaviors. It also stresses the use of behaviorally specific terms in defining behaviors. This helps to make any particular behavior more clearly understandable.

Hines and her colleagues (1999) maintain that ethnic identity and culture are intimately involved with a family’s experience in each stage of every family’s life cycle. They note further, however, that the “consciousness of ethnic identity varies greatly within groups and from one group to another” (p. 69). People experience acculturation, “an ethnic person’s adoption of the dominant culture in which he or she is immersed. There are several degrees of acculturation; a person can maintain his or her own traditional cultural beliefs, values, and customs from the country of origin to a greater or lesser extent” (Lum, 2004, p. 202).

The following examples portray how cultural values and membership in various diverse groups affect family relationships and interaction during each phase of the traditional family life cycle.

Stage 1: Separating From One’s Family of Origin

Separating from one’s family of origin may have both positive and negative dimensions. Fulmer (1999) describes this period, usually ranging from about ages 18 to 21, as one focused on learning how to work, concentrating on self-development, viewing the world from a naive and idealistic perspective, and seeking perfect love. It is a time characterized by seeking new and exciting experiences, and also by maintaining some kind of connection with one’s roots.

This period may pose additional challenges for gay men or lesbians. Fulmer (1999) explains:

Gay young adults face an extra readjustment in their relationships with their families of origin if they are coming out [identifying themselves as being gay and sharing this information with others] to them for the first time. They often report having felt like outsiders to their families for some time. It may be a relief from such estrangement to be more authentic and open. Unfortunately, however, they often confront denial, anger, criticism, or rejection from at least some family members. While their families may mellow with time, this can be a period of feeling cut off from one’s family of origin with a deep loss of continuity and support. (p. 225)

Fulmer (1999) continues, regarding common situations experienced by lesbians:

Young lesbians also do not usually come out until young adulthood. They tend to bond earlier into stable couples than gay men do. Because their identity is then partially expressed as a member of a partnership, they want to present themselves as couples to their families (just as married heterosexuals do). Their appearing as a couple makes their homosexuality much more difficult for their families to deny, however. They may wish to visit or attend family rituals with their partners, forcing themselves, their partners, and their families to decide how “out” they want to be. If the partner isn’t welcome, the young adult has a hard choice, as does the family. (p. 226)

Stage 2: Marrying and Establishing an Identity as a Couple

To varying degrees, marriage can require adjustment, compromise, and struggle. Even small issues like how to arrange cereal boxes on the shelf, make spaghetti, or take out the garbage can require communication and cooperation.

Consider people who have another national origin and who enter the United States as a newly married couple. National origin, another dimension of diversity, involves the country of origin of individuals, their parents, or their ancestors. According to Ahearn (1995), people coming here might have any of the following statuses:

· Displaced people are those people who have been uprooted within their own country....

· Refugees are people who have crossed national boundaries in search of refuge.... [They include] people who flee to another country out of a fear of persecution because of religion, political affiliation, race, nationality, or membership in a particular group.

· Immigrants are those individuals who have been granted legal permanent residence in a country not their own.

· Migrants are those people, usually workers, who have temporary permission to live in a country, but plan to return to their country of origin.

· Illegal aliens are people who migrate illegally to another country. (p. 771)

Newly married people who come here must deal not only with the usual adjustments involved in marrying or living together, but also with the additional stress of acculturation and new status. Hernandez and McGoldrick (1999) explain:

New immigrant couples are confronted with the challenges of their migration-related transformations as they negotiate differences in world view, beliefs, religion, class, and cultural background. Often the level of adaptation varies between the partners and causes serious conflicts. The lack of social supports forces partners to become more dependent on each other, a situation that fosters isolation and overwhelms each of the partners. Racial and ethnic prejudice can seriously compound a couple’s conflict. (pp. 174–175)

Nimmagadda and Balgopal (2000) comment on immigrants who arrive here first and then face the possibility of marriage:

Because the Asian tradition of marriage is based on the philosophy of “marry first and then fall in love,” arranged marriage versus love marriage is a source of conflict for many Asian Americans. Parents still hold considerable influence over the selection of mates for their children, but increasingly their sons and daughters are gaining more control over whom they marry....

Probably one of the main fears of South Asian immigrants is the issue of “outmarriage”—that is, their children marrying a person outside their ethnic community. Among Asian Indians, Segal (1997) writes, this fear is twofold—first, because the parents fear that their children will lose their cultural heritage; and second, because of the belief that most American marriages end in divorce. For nearly all Asians, dating is a cause of conflict between parents and children, because in most Asian communities, dating is often equated with sexual activity, which is unacceptable before marriage. Thus, the recent immigrants do not tolerate dating, which is further complicated if their children go out with individuals of other ethnicities, especially non-Asians. (p. 43)

Stage 3: Having and Raising Young Children

Cultural values significantly affect how children are socialized, what values they acquire, and what behaviors they learn. Gardiner, Mutter, and Kosmitzki (1998) explain that “one cannot view the socialization of certain behaviors independently from the cultural context. Cultures define the basic values and ideals as well as the agents who teach the values and the settings in which they are taught” (p. 148).

Kerig, Alyoshina, and Volovich (1993) studied the gender-role socialization of children in Russia and came to some conclusions concerning how this process resulted in subsequent characteristics and behavior. Gardiner and his colleagues (1998) explain:

In Russian society, children are surrounded by female caretakers (mothers, teachers, doctors, day-care workers), whereas men are relatively little involved in family and household matters. This situation provides a young girl with a large number of female role models in different familial and professional roles. She is presented with an image of women that is versatile and active, and she has the opportunity to practice behavior appropriate for her gender, following that of her mother or other female role models. As a consequence, she is socialized into a very active and dominant role. This socialization pattern is continued in adolescence and adulthood.

Russian society expects women to be as involved in the work force as are men, and also to take over most of the housework. This dual identity reinforces the image of the woman as active and dominant. However, the Russian stereotype expects women to be passive and obedient; active, masculine behaviors are viewed as highly undesirable. This apparent contradiction between stereotype and social norm provides a dilemma for Russian women unless they are very flexible in their behavior and can adjust to the demands of different situations. At home and at work, they need to be able to be active and energetic, but in their social interactions with men, they need to be feminine (i.e., passive and weak)....

Russian boys, on the other hand, have few opportunities to practice active, dominant behavior. They are surrounded by female authority figures and caretakers involved in female activities. At the same time, Russian culture strongly disapproves of aggressiveness and emphasizes cooperation and caring. As a result of these social constraints, a young boy frequently withdraws and responds with passivity, which represents highly unmasculine behavior. Understandably, a young boy experiences a certain amount of confusion trying to define his gender identity in a context in which he is not able to observe or practice masculine behavior. Only later in adolescence do many young men compensate for their lack of masculine behavior by becoming involved in motorcycle gangs or even engaging in antisocial activities such as vandalism, substance abuse, and physical and sexual abuse of women. (pp. 146–147)

Stage 4: Dealing With Adolescent Children

In the United States, adolescence can be a difficult period. Adolescents strive to establish their own identities, which often results in conflict with parents. Parents often struggle to maintain control while adolescents vehemently resist it. Ethnic diversity and cultural values can add to the complexity of these scenarios.

Garcia-Preto (1998) describes the cultural dilemmas and difficulties that young Latinas* and their families face as these young women enter adolescence and young adulthood:

*Latina is the feminine form of Latino in Spanish.

Most Latina mothers “go into high gear to guard their daughters’ virginity, especially as they reach adolescence. It is as if we hear a call to respond to an ancient cultural myth about women and virginity that [e]nsures women safe futures in the hands of honorable men, but only if they are virgins. This myth emanates from the double standard about gender roles in patriarchal societies (such as those in Latin America and the Caribbean), which limits the sexual freedom of women and gives men authority over them.... Although the double standard also applies to a lesser extent in the United States, women in U.S. society tend to experience greater sexual freedom than Latinas do in their countries of origin....

In the United States, adolescent girls are given freedom to go out with girlfriends, sleep at their houses, talk with boys, and go on dates without chaperones. In contrast, Latinas tend to be supervised more closely when they go out with friends; dating doesn’t take place until much later; and it is not unusual for chaperones to be present on dates. The emphasis is on protecting a girl’s virginity and keeping her reputation unmarred. The responsibility for this task is given primarily to mothers. The extent to which Latino families living in this country hold on to these values depends on the length of time they have lived here, their level of education and social status, and the place where they settle. The greater the cultural gap between families and the new culture, the more likely it is for conflicts to erupt between mothers and daughters during adolescence around the issue of virginity, since children tend to adapt faster than parents to a new culture. (pp. 333–334)

How can these disputes and dilemmas be resolved? Garcia-Preto (1998) provides several suggestions. First, mothers and daughters can work on “choosing what to keep from their old culture and what to take from the new culture” (p. 335). Second, they can focus on each other’s strengths, such as their genuine caring for each other and their concern for each other’s well-being. Third, they can seek to understand each other’s feelings and their respective points of view. Fourth, they can address what options are available and what compromises are possible.

Stage 5: Addressing Midlife Crises

Almost 22.8 percent of African American families live below the poverty line,** compared to 7.5 percent of white families (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). Hines (1999) describes some of the midlife issues faced by African American families:

**The poverty line is the level of income that the federal government considers sufficient to meet basic requirements of food, shelter, and clothing.

Families in later life are likely to consist of a child generation, a young adult parent generation, a middle-aged grandparent generation, and one or even two elderly great-grandparent generations. In contrast to middle-class families, this phase of the life cycle does not signify retirement or a lessening of daily responsibilities for poor African Americans. Many continue working to make ends meet in spite of poor health. Even when they do retire, it is unlikely they will have “empty nests.” Instead, they are likely to be active members of expanding households and family systems, frequently providing care to grandchildren, adult children, and other elderly kin. Although women in this stage are likely to be in bad health and have extremely low incomes, it is they who are most likely to provide stability for children when the system is threatened with dissolution because parents cannot fulfill their roles. (p. 338)

Increasing numbers of African American grandparents are assuming responsibility for their grandchildren (C. B. Cox, 2002; Dhooper & Moore, 2001; Sue & Sue, 2008). Primary reasons include crack cocaine or alcohol addiction, incarceration for drug- or alcohol-related crimes, mental illness, and unwillingness to surrender custody of grandchildren to public foster care (Cox, 2002; Okazawa-Rey, 1998). “Surrogate parenting has been a pattern for African American grandparents in U.S. society” (Cox, 2002, p. 46).

These grandparents experience undue pressures when assuming such responsibility and are “prone to an increased incidence or exacerbation of depression and insomnia, hypertension, back and stomach problems, ... as well as increased use of alcohol and cigarettes.... In addition, grandparents tend to ignore their problems and associated stresses to meet the needs of their grandchildren” (Cox, 2002, p. 46).

Cox (2002) calls for empowerment practice on their behalf and explains: “The immediate goals of empowerment practice are to help clients achieve a sense of personal power, become more aware of connections between individual and community problems, develop helping skills, and work collaboratively toward social change” (p. 46, citing Gutierrez, GlenMaye, & DeLois, 1995).

Cox calls for providing grandparents with information on a range of relevant topics and teaching them various skills to empower them. The recommended curriculum includes the following content: “(1) introduction to empowerment; (2) importance of self-esteem; (3) communicating with grandchildren; (4) dealing with loss and grief; (5) helping grandchildren deal with loss; (6) dealing with behavior problems; (7) talking to grandchildren about sex, HIV/AIDS, and drugs; (8) legal and entitlement issues; (9) developing advocacy skills; (10) negotiating systems; [and] (11) making presentations” so that they can share their knowledge with others (p. 47).

Stage 6: Adjusting to Aging and Dealing With Eventual Death

Depending on your cultural background, there are numerous ways of viewing and dealing with old age and death. For example, Dhooper and Moore (2001) maintain:

Native American*** elderly, those aged 65 and above, are more traditional in their philosophy and values and have a deeper understanding of racism and oppression against Native people as a result of having a longer history of experience with these forces. [Early in the last century] the BIA [Bureau of Indian Affairs] sanctioned field agents to alter Native customs. “Forbidden were the wearing of long hair by males, face painting of both sexes, and wearing Indian dress” (Hirschfelder & Kreipe de Montano, 1993, p. 22).... The elderly have been the vanguards of their culture and have passed down their traditions and cultural beliefs throughout the generations. Through the elderly “traditional values are sustained.... The ancient languages are spoken and taught, traditional ceremonies are observed and baskets are woven” (L. Hall, 1997, p. 755). As such they are held in high regard by their people and are treated respectfully. “Generally Native American traditional values consist of sharing, cooperation and a deep respect for elders” (Garrett, 1999, p. 87). (p. 191)

***“Note that American Indian and Native American are both accepted terms for referring to indigenous peoples of North America, although Native American is a broader designation because the U.S. government includes Hawaiians and Samoans in this category. There are close to 450 Native groups” (American Psychological Association, 2001, p. 68). Another term used to refer to indigenous peoples of North America is First Nations Peoples. Lum (2003) comments that “there is no consensus about which term is best, yet some Native people have strong preferences for one term over the others. These terms all include many different groups of distinct people. Use of such broad terms tends to obscure diversity. Generally, when speaking of a particular Native person or nation (such as Comanche or Oneida), it is best to employ the specific label used by those people rather than a more general term such as Native American” (p. 197).

Similarly, various cultures view and deal with death very differently. Simon (1996) describes how the Lebanese deal with it:

Lebanese families are generally very expressive in their response to death, even after several generations of living in the United States. Extreme displays of emotion are common, and it is not unusual for older family members to ask the deceased to get up and perform a favored deed one last time (i.e., to dubkee, a Lebanese dance, or cook a favored meal). After the deceased is unable to respond to the request, the grief of the family is amplified and followed by wailing and crying. For immigrant Lebanese several decades ago, it was not uncommon to jump into the grave at the cemetery if a child had preceded a parent in death. In recent times Lebanese American reactions to death are less dramatic but still highly emotional and demonstrative. Calmness at wakes is perceived as a lack of love for the deceased, and emotional outbursts are perceived as respect for the deceased. Because of the strong bonds and emotional attachments of Lebanese families, wakes and funerals are highly charged experiences. (p. 374)

Almeida (1996) describes the Hindu perception and treatment of death:

Death is a particularly potent symbolic event among Hindus, given their beliefs about karma [destiny].... As with weddings, traditional rituals associated with death and mourning are likely to be modified when Indians live in the United States.

Mourning cycles vary, but ... customs include a 10- to 12-day mourning ritual ... in addition to requiring extensive absence from work. In keeping with Indian sex-role traditions, widows are expected to perform many rituals of sacrifice glorifying the family, whereas widowers and other family members are not required to observe such rites. (p. 408)

Mindell (2007) explains Jewish families’ view and handling of death:

Judaism, regardless of denomination—Reform, Conservative, or Orthodox—has the overriding values of honoring the dead and comforting the mourners. Burial is usually within twenty-four hours after the death and the funeral service begins with the cutting of a garment or a black ribbon attached to the mourners, the immediate family of the deceased. This ritual is a visual representation of the individual being separated—cut away—from the loved one. The period of mourning at home after the burial lasts for one week. This ritual is called Shiva, the Hebrew word for seven. Friends, family, and neighbors visit the mourners in the home during Shiva, which provides the opportunity to share stories about the deceased, how his or her life touched others, and provide the bereaved a supportive environment to also share memories and to grieve. The first thirty days, referred to as Sheloshim, the Hebrew word for thirty, after the funeral is a time when the family might attend morning and evening services. Mourning ends after the first year, the anniversary of the death, when a tombstone is dedicated. At each anniversary of the death, the Yahzeit, the family lights a special twenty-four-hour memorial candle. Mourning is seen as a process that has stages and takes time. Rituals enable the living to remember the dead.

The religious customs that are practiced during the continuum of an individual’s life allow one to cope with difficult happenings, experiences, and emotions, in a supportive, emotional “home” as she or he struggles to make sense out of events that seem to have no meaning. The manner in which the struggle is done, the emotions expressed, and how the community supports its members reflect the religious and cultural history of the group and help to define the identity of the members of the group. (pp. 231–232)

Finally, learning theory provides a positive approach. The underlying idea is that behaviors develop through learning them, and therefore, undesirable behaviors can be unlearned. This allows for positive behavioral changes. Instead of individuals being perceived as victims of their personal histories and personality defects, they are seen as dynamic living beings capable of change.

Behavior modification is a therapeutic application of learning theory principles. Much evidence supports the effectiveness of behavioral techniques for a wide variety of human problems and learning situations (Degangi & Kendall, 2008; Kazdin, 2001; Miltenberger, 2008; Sundel & Sundel, 2005).

One view of understanding behavior focuses on a stimulus and the response resulting from that stimulus. A stimulus is “an object or event that can be detected by one of the senses, and thus has the potential to influence the person” (Miltenberger, 2008, p. 78). A particular stimulus elicits a particular response. The stimulus can be a word, a sight, or a sound.

For example, Martha, who has been on a strict diet for a week, stops by to visit her friend Evelyn. Evelyn is in the process of preparing a lobster dinner. She is also baking a German chocolate cake for dessert. Martha begins salivating at the thought of such appetizing food. Martha’s response, salivation, occurs as a result of the stimulus, witnessing Evelyn’s preparation of the wonderful, albeit fattening, food. Figure 4.1 portrays this relationship.

Much respondent behavior is unlearned; that is, a response is naturally emitted after exposure to a stimulus. This stimulus is called an unconditioned (naturally occurring) stimulus. Respondent conditioning (also called classical or Pavlovian Conditioning) occurs when a person learns to respond to a new stimulus that does not naturally elicit a response. This new stimulus is called a conditioned (learned) stimulus. In order to accomplish this, the new stimulus is paired with the stimulus that elicited the response naturally. The person then learns to associate the new stimulus with a particular response even though it had nothing to do with that response originally.

For example, Mr. Bartholomew, a third-grade teacher, slaps students very hard on the hand when they talk out of turn. As a result of this stimulus, the slapping, students fear Mr. Bartholomew. By associating Mr. Bartholomew with getting a slap on the hand, the students eventually learn to fear Mr. Bartholomew even when he isn’t slapping them. Mr. Bartholomew himself has been paired with the hand slapping until he elicits the same response that the slapping did. Figure 4.2 helps to illustrate this relationship.

Some behavioral techniques used by social workers involve the principles of respondent conditioning. Systematic desensitization provides an example. Systematic desensitization is a procedure in which a “person with a phobia practices relaxation while imagining scenes of the fear-producing stimulus. A phobia is a fear in which the level of anxiety or escape and avoidance behavior is severe enough to disrupt the person’s life” (Miltenberger, 2008, p. 551). The extreme fear or anxiety may involve almost anything. Examples include snakes, enclosed places, or school.

Systematic desensitization usually has two major thrusts. First, the client is exposed very gradually to the thing he fears. Second, while the client is being exposed to the fearful item or event, he is also taught an incompatible response. The incompatible response must be something that cannot occur at the same time as the anxiety and fear. A good example of an incompatible response is progressive relaxation.

For example, the client first learns how to control his body and relax. Then the standard procedure is that he is exposed to the feared item or event in increasing amounts or degrees. A person who fears rats might first be shown a picture of a rat in the distance while, at the same time, using his newly acquired relaxation skills. Anxiety and fear cannot occur while the individual is in a relaxed state. They are incompatible responses.

The individual might then be shown an 8-by-10-inch photo of a rat. Once again, the individual would use relaxation techniques to prevent anxiety from occurring. The client would be exposed to rats in a more and more direct manner until the client could actually hold a laboratory rat in his hand. The client would gradually learn to use the incompatible relaxation technique to quell any anxiety that rats might once have elicited.

A variety of techniques based on respondent conditioning have also been used to treat enuresis, or bed-wetting, overeating, cigarette smoking, alcohol consumption, and sexual deviations (Kazdin, 2001; O’Leary & Wilson, 1987; Sundel & Sundel, 2005). However, they are not nearly as abundant nor are they as common as those behavioral techniques based on operant conditioning, discussed in a later section.

A second perspective on understanding behavior and learning involves modeling, the learning of behavior by observing another individual engaging in that behavior. In order to learn from a model, an individual does not necessarily have to participate in the behavior. An individual only needs to watch how a model performs the behavior. For obvious reasons, modeling is also called observational learning. A behavior can be learned simply by observing its occurrence.

Modeling is important within the context of practical parenting. Parents can model appropriate behavior for their children. For example, a father might act as a model for his son concerning how to play baseball. The father can teach his son how to throw and catch a ball by doing it himself. The child can learn by watching his father.

In social work intervention, modeling can be used to model appropriate treatment of children so that parents may observe. For example, 5-year-old Larry, who frequently has behavior problems, may pick up a pencil that the social worker accidentally dropped and return it to the social worker. The social worker may then model for the parent how the child can be positively reinforced for his good behavior. The social worker may say, “Thank you for picking up my pencil for me, Larry. That was very helpful of you.”

Another example of modeling within a social work practice context is role playing, practicing behavior through a trial run in preparation for a later situation in which some goal is to be achieved (such as gaining greater understanding of another’s position or learning more effective communication skills). For example, a social worker might ask a mother who has trouble controlling her son to role-play that son and mimic his behavior. She is instructed to act the way she thinks her son would act. The social worker may then model for the parent some appropriate, effective things to say to the son when the son behaves in that way. Such modeling provides the opportunity for the parent to learn new ways of responding to her son.

Modeling can also teach children inappropriate and ineffective behavior. For example, consider a mother who strikes other family members whenever she gets the least bit irritated with them. She is likely to act as a model for that type of behavior. Her children may learn that striking others is the way to express their anger.

Some classic research studied the effects of positive and negative consequences on modeling (Bandura, 1965). Children were shown a film of an adult hitting and kicking a large doll, obviously modeling aggressive behavior. Afterward, the children were divided into three groups. Each group then observed the model experiencing different respective consequences. One group of children viewed the model being punished for the aggressive behavior. Another group of children saw the model being rewarded for the same behavior. A third group of children saw the model being ignored. The children were then placed in situations where they could display aggression. Children who saw the model receive a reward for aggressive behavior and those who saw him experience no consequences clearly displayed more aggressive behavior than those children who saw the model punished. It was ascertained that all the children had learned the aggressive behavior; when they were told they would receive a reward for being aggressive, they all could indeed be aggressive. The conclusion is that modeling behavior can be affected both by consequences to the model and to the observer.

Other conditions can also affect the effectiveness of modeling or the degree to which modeling works. These conditions include “the similarity of the model to the observer; the prestige, status, and expertise of the model; and the number of models observed. As a general rule, imitation of a model by an observer is greater when the model is similar to the observer, more prestigious, and higher in status and expertise than the observer and when several models perform the same behavior” (Kazdin, 2001, pp. 24–25; Miltenberger, 2008; Sundel & Sundel, 2005).

Modeling has been used in a variety of clinical settings, including the control of fear and the development of social skills. Usually, it’s used in conjunction with other behavioral techniques.

Operant conditioning is one of the dominant types of learning focused on in the United States. It allows for the easiest and most practical understanding of behavior. Many treatment applications are based on the principles of operant conditioning.

Operant conditioning is “a type of learning in which behaviors are influenced primarily by the consequences that follow them” (Kazdin, 2001, p. 458). New behaviors can be shaped, weak behaviors can be strengthened, strong behaviors can be maintained, and undesirable behaviors can be weakened and eliminated. The emphasis lies on the consequences of behavior. What follows a particular behavior affects how frequently that behavior will occur again, as illustrated in Highlight 4.1.

The Johnsons hired their neighbor, 9-year-old Eric, to mow their lawn once a week during the summer. Eric, not being sophisticated in the ways of money management, failed to discuss how much he would be paid per hour. Eric slaved away for 4 hours one Saturday afternoon when he would rather have been playing baseball.

When Eric had finished, Mr. Johnson came out, complimented Eric on what a fine job he had done, and gave him $10 for his trouble. Unfortunately $10 worked out to be $2.50 per hour. Mr. Johnson thought this was more than adequate. Mr. Johnson himself had been paid only a grand total of $1 for doing a similar job when he was a boy. Eric, however, felt this was more than chintzy on Mr. Johnson’s part. He knew that $10 would barely begin to cover the brand new Xbox of his dreams.

The consequences for Eric’s lawn-mowing behavior were not positive. He did not receive his expected $32. Thus, Eric never mowed Mr. Johnson’s lawn again. Instead he turned to other, more generous and benevolent neighbors to upgrade his financial future. He also learned to make salary one of the first items on his business agenda. If Mr. Johnson had given him his expected rate of $8 an hour, Eric would have been a dependable and industrious worker for him throughout the summer. In other words, more favorable consequences for Eric would have encouraged his lawn-mowing behavior. He would have been conditioned to mow Mr. Johnson’s lawn. As it turned out, Mr. Johnson was doomed to mowing his own lawn for the remainder of the summer.

One way of conceptualizing operant behavior is to divide it into its primary parts, known as antecedents, behaviors, and consequences. Another way of referring to them is the ABCs of behavior.

Antecedents are the events occurring immediately before the behavior itself. These events set the stage for the behavior to occur. For instance, some individuals state that they are able to quit smoking cigarettes except when they are socializing at a party. The party conditions act as a stimulus for smoking behavior, whereas other environments do not. In other words, the party setting acts as an antecedent for smoking behavior.

Behavior is “any observable and measurable response or act.... Behavioris occasionally broadly defined to include cognitions, psychophysiological reactions, and feelings, which may not be directly observable but are defined in terms that can be measured by means of various assessment strategies” (Kazdin, 2001, p. 450; Miltenberger, 2008). The important phrase here is that behavior is “defined in terms that can be measured.” Therefore, even thoughts and feelings can be changed as long as words can be found to clearly describe what they are. For instance, specific messages that people send to themselves can be altered as long as these messages can be clearly defined and measured. A woman who frequently tells herself “I am sofat,” can have that message changed to “I am a worthwhile person.” Each time she tells herself this message, it can be noted, so that the overall frequency can be measured.

Most behavior involved in operant conditioning is observable. Even thoughts and feelings frequently occur with accompanying behaviors. For example, Ieasha is a 6-year-old who has been clinically diagnosed as depressed. Any thoughts she has about being depressed are not noticeable. However, she makes frequent statements about what a bad girl she is, how her parents don’t like her, and what it would be like to die. These statements can be observed and noted. Such statements might be used as indicators for childhood depression.

Ieasha’s statements can also be measured; that is, the types of statements she makes and how often she makes them can be counted and evaluated. She might make a statement concerning what a bad girl she is 12 times per day, about how her parents dislike her 5 times per day, and about her own death 16 times per day. When her depression begins to subside, these types of verbal statements may decrease in frequency and severity. For example, Ieasha may make derogatory remarks about herself only 4 times per day instead of 12. She may say only once each day that her parents dislike her. Statements about death may disappear altogether.

In addition to verbal behavior, physical behavior or actions may also be observed and measured. Besides making statements that indicate she’s depressed, Ieasha may spend much of her time sitting in a corner, sucking her thumb, and gazing off into space. The exact amount of time she spends displaying these specific behaviors may be observed and measured. For example, Ieasha initially may spend 5 hours each day sitting in a corner. When depression begins to wane, she may spend only half an hour in the corner.

The final component as a basis for operant conditioning involves the consequences of the behavior. A consequence may be either something that is given or something that is withdrawn or delayed. In other words, something happens as a direct result of a particular behavior. Consequences are best described in terms of reinforcement and punishment.

Reinforcement refers to a procedure or consequence that increases the frequency of the behavior immediately preceding it. If the behavior is already occurring at a high level of frequency, then reinforcement maintains the behavior’s frequency. A behavior occurs under certain antecedent conditions. If the consequences of the behavior serve to make that behavior occur more often or be maintained at its current high rate, then those consequences are considered reinforcing. Reinforcers strengthen behavior and make them more likely to occur in the future (Sundel & Sundel, 2005).

Reinforcement can be either positive or negative. Positive reinforcement refers to positive events or consequences that follow a behavior and strengthen it. In other words, something is added to a situation and encourages a particular behavior. For example, 8-year-old Herbie receives a weekly allowance of $12 if he straightens up his room and throws all of his dirty laundry down the clothes chute. Receiving his allowance serves to strengthen, or positively reinforce, Herbie’s cleaning behavior.

Negative reinforcement is the removal of a negative event or consequence that serves to increase the frequency of a behavior. There are two important aspects of this definition. First, something must be removed from the situation. Second, the frequency of a particular behavior is increased. In this manner, positive and negative reinforcement resemble each other. Both function as reinforcement that, by definition, serves to increase or maintain the frequency of a behavior.

A good example of negative reinforcement is a seat-belt buzzer in a car. The car door is opened, and a loud and annoying buzzer is activated. It will not stop until the driver’s seat belt is fastened. Conceptually, the buzzer functions as a negative reinforcer because it increases the frequency of buckling seat belts. The buzzer is also negative or aversive. It increases seat-belt buckling behavior because people are motivated to stop (remove) it.

To take another example of negative reinforcement, suppose Orlando, a college sophomore, is trying to study in his dorm room one Thursday night. His next-door neighbor, Gavin, has decided that Thursday nights are much better for partying than for studying. Gavin, therefore, decides to invite a bunch of his friends over to take some illegal substance. Gavin cranks up his CD player to the highest vibration level it can tolerate.

Orlando tries to ignore this nuisance and continues trying to study until he can’t stand it anymore. In a state of fury, he stomps up to the wall between the rooms, smashes his fist on it several times, and screams, “Shut the #$@*$%& up in there!”

On the other side of the wall, Gavin says to his buddies, “That guy is such a dweeb. If I don’t turn it down, he’ll probably narc on me to the hall director. Let’s go somewhere else.” He turns off his CD player and leaves with his friends.

Evaluating this scenario with learning theory leads to several conclusions. First, Orlando’s screaming behavior served as negative reinforcement for Gavin’s turning off his CD player and leaving the room. Orlando’s screaming was aversive to Gavin. In order to terminate it, Gavin turned off his music and left. Moreover, from then on, Gavin made it a point to turn off his CD player whenever Orlando was around and leave his room when he wanted to party. Thus, Orlando’s (aversive) screaming reinforced (increased the frequency of) Gavin’s turning off his CD player and leaving his room when he wanted to party.

Looking at his situation from another perspective, Gavin’s room-leaving behavior served as positive reinforcement for Orlando’s screaming behavior. Orlando was positively reinforced for screaming because he got what he wanted—namely, peace and quiet. Orlando became much more likely to scream at Gavin in the future (that is, Orlando was reinforced), because he immediately received something positive as a result of his behavior.

Although at first glance this may appear obvious and simplistic, it is easy to become confused about the type of reinforcement that is occurring. In any particular situation, both positive and negative reinforcement may be taking place at the same time. Consider, for instance, the example given initially to illustrate learning theory. It involved 4-year-old Huey and his mother at the supermarket. Huey yelled for a candy bar. His mother finally gave in and thrust one into his mouth. His crying immediately stopped. Both positive and negative reinforcement were occurring in this example. Mother’s giving Huey the candy bar served as a positive reinforcer. Huey received something positive that he valued. At the same time he learned that he could get exactly what he wanted from his mother by screaming in the supermarket. Giving him the candy bar positively reinforced his bad behavior. Therefore, that type of behavior would be more likely to occur in the future.

At the same time, negative reinforcement was occurring in this situation. Mother’s giving-in behavior was encouraged or strengthened. She learned that she could stop Huey’s obnoxious yelling by giving him what he wanted—in this case, a candy bar. Huey’s yelling, therefore, acted as negative reinforcement. It increased his mother’s giving-in behavior by motivating her to stop—or to escape from—his yelling.

Punishment and negative reinforcement are frequently mistaken for each other. Perhaps this is because they both concern something negative or aversive. However, they represent two distinctly different concepts.

Punishment is the presentation of an aversive event or the removal of a positive reinforcer, which results in a decrease in the frequency of a behavior. Two aspects of this definition are important. First, the result of punishment is a decrease in a behavior’s frequency. This is in direct opposition to negative reinforcement, which increases a behavior’s frequency.

Second, punishment can be administered in two different ways. One way involves presenting a negative or aversive event immediately after a behavior occurs. Negative events may include spankings, scoldings, electric shocks, additional demands on time, or embarrassing criticisms. For example, 10-year-old Susie hadn’t studied for her social studies exam. Her parents had already complained about the last report card. She just hadn’t given the test much thought until Ms. McGuilicutte was handing out the test papers. Susie looked over her test paper and gasped. Nothing looked even vaguely familiar. She was sitting next to Juana, whom she considered the class genius. She figured that just a few brief glances at Juana’s paper wouldn’t hurt anybody. However, Susie was wrong. Ms. McGuilicutte immediately noticed Susie’s wandering attention. Ms. McGuilicutte swooped down on Susie and confiscated her test paper. In front of the entire class Susie was told that cheating resulted not only in an F grade, but also in two weeks of detention after school. Susie was mortified. She vowed to herself that she would never cheat again.

Susie received extremely aversive consequences as the result of her cheating behavior. The consequences included not only a failing test grade and two weeks of detention, but also humiliation in front of her peers. Her cheating behavior decreased in frequency to zero.

The second way in which punishment can be administered is by withdrawing a positive reinforcer. Once again, the result may be a decrease in the frequency of a particular behavior. For example, 7-year-old Robbie thought it was funny to belch at the table during dinner. Several times his parents asked him to stop belching. Each time Robbie was quiet for about a minute and then started belching again. Finally, his mother stated firmly that such belching was considered rude behavior and that, as punishment, Robbie would not receive the banana split she had planned for his dessert. Robbie whined and pleaded, but his mother refused to give it to him. Robbie loved desserts, and banana splits were his favorite. Robbie never belched at the table again, at least not purposefully. Removal of the positive reinforcer—the banana split—had served as punishment. The punishment resulted in an abrupt decrease in belching behavior.

It should be emphasized that the term punishment as it is used in learning theory does not necessarily mean physical punishment. For some of us, the word may bring to mind pictures of parents putting children over their knees and spanking them. Punishment does not have to be physical. Verbal reprimands such as a mother saying how disappointed she is that she caught her daughter “making out” with her boyfriend in the family room can also serve as punishment. The reprimand functions as a punishment if the behavior decreases. Likewise, withdrawal of a valued activity, such as not allowing a child to go to a popular movie, can be a punishment if it acts to decrease or stop some negative behavior.

Extinction is the process whereby reinforcement for a behavior stops, resulting in the eventual decrease in frequency and possible eradication of that behavior. Reinforcement simply stops; nothing is actively taken away. Note that extinction and punishment are two separate concepts. As Kazdin (2001) notes, “In extinction, a consequence that was previously provided no longer follows the response. An event or stimulus (money, noise) is neither taken away nor presented. In punishment, some aversive event follows a response (a reprimand) or some positive event (money) is taken away” (p. 58). In everyday life, extinction often takes the form of ignoring a behavior that was previously reinforced with attention.

An example of extinction concerns the reduction of tantrum behaviors in a 21-month-old child. When put to bed, the child screams until his parents return to the room to comfort him. This provides positive reinforcement for the child’s behavior. The parents are instructed to put the child to bed, leave the room, and ignore his screaming. The first night, the child screams for 45 minutes. However, the next night when the parents leave the room, no screaming occurs. Eventually, withdrawing the positive reinforcer of attention results in the total elimination of the child’s tantrums. Ignoring, therefore, can be used as an effective means of extinction.

Extinction occurs with many other reinforcers in various daily situations. For example, if putting a dollar in a coffee machine results in nothing but a gush of clear, hot water without the cup, use of that coffee machine will probably be extinguished. Likewise, say you’re having difficulty in your biology lab course. You don’t understand what the professor is saying during lectures, and you’re not sure what he wants from you on exams (you’ve already received a D+ on two of them). Three times you try to see your professor during his office hours, and each time he is not there. Eventually, you stop trying to see him, despite your frustration. Your behavior involved in seeing him to get help has been extinguished.

One other aspect of extinction is important to note. Frequently, when reinforcement is initially stopped, a brief increase in the frequency or intensity of the behavior may occur. This is referred to as an extinction burst. For example, consider again tantrums in a small child. When the reinforcement of attention is withdrawn, the child’s behavior may escalate temporarily. If the child in the past has always received positive reinforcement through attention for his behavior, it may be very confusing suddenly to receive no attention for that very same behavior. The child may try exceptionally hard to get the attention to which he was accustomed. The intensity of the undesirable behavior can seriously strain the patience and tolerance of parents. However, eventually the child will learn that the tantrums are not reinforced and are therefore simply not worth the effort. Thus, the tantrum behavior is extinguished.

The relationships between extinction, punishment, positive reinforcement, and negative reinforcement are summarized in Figure 4.3.

Here the differences between positive reinforcement, negative reinforcement, punishment, and extinction are summarized. Important differences involve what happens and what results with each behavioral approach.

As children become socialized, they learn and assimilate various behaviors. Because learning is a complicated process, sometimes the behaviors they learn are not those that their parents would prefer. Behavior management is a major issue for many parents.

Parents have various alternative ways of responding to a child’s behavior. At any point an individual can follow alternative plans of action. For each alternative there are consequences. The critical task is to evaluate each alternative and select the one with the most advantageous results. Learning theory concepts provide parents with a means of understanding the alternatives open to them and predicting the potential consequences of each alternative. It can help them gain control over their children’s behavior.

An example of parental alternatives in response to behavior is provided by Tung, age 4. At the dinner table, Tung nonchalantly and without warning says an unmentionable four-letter word. Tung’s parents are shocked. At this point, they can respond in several different ways. They can ignore the fact that Tung said the word. Without being given undue attention, saying the word may be stopped. A second alternative is to tell Tung calmly that the word is not considered a very nice word. They might add that some people use it when they’re angry and that other people don’t really like to hear it. They might also ask him not to use the word anymore. A third alternative is for the parents to display their horror and disbelief, scream at Tung never to say that word again, and send him to bed without being allowed to finish his supper.

· Learning theory: The theoretical orientation that conceptualizes the social environment in terms of behavior, its preceding events, and its subsequent consequences.

· Respondent conditioning: Responses that develop when a person learns to respond to a new stimulus that does not naturally elicit a response.

· Unconditioned (naturally occurring) stimulus: A stimulus that naturally results in specific response.

· Conditioned (learned) stimulus: A stimulus that does not result in a response naturally, but does result in a response after being paired with an unconditioned stimulus that elicits the response naturally (i.e., a person learns to respond to a conditioned stimulus).

· Systematic desensitization: The procedure whereby a person with a phobia practices relaxation while imagining scenes of the fear-producing stimulus, with the intent of decreasing that fear.

· Modeling: The learning of behavior by observing another individual engaging in that behavior.

· Operant conditioning: A type of learning in which behaviors are influenced primarily by the consequences that follow them.

· Reinforcement: A procedure or consequence that increases the frequency of the behavior immediately preceding it.

· Positive reinforcement: Positive events or consequences that follow a behavior and strengthen it.

· Negative reinforcement: The removal of a negative event or consequence that serves to increase the frequency of a behavior.

· Punishment: The presentation of an aversive event or the removal of a positive reinforcer, which results in a decrease in the frequency of a behavior.

· Extinction: The process whereby reinforcement for a behavior stops, resulting in the eventual decrease in frequency and possible eradication of that behavior.

When this incident actually occurred, the parents opted to respond as described in the third alternative. Poor Tung really didn’t understand what the word meant. He had just heard it on the playground that afternoon. He was amazed at the response of his parents and at the attention he received. His mother reported that for the following two years, he continued to repeat that unmentionable four-letter word virtually everywhere. He said it to the dentist, to the grocer, to the police officer, and even to his grandmother. His mother reported that after a while she would have been willing to pay Tung to stop using that word, if such a strategy would have worked.

The manner in which parents use reinforcement and punishment directly affects children’s behavior.

Tony Freeman/PhotoEdit

In Tung’s situation, his parents’ attention became a strong positive reinforcer. Perhaps if they had stopped and thought in terms of learning theory principles, they could have gained immediate control of the situation and never thought another thing of it.

Positive reinforcement is based on the very fundamental idea that behavior is governed by its consequences. If the consequences of a particular behavior are positive or appealing, then the individual will tend to behave that way. In other words, the frequency of that behavior will be increased.

Positive reinforcement provides a valuable means of behavioral control. It has been established as an appropriate technique for achieving positive behavioral changes in numerous situations (Degangi & Kendall, 2008; Kazdin, 2001; Sundel & Sundel, 2005). The use of positive reinforcement helps to reduce the risk that clients will begin associating the negative effects of punishment, for example, with the therapist, resulting in an aversion to therapy. Positive reinforcement can also teach individuals exactly how to improve their behavior.

Various aspects of positive reinforcement will be discussed here. First, we’ll examine the types of reinforcers available. The differences between positive reinforcement and the use of rewards will be explained. Finally, we’ll offer suggestions for maximizing the effectiveness of positive reinforcement.

Reinforcers can be separated into two major categories, primary and secondary. Primary or unconditioned reinforcers are rewarding in themselves, without any association with other reinforcers. They include objects and activities that people naturally find valuable. Food, water, candy, and sex are examples of primary reinforcers. Individuals respond positively to them naturally, without having to learn their value.

Secondary reinforcers, on the other hand, have values that are learned through association with other reinforcers. The key idea is that they must be learned. Alone they have no intrinsic value. Money perhaps is the most easily understood example. A thousand-dollar bill in itself is nothing but a small piece of high-quality paper with printed symbols on it. However, it is associated with things of value. It can be used to purchase actual items ranging from diamonds to pistachio nuts. Money is valuable only because it is associated with other, concrete primary reinforcers.

The concepts of primary and secondary reinforcers can be readily applied to treatment situations. For example, a child with a developmental disability may not initially value verbal praise. He may not yet have learned to associate verbal praise with his actual behavior. A social worker may be working with the child concerning his ability to dress himself. Initially, saying, “That’s good,” may mean nothing to the child. However, saying, “That’s good,” while at the same time giving the child a small chocolate star, may eventually give the verbal praise some meaning. The child learns to associate verbal praise with the positive value of the candy. Eventually, the praise itself becomes reinforcing to the child, even without the candy. This technique involves pairing a primary reinforcer, the chocolate star, with a secondary reinforcer, verbal praise. The secondary reinforcer becomes valuable to the child through its initial association with the candy.

Four major types of secondary reinforcers will be addressed here: (1) material reinforcers and nonfood consumables, (2) activities, (3) social reinforcers, and (4) tokens (Fischer & Gochros, 1975; Kazdin, 2001).

Material reinforcers are specific objects or substances that can be used as rewards to increase specific behaviors. Eight-year-old Herbie received an allowance for cleaning his room. Herbie’s cleaning behavior was strengthened or reinforced by receiving an allowance.

Money might be considered an object (a specific, tangible thing) that reinforces a behavior. Other objects that might have been used as tangible reinforcers for Herbie include CDs and toys. Each of these items would have acquired their value through learning. Therefore, they would be considered secondary reinforcers.

Food has already been established as a primary reinforcer along with a number of other things that are naturally reinforcing; learning is not involved. In addition, people can learn to value some nonfood consumables. Examples include cigarettes, gum, and chewing tobacco. Although these are not naturally desired, a taste for them can be acquired. Because they are material substances, they are included in this category of secondary reinforcers.

Activities make up the second category of secondary reinforcers. Activities are tangible events whose value has been learned. Positively reinforcing activities for children might include watching rented movies, playing with friends, staying up late at night, being read to, going shopping, or visiting the stock-car races.

For example, 12-year-old Gina hates doing her homework at night. However, she loves going to the movies on Saturdays. Her parents positively reinforce her for doing an hour’s worth of homework five nights per week by giving her money to go to the movies on Saturday. Going to the movies is an activity that serves as positive reinforcement for Gina’s doing her homework.

Premack (1965) recognized that people have hierarchies of preferred behavior. In other words, any individual when given a choice will choose one behavior over another behavior. For instance, if given a choice, an individual might prefer to plant flowers in the garden over doing the laundry. The Premack Principle states that “the opportunity to engage in a high-probability behavior (a preferred behavior) as a consequence for a low-probability behavior (a less-preferred behavior)” will “increase the low-probability behavior,” but never vice versa (Miltenberger, 2008, p. 80). Thus, more-preferred activities can be used to reinforce less-preferred activities. Consider the person who prefers garden work over laundry. Allowing him to plant the garden after he completes the laundry will serve to reinforce the laundry-related behavior. He will be more likely to do the laundry if he knows he can plant the garden afterwards.

We’ve established that enjoyable, exciting activities can serve as secondary reinforcers if they are indeed valued and enjoyed by the person involved. The Premack Principle implies that activities needn’t be special or extremely valued but simply preferred in order to act as a secondary reinforcer. The garden work might not be something the same individual would choose if a weekend in Las Vegas were also given as an option. However, he still would choose the garden over the laundry. Therefore, the garden could be used as a secondary reinforcer for the laundry. Following the same line of thinking, a trip to Las Vegas could be used as a secondary reinforcer for working in the garden or doing the laundry.

One of the implicit assumptions here is that each individual will have a different hierarchy of preferred activities. For example, on camping trips, Nick prefers the following specific activities in this order, from most preferred to least preferred: reading Peterson’s 4-Wheel & Off-Road magazine; cooking the food; doing the dishes; reading science fiction, especially space horror stories. Karen, on the other hand, prefers the specified camping activities in this order: reading science fiction, especially space horror stories; doing the dishes; cooking the food; reading Peterson’s 4-Wheel & Off-Road magazine (“Winch Wisdom,” the title of the leading article, doesn’t excite her at all). For Karen, reading science fiction would function as a secondary reinforcer for any of the other three activities. She would be more likely to do any of them if she could read science fiction afterward. For Nick, however, the science fiction would not serve to reinforce any of the other activities, whereas reading Peterson’s 4-Wheel & Off-Road magazine would.

Material reinforcers and activities are not the only things that people learn to value. Various aspects of social interaction can also be considered valuable. Social reinforcers include words and gestures used to indicate caring and concern toward another person. These can be communicated in one of two ways, by giving either verbal or physical praise. Verbal praise involves words or phrases that indicate approval or appreciation of someone’s specific behavior, such as “Good job,” “You did that very well,” or “That’s terrific!”

Effective verbal praise is directed at a specific behavior or activity. The person receiving the praise should be clearly aware of what the praise concerns. For instance, 8-year-old Linda did the dishes without being asked for the two days her mother was out of town attending a professional conference. Her mother, on her return home, stated, “Thank you very much for helping out and doing the dishes. I understand you did them without even being told. I really appreciate your help.” Linda’s mother made it very clear exactly what Linda did that was appreciated. When such praise acts to strengthen Linda’s dish-washing behavior in the future, it is positive reinforcement. If Linda’s mother instead had said, “You’re a very good girl,” it might not have been clear to Linda exactly why she was good. The positive regard communicated by such a statement, of course, is valuable in itself. However, Linda might have understood her mother to mean that she was good because she didn’t cry when her mother left or because she stayed up only one half hour past her bedtime. Linda might not have understood that her mother appreciated her washing dishes, and thus might never have done so again without being told.

The second type of social reinforcement is physical praise. Physical praise involves communicating appreciation or praise through physical gestures or body posture. This may simply involve a smile or a nod of the head. Hugging, clapping, or even winking can also indicate praise.

Consider, for example, how a smile might acquire significance. An infant may not initially value her mother’s smile. However, the infant may soon learn to associate the smile with comfort, warmth, and food. Eventually, the smile itself becomes reinforcing. It is a secondary reinforcer. The infant learns to value it. The smile is valued not because it is of value itself, but because the infant has learned to associate it with things of value.

The effects of social reinforcement are illustrated by Beverly, age 5, who had acquired a role in the kindergarten play. Her part involved playing a duck whose job it was to waddle back and forth across the stage. Beverly was extremely nervous about her part because she was an exceptionally shy child. She even had to get a new yellow dress and wear red boots to help characterize her role. She had been practicing her waddling for days before the play. Finally, the critical night arrived. It was almost time to initiate her waddle and dare to venture out on the stage. At the last minute, she almost backed down and started crying. However, she looked out into the audience and saw her parents in the second row, looking directly at her. They were both smiling proudly and nodding their heads. With such encouragement, she waddled across that stage like no one had ever waddled before. Her parents’ obvious approval and encouragement had served to positively reinforce her acting and waddling behavior. After this experience, she was much more likely to volunteer to participate in activities that required performing before an audience.

Tokens provide the fourth category of secondary reinforcers. Token reinforcers are designated symbolic objects reflecting specific units of value that an individual can exchange for some other commodity that he or she wants. Tokens can include poker chips, artificial coins, points, checkmarks, or gold stars. In and of themselves, they mean nothing. However, they can be associated with something of value and eventually be exchanged for that item or activity.

A practical application of tokens is the use of a token economy in child management. For example, a bicycle might serve as a strong positive reinforcer for a particular child. However, it is absurd to give the child a bicycle every time the child cleans his or her room. Rather, a system can be designed in which a child can earn tokens. The child can be told that if she earns a certain number of tokens, she can exchange them for a bicycle. Tokens become a secondary reinforcer. A large sum of tokens can be used to acquire a bicycle, the item of real value.

A distinction must be made between reinforcers and rewards. A reward is not necessarily a positive reinforcer. A reward is something that is given in return for a service or a particular achievement. It may or may not increase the frequency of a particular behavior. A soldier might receive a medal of honor at the end of a war for shooting down 27 enemy aircraft. This is a reward. This reward does not, however, increase the frequency of this individual’s shooting down more aircraft during his civilian life.

Reinforcers, by definition, increase the frequency of a behavior. Receiving an A on an exam is a positive reinforcer for studying behavior if it serves to increase the frequency of a particular student’s studying in preparation for exams. However, the student may not value the grade very much. The A may not serve to motivate him to increase or maintain studying behavior. The student becomes bored with studying and receives C and D grades on the next two exams. In this case, the A grade might be considered a reward for performance on one exam. However, the grade is not a positive reinforcer because it neither maintained nor increased the frequency of his studying.

By definition, something serves as reinforcer only if it increases behavior. A positive reinforcer needs to be valued by an individual for it to be effective. Not all items, activities, and social interactions are reinforcing to all people. A roller-coaster ride at Disney World may be positively reinforcing for a third grader whose dream it is to visit Disney World. However, that same ride may not be at all reinforcing to the third grader’s father who tends to become ill on roller coasters.

Four suggestions to enhance the use of positive reinforcement involve the quality, the immediacy, and the frequency of positive reinforcement, and the use of small steps for shaping behavior.

In order to be considered reinforcement, an item or event must actually increase the frequency of some behavior. We’ve already established that what is reinforcing for one person may not be reinforcing for another.

A more subtle issue, however, involves the varying degrees of reinforcement value of any particular reinforcer. A particular positive reinforcer might be more reinforcing in one form than in another.

A high school senior working as a part-time janitor at a small inner-tube factory provides an example. The young man, Jorge, is working to save for a down payment on a car. The idea of owning a car is very reinforcing to him. Because of the tremendous costs involved in purchasing a car, Jorge had decided to be satisfied with almost anything that he could reasonably afford. However, when he found a 2005 tomato-red Mustang with black racing trim for sale, his working behavior sharply increased. He asked if he could double his working hours. To Jorge, the Mustang served as a much stronger positive reinforcer than an older, beat-up van.

Positive reinforcement has a greater effect on behavior if it is administered immediately or shortly after the behavior occurs (Miltenberger, 2008; Sundel & Sundel, 2005). It’s important that the behavior and the positive reinforcement occur very close to each other in time. Positive reinforcement loses its effect if it is delayed too long. For example, one morning a 5-year-old boy brushes his teeth without being told. Praising him for this behavior immediately after he’s finished or even while he’s brushing will have a much greater effect on whether he brushes his teeth again on his own than if he’s praised when he gets into bed at night. By bedtime, it becomes more difficult for him to associate the praise with the specific teeth-brushing behavior.

The most effective way to increase a particular behavior is to reinforce it every time it occurs. This is referred to as continuous reinforcement. For example, Kaitlyn, age 12, is supposed to do her math homework every night. If Kaitlyn’s teacher collects the assignments every morning and gives Kaitlyn credit for doing them, Kaitlyn is likely to complete her homework every night. However, if Kaitlyn’s teacher collects only the Thursday-night homework, Kaitlyn is less likely to do her homework every night.

Continuous reinforcement is the most effective in establishing a particular behavior. However, if the positive reinforcement stops for some reason, the behavior is likely to extinguish rapidly. For example, Kaitlyn’s teacher collects her homework every morning for two months. Suddenly, the teacher decides that it’s no longer necessary to collect the homework. As a result, there is a fairly strong likelihood that Kaitlyn will stop doing her homework if she no longer gets credit for it.

An alternative to continuous reinforcement is intermittent reinforcement. In this case, a behavior is not reinforced every time it is performed, but is reinforced only occasionally. In the real world, continuous reinforcement is difficult to administer. It is difficult to be with a person every minute of the day in order to observe that person’s behavior. Sometimes intermittent reinforcement is a viable alternative.

Intermittent reinforcement is not as powerful in initially establishing a behavior. It may take longer to establish the behavior, and the behavior may not occur as regularly as it would under the conditions of continuous reinforcement. For example, Kaitlyn might not do her homework every night because of the chance it wouldn’t be collected the next day.

However, intermittent reinforcement is less subject to extinction. That is, suppose Kaitlyn’s teacher had only occasionally collected her homework. Suddenly, she no longer collects the homework. Kaitlyn would be more likely to continue doing the homework after an intermittent schedule of reinforcement than after a continuous schedule. When she was accustomed to intermittent reinforcement, Kaitlyn would be more likely to continue doing her homework on the chance that it might be collected again. If homework collection stops abruptly after continuously being collected, Kaitlyn would probably think that her teacher no longer liked to collect it. As a result, Kaitlyn would probably stop doing her homework.

Each type of intermittent reinforcement dictates a different procedure for how frequently or in what order reinforcement should be administered (for example, every third time or randomly). These various procedures are referred to as schedules of reinforcement.

Sometimes the behavior that’s supposed to be positively reinforced never occurs. It is impossible to reinforce a behavior that isn’t there. In such cases, a technique called shaping can be used. Shaping refers to the reinforcement of successive approximations—that is, small steps of progress made toward the final desired behavior.

For example, 7-year-old Ralph is terrified of the water. His mother thinks that it would be valuable for him to learn to swim. However, swimming behavior cannot be reinforced because Ralph simply refuses to enter a swimming pool. In this case, it might be useful to break down the specific behavior into smaller, more manageable pieces of behavior: going to the beach and playing far away from the water, playing several feet away from the water, playing while sitting in an inch of water, wading, entering the water waist deep, moving arms around in the water, briefly dunking head beneath the water, and finally starting to practice beginning swimming strokes. At each step, Ralph could be positively reinforced with praise, attention, or toys for participating in that step. Eventually, his behavior could be shaped so that he would participate in behavior resembling swimming. Specific swimming techniques could then be initiated and reinforced.

Punishment is frequently and often unwillingly chosen as the first alternative in controlling children’s behavior. Often punishment is used in the name of discipline. Punishment involves either the application of an aversive consequence or the removal of a positive reinforcer. In either case, the result is a decrease in the frequency of a behavior.

Before using punishment as a means of behavioral management, it’s important to consider the potential negative consequences. Five of them will be mentioned here (Kazdin, 2001; Miltenberger, 2008; Sundel & Sundel, 2005). First, punishment tends to elicit a negative emotional response. The child may come to dislike the learning situation. For example, if a child is punished for spelling some words wrong in a composition, the child may no longer want to write at all. The child may also have a negative reaction toward the person administering the punishment.

For example, a young woman in junior high school was walking through the crowded halls from study hall to her next class. The gruff varsity football coach grabbed her by the shoulder and shouted, “Act like a lady!” She had no idea what he was referring to. However, from that time on, she avoided both crowded hallways and that football coach whenever she could. She had developed an intense dislike for the man.

This example also illustrates the second possible negative side effect of punishment: avoidance of either the punishing person or the punitive situation. In homes where physical punishment is used freely and regularly, children may try to stay away from the home as much as possible. Lying may provide another effective means of avoiding punitive situations. (Children sometimes learn to lie because parents set the price for honesty too high.)

The third possible negative effect of punishment is that it can teach children to be aggressive. Another way of saying this is that a punishing agent models aggressive behavior. Children can learn that the way to deal with frustration or with not getting their own way is to hit or scream. This can carry over to their interactions with peers, siblings, or adults. An example is an adolescent who had been labeled as having severe emotional and behavioral problems. When he was a small child, physical punishment was used frequently in the home. By the time he reached age 16 and had grown to be 6 feet 3 inches tall, a different problem became apparent in the home. The boy began to physically assault his mother whenever they had disagreements. He had learned to be aggressive.

The fourth potential problem with using punishment, specifically physical punishment, is the possibility of physically harming the child. A parent may lose control or not be aware of his or her real strength. Without initial intent, physical damage may result.

Finally, there is a fifth reason for questioning the use of punishment. Punishment teaches people what they should not do but gives them no indication as to what they should do. Scolding a child for being impolite when visiting Aunt Edna does not help the child know how she could have treated Aunt Edna more appropriately.

In summary, all five of these considerations involve losing control of the consequences of punishment. The outcome of punishment is unpredictable, and therefore it should be used with extreme care.

Punishment has several characteristics (Kazdin, 2001; Miltenberger, 2008). First, a decrease in the frequency of a behavior usually occurs relatively soon after the punishment is presented. If the behavior doesn’t decrease almost immediately after the supposed punishment starts, there is a good possibility it never will. Thus, it is not wise to continue punishment if it doesn’t work almost immediately.

For example, 1-year-old Tyrone was crawling happily on his mother’s kitchen floor when he discovered the electric socket. His mother, who was watching him out of the corner of her eye, ran over to him, slapped his hand, and raised her voice in a loud, “No!” He looked at her and returned his attention immediately to the socket. After this occurred four times, his mother slapped him even harder. He then started crying, and she removed him to another room. In this incident, scolding and hitting were not effective. Instead, the mother’s attention appeared to positively reinforce Tyrone’s playing with the electric socket. Since scolding and hitting were not effective even after several attempts, it was not likely that they would ever work. Calmly diverting Tyrone’s attention might have been a more effective approach to controlling Tyrone’s behavior.

Another characteristic of punishment is that its effects, although often immediate, frequently do not last very long. Relatively soon after receiving punishment, a person often reverts to the old behavior. For example, a driver may receive a speeding ticket for driving 87 mph on a 55-mph expressway. For a while he takes care to drive within the speed limit. However, he soon finds it too restrictive and time-consuming to drive so slowly. His speeds gradually creep up to the old levels of 85 to 90 mph.

A third characteristic of punishment is that its effects are frequently limited to the conditions under which the punishment occurred. In other words, punishment tends to work only in the specific situation in which it occurred or only with the particular person who administered the punishment. For example, Trudy, age 7, likes to spit at people as they pass by her on the sidewalk. Her mother spanks her when she sees this behavior. Therefore, Trudy never spits in front of her mother. However, when her mother is in the house or at the grocery store, or when Trudy is at the babysitter’s, she continues to spit at passersby. The babysitter spanked her twice, but it didn’t change Trudy’s behavior. Spanking functioned as punishment for Trudy only when her mother was present and only when her mother administered it.

Miltenberger (2008) comments that “authority figures such as governments, police, churches, or parents impose punishment to inhibit inappropriate behavior—that is, to keep people from breaking laws or rules. Punishment may involve prison time, the electric chair, fines, the threat of going to hell, spanking, or scolding. However, the everyday meaning of punishment is very different from the technical definition of punishment used in behavior modification” (p. 122).

Sundel and Sundel (2005) reflect:

Despite the disadvantages of punishment and the stringent requirements for ensuring its effectiveness, punishment is still commonly used as a behavioral control technique. One reason for this is that punishment usually works immediately to suppress undesired behavior. Therefore, the short-term consequences are reinforcing for the individual who administers the punishment. For example, Mel spanked his daughter Terri when she complained about eating her vegetables. Terri stopped complaining; thus, her father was reinforced for spanking her. (p. 133)

This everyday scenario focuses on the immediate, short-term effects of punishment, not on long-term effects or consequences other than the immediate cessation of the targeted behavior. Kazdin (2001) discusses the use of punishment as a means of behavior modification:

There has been extensive debate within the profession regarding the use of aversive events.... Many of the discussions have focused on self-injurious (e.g., head banging, face slapping) and aggressive behavior (e.g., fighting). Behaviors that are dangerous warrant immediate attention and require complete elimination if at all possible. Early in the development of behavior modification, electric shock was used (brief, mild, and delivered on few occasions) and was shown to be effective in eliminating self-injurious behavior. This was significant because in a number of instances, the behavior was long-standing and had not responded to other treatments. Over the past several years, significant advances have been made in devising alternative procedures to reduce and eliminate dangerous behaviors. (p. 415)

In summary, punishment may be effective when used to curb extremely self-destructive or aggressive behavior in cases in which other treatment approaches have failed. The problematic behavior’s dynamics should be carefully assessed to determine the appropriateness and potential effectiveness of punishment. Serious thought should go into the method of punishment to be used. It should be the least severe possible to be effective. The well-being of the person experiencing the behavioral program should always be of paramount importance. Finally, the potential side effects of punishment, mentioned earlier, should be cautiously considered.

When the decision is made to use punishment, follow three suggestions for maximizing its effectiveness (Kazdin, 2001; Miltenberger, 2008; Sundel & Sundel, 2005). First, intervention should occur early; that is, punishment should be administered as soon as possible after the behavior that is to be punished occurs.

For example, 10-year-old Santiago had been stealing compact disks for about 6 months. One afternoon he decided to shoplift a CD from Wal-Mart. Although he made it out to the parking lot, his friend, Maynard, was not so lucky. A huge male clerk grabbed Maynard by the wrist as he was hoisting a CD under his T-shirt. Santiago, although feeling very bad that his friend got caught, also felt relieved that he himself did not.

Two weeks later Santiago’s father received a phone call from the police. Apparently under duress and with the promise of a lesser punishment, Maynard had relented and given the police Santiago’s name. Santiago’s punishment was being grounded for the next month. Being grounded involved reporting in by 8:00 p.m. every night including weekends. Although Santiago was not particularly happy about his situation, he was more unhappy about being caught than about stealing a CD. He interpreted his punishment to mean, Don’t get caught. The punishment had virtually no effect on his CD-stealing behavior. He continued to steal CDs, but did so with exceptional care. In this situation, because the punishment was not administered soon after the stealing behavior occurred, it had little effect.

A second suggestion for using punishment is to administer the punishing consequences every time the behavior occurs. In Santiago’s situation, he was punished only once. Many other times his stealing behavior was positively reinforced by his getting and enjoying the CDs he wanted. Receiving a punishment every time a behavior occurs helps to strengthen the idea that the consequence of that particular behavior is unappealing.

The third suggestion concerning the use of punishment is the most important. At the same time that punishment is used, a complementary program should be used to reinforce other, more appropriate behaviors. Punishment has been found to be most effective when an individual is being reinforced for adopting more appropriate behaviors at the same time. For example, a therapeutic goal for a child with profound cognitive disabilities was to walk instead of crawl (O’Brien, Azrin, & Bugle, 1974). Punishment for crawling involved restraining him from movement for 5 seconds. However, this did not really serve as punishment because the child’s crawling behavior didn’t decrease. Nor did his walking behavior increase. Eventually, a new approach was tried. While the child was being restrained from crawling, he was also encouraged or positively reinforced for moving his body. This included being helped to walk. As a result, his walking behavior increased, and his crawling behavior decreased. In this case, punishment was effective when the child was reinforced for a more appropriate behavior at the same time. It has been found that the negative side effects of punishment, such as resentment toward the punitive person, aggressive behavior, and avoidance of the punitive situation, are not nearly as great when reinforcement for alternative appropriate behaviors is used (Carey & Bucher, 1986).

Additionally, Patterson (1975) makes a fourth suggestion for using punishment: Remain calm while administering it. Excessive attention directed at a particular behavior may serve as a positive reinforcer for that behavior rather than as a punishment. For example, 18-month-old Petey discovered a book of matches lying on the coffee table. He immediately sat down and started to play with them. His mother saw him, ran over to him, and spanked him. She also took away the matches. Because both of Petey’s parents smoked, it was fairly likely that Petey would find more matchbooks lying around the house. In fact, he found some the next day. His mother responded in a similar manner. Petey learned that he could get attention from his mother by playing with matches. As a result, he loved to find matches and play with them. Although his mother’s attention was negative, it was forceful enough to serve as positive reinforcement. Petey continued to play with matches every chance he got.

Ethical Question 4.2

What are your thoughts about punishing children? What was your experience with punishment as a child? If punishment was used, in what ways were you punished? Did punishment work or not? Why?

In addition to the focus on positive reinforcement and punishment, three additional issues merit attention here. They concern common elements encountered in practice. The additional issues include accidental training, the use of behaviorally specific terminology, measuring improvement, and the importance of parental attention.

Thus far, the discussion has emphasized planned behavioral change. However, many times reinforcement and punishment affect behavior without conscious planning. Behavior can be increased or decreased without intention. When attempting to understand the dynamics of behavior, it’s important to understand that accidental training does occur.

Negative attention is frequently an effective means of providing accidental training. Attention, even in the form of yelling, can function as positive reinforcement. Even though it is supposed to be negative, the social reinforcement value can be so strong that the behavior will be strengthened instead of weakened. For example, if mother yells at Ethan for picking her favorite peonies, then Ethan may learn that picking those peonies will make his mother yell. If Ethan continues to pick the peonies and his mother continues to yell at him for it, the yelling has served to reinforce his peony-picking behavior. Highlight 4.2 provides another example of accidental training.

A major advantage of conceptualizing behavior in terms of learning theory is the emphasis on specificity. A behavior must be clearly and concisely defined. A clear description of behavior allows for all involved in the behavioral management of a child to understand exactly what behavior, including problem behavior, involves.

For example, Jessica, age 9, was described by her teachers as too passive. It is difficult to know what is meant by “too passive.” The word passive is relatively abstract. The image of a passive Jessica is quite vague. However, if Jessica’s passivism is defined in terms of her behavior, as it would be with a learning theory conceptualization, the image of Jessica becomes more distinct. Jessica’s passivism might be described behaviorally in the following way:

Jessica sits quietly by herself during classes and recesses at school. She avoids social contact with peers during recess by walking to the far side of the playground away from the other children. She does not volunteer information during class. When asked a question, she typically shrugs her shoulders as if she does not know the answer. She then avoids eye contact and looks down toward the ground. She is consistently standing last in lines for lunch, for recess, or for returning to school. When other children push her out of their way, she allows herself to be pushed without comment.

Tommy was an only child. His parents, who were in their late 30s, had tried to have children for years without success. When Tommy came along, they were overjoyed. Both parents thought almost everything Tommy did was “simply darling.” One time, when Tommy was 3 years old, he approached some dinner guests and asked for money. He had learned that money bought ice cream and other good things. Two things occurred. First, his parents thought it was cute, so they laughed. Then they appropriately told him that asking for money was not a good thing to do. But they maintained happy, smiling faces all the while. Tommy thus received massive social reinforcement in the form of praise and attention for his begging behavior. Second, Tommy did receive two dollars, which he later spent for mocha fudge ice cream. The guests were not quite as entertained by Tommy’s behavior as his parents were. But they felt he was a cute kid and gave him money to avoid embarrassment in front of his parents.

The next time Tommy’s parents had guests, Tommy did the same thing. He came out for display, said hello, and then asked them if he could have some money. He received a similar reaction. As time went on, Tommy consistently continued his begging behavior in front of guests. His parents became less entertained as the years passed. They discovered that an 8-year-old Tommy coming out and asking guests for money was no longer as cute as a 3-year-old doing the same thing. However, by the time Tommy was 8, they were having a terrible time trying to decrease or extinguish his begging behavior. For an extended period of time, Tommy had accidentally been trained to beg. Such extensive accidental training had become very difficult to extinguish.

Learning theory mandates clear behavioral descriptions in order to conceptualize any particular behavior. The antecedents, the behavior itself, and the consequences of the behavior must be clearly defined in order to make changes in the behavior. The behavioral description of Jessica provides a much clearer picture than merely labeling Jessica as being “too passive.”

Observation of behavior becomes much easier when it has been specifically described. Subsequently, improvements in behavior become more clearly discernable. For example, it might be difficult to establish if Jessica is becoming less passive. However, it is much easier to determine the number of times Jessica assertively raises her hand to answer a question in class.

Behavior must be observable in order to measure if it has improved. In other words, it must be clear when the behavior occurs and when it does not. In Jessica’s situation, the frequency of hand-raising in class has been targeted as a behavior that involves passivism. If Jessica never raises her hand to answer a question, she will be considered passive. If she raises her hand frequently, on the other hand, she will not be considered passive.

For the sake of this illustration, hand-raising is used as a means to measure passivism. Clearly stated behaviors can be counted. For example, in Jessica’s case, each time she raises her hand above shoulder level after her teacher has asked the class a question could count as one hand-raising behavior. In an actual situation, Jessica’s other behaviors could also be used. These might include behaviors such as the amount of time she spends talking to peers or the number of times she answers her teacher’s questions. Her improvement might be measured by using a summation of several measures.

The first step, then, is targeting a behavior to change. The next step is determining how severe the problem is in the first place. This must be known in order to tell when improvements have been made. In Jessica’s case, the hand-raising must be counted and a baseline established. A baseline is the frequency with which a behavior occurs before behavior modification begins. After a baseline is established, it is easy to determine when a change in the frequency of the behavior has occurred. The change is the difference between how frequently that behavior occurred at the baseline and how frequently the behavior occurs after the behavior modification program has begun.

For example, during the first month of school, Jessica raises her hand to answer a question zero times per school day. However, by the seventh month of school, she raises her hand to answer a question an average of six times per day. If one of the means of measuring passivism is the number of times Jessica raises her hand in class, then Jessica can easily be described as less passive during the seventh month of school than during the first.

The final point concerning behavioral specificity involves how the behaviors are counted in the first place—who keeps track of the frequency of the behavior and how this is done. Behavior checklists and charts can be developed for this purpose. A behavior checklist simply allows for a place to make note of when a behavior occurs. For example, a two-dimensional chart might have each day of the week listed on the horizontal axis. Each day might be broken down into individual hours on the vertical axis on the left-hand side. Table 4.1 illustrates how this might be applied to Jessica’s situation.

Whenever Jessica raised her hand in class, her teacher would make a note of it on her behavior checklist. The total number of times could be counted. It could thus be clearly established if an improvement occurred.

We have not addressed the specific types of treatment that could be used to decrease Jessica’s passivism. A treatment program could be established in various ways. For example, positive reinforcement could be administered whenever she raises her hand. This could take the form of verbal praise, a piece of candy, or a token that could be used to buy something she really wanted.

One of the criticisms of the application of learning theory has been that it is a rigid and somewhat cold dissection of human behavior. Warmth, caring, and human concern are not readily evident. This certainly does not have to be the case. The importance of parents’ communicating with their children and genuinely showing spontaneous concern for them should not be overlooked. Learning theory provides a framework for analyzing and gaining control over behavior. Other important aspects of human relationships can occur concurrently with programs based on learning theory.

For example, active listening is often emphasized in suggestions for effective parenting (Ivey & Ivey, 2007, 2008). Active listening is the process in which the receiver of a communication pays close attention to what the sender of the communication is saying, and subsequently reflects back what was heard to make sure the “message has been accurately understood” (Sheafor & Horejsi, 2006, p. 148). A parent and a child often have different ways of saying things. Each has a different perspective. Active listening encourages a parent to stop for a moment and consciously examine what the child is saying. The idea is for the parent to look at the issue from the child’s perspective. This may not be clear from the particular words the child has spoken. The parent then is urged to reflect these feelings back to the child. The end result of a parent’s taking the time to understand a child should be an enhancement of the warmth and caring between them.

Charlene and her mother provide an example of active listening. Charlene, age 7, comes home after school, crying. She says to her mother, “Betty invited everybody but me to her birthday party.” Instead of passing it off as a simple childhood disappointment, Charlene’s mother stops for a moment and thinks about what this incident might mean to Charlene. She replies to Charlene, “You really feel left out and bad about this, don’t you?” Charlene comes into her mother’s arms and replies, “I sure do, Mom.” In this instance, her mother simply reflected to Charlene her empathy and concern. As a result, Charlene felt that her mother really understood. Warmth and feeling were apparent in their interchange.

Although this interaction is not structured within learning theory terms, it certainly illustrates the basic components of warmth and empathy necessary in the parent-child relationship. Feelings and communication are ongoing, dynamic parts of that relationship. They occur simultaneously along with the ongoing management of children’s behavior.

Extensive volumes have been written about the various aspects of learning theory and its applications. Specific concepts have already been discussed. We have selected a specific treatment situation to illustrate the application of these concepts using specific techniques. It focuses on concepts frequently used by social work practitioners. The treatment situation presented here involves the use of a time-out from reinforcement procedure.

The term time-out refers to a time-out from reinforcement. In this procedure, previous reinforcement is withdrawn, with the intended result being a decrease in the frequency of a particular behavior. Kazdin (2001) explains why time-outs are a form of punishment instead of extinction:

The defining feature of time-out is based on a period of time and the unavailability of reinforcement during that time period. Of course, time-out is also a punishment procedure. Something is withdrawn (availability of reinforcers) contingent on behavior. Extinction is not a punishment procedure. In extinction, a response that has been reinforced (e.g., praise for smiling) is no longer reinforced. The key feature of extinction is that a previously reinforced behavior is no longer reinforced. There is no time interval or period involved in extinction. When the response occurs, no consequence follows. In contrast, during time-out, when a response to be suppressed occurs, a period is invoked in which no reinforcers can be provided for any behavior. (pp. 210–211)

Instead of applying some aversive consequences such as a spanking after a behavior occurs, a child is simply removed from the reinforcing circumstances. If a child gets no attention or positive reinforcement for a behavior, that behavior will eventually diminish.

For example, 4-year-old Vernite loves to play with her Legos. However, Vernite has difficulty sharing them with other children. When another child picks up one of the pieces, Vernite will typically run over to that child, pinch him, take the toy, and place it in a pile with the rest of her own Legos. As a result, other children don’t like Vernite very much.

The goal here might be to decrease Vernite’s selfish behavior. Selfish behavior is defined as the series of behaviors involved in pinching and taking toys away from other children. A time-out from reinforcement procedure can be used to control Vernite’s selfish behavior. Whenever Vernite pinches another child or takes a Lego away from that child, her mother immediately picks her up and puts her in a corner behind a screen for 3 minutes. At the end of that time, her mother picks up Vernite again and puts her back in the play situation. What happens from Vernite’s perspective is that the positively reinforcing situation filled with fun, Legos, and other children is removed. (In actuality, of course, it is Vernite who is removed.) Without receiving the reinforcement of having the toys for herself, Vernite’s selfish behavior should eventually disappear. She should learn that such behavior is inappropriate and, in effect, not worth its consequences. Vernite’s selfish behavior should eventually be extinguished.

Several aspects of time-outs tend to improve their effectiveness. The following are suggestions for using time-outs:

1. A time-out should be applied immediately after the targeted behavior occurs in order for it to be effective.

2. Time-outs should be applied consistently. A time-out should occur as a consequence every time the targeted behavior occurs.

3. Time-outs should usually extend from 1 to 10 minutes (Miltenberger, 2008). Such short periods of time have been shown to be effective (Kazdin, 2001; Sundel & Sundel, 2005). “However, if the client is engaging in problem behaviors in the time-out area at the end of the time-out period, time-out is extended for a brief time (typically 10 seconds to 1 minute) until the client is no longer engaging in problem behaviors” (Miltenberger, 2008, p. 394). Extending time-outs for longer periods of time does not increase the effectiveness of the time-out (Kazdin, 2001). The relationship between the targeted behavior and the time-out becomes too distant. An extended time-out of an hour, for instance, may also take on some of the potential negative consequences of a more severe form of punishment such as resentment toward the person administering the time-out.

4. The time-out should take place in a very boring place. An ideal time-out should provide absolutely no positive reinforcement. It might take place in a chair facing a corner or in a room devoid of stimulating objects and pictures. If the time-out location is exciting or stimulating, it may positively reinforce a negative target behavior rather than extinguish it.

5. The person, frequently a parent, who is administering the time-out should be careful not to give the child positive reinforcement in the form of attention while the time-out is taking place. A parent might simply state to the child, “Timeout.” The child should then be removed to the time-out location with as little show of emotion as possible. No debate should take place.

6. A child should be told ahead of time exactly which behaviors will result in a time-out. The length of the time-out should also be specified. The intent is to help the child understand exactly what he or she is doing wrong and what the resulting consequences will be.

7. If the child refuses to go to the time-out location, he or she may have to be physically taken there. This should be done with as little show of emotion as possible. The child should be gently restrained from all activity until the time-out can begin.

8. The most important thing to remember about using the time-out procedure is that positive reinforcement should be used to reinforce more appropriate replacement behaviors for the same situation. Appropriate behavior should be praised as soon as it occurs after the time-out has taken place. For example, when Vernite is returned to the play scene, she should be praised for playing with her own toys and not taking them away from other children. Her mother might simply say, “Look how well you’re playing and sharing now, Vernite. Good girl.”

A simple anecdote taking place in a supermarket illustrates the ingenuity and creativity with which a time-out might be used. A mother was shopping, with her 2-year-old sitting in a shopping cart. Suddenly for no apparent reason the child began to scream. Much to the surprise of onlooking shoppers, the mother calmly removed her raincoat and placed it over the child’s head for 20 seconds. People who are unfamiliar with the time-out technique may have thought she was trying to suffocate the child. However, she performed the procedure calmly and gently. When she removed the raincoat, there sat a peaceful and quiet child. The mother had no further problems with screaming behavior in the supermarket that day. What this mother did was to remove the child from all positive reinforcement for a brief period of time. The child learned that screaming led to no positive consequences. Thus the screaming stopped.

Ethical Question 4.3

What are your thoughts about using time-outs in child management? To what extent, if any, do you think they work? If they should be used, under what circumstances are they appropriate? Should any caregiver (for example, day-care providers, teachers, and babysitters) be allowed to administer them, or should parents be the only ones to do so? What are the reasons for your answers?

One other thing should be noted regarding the use of time-outs. Frequently, parents use grounding or sending children to their rooms to curb children’s behavior. Although superficially these techniques might resemble time-outs, they don’t seem to be very effective. Perhaps too many positive reinforcers are available in a child’s room. Often this form of time-out is administered long after the actual behavior occurs. The actual time of restriction is certainly longer than the recommended time period of a maximum of several minutes.

Ethical Question 4.4

To what extent, if any, do you think grounding works? What were your experiences with grounding if you had any? What were the results? Would you consider grounding as a means of disciplining your own children? Why?

Some basic aspects of family functioning have already been examined. These included a conceptualization of family systems and an examination of learning theory applied to parenting situations. Several other social aspects of childhood merit attention. Common events or situations involving the family that frequently affect the lives of children are discussed here. These include membership in sibling subsystems and gender-role socialization. Ethnic and cultural differences in families, the social aspects of play with peers, the influence of television, and the school environment are also examined. The incidence and dynamics of physical abuse, neglect, emotional maltreatment, and sexual abuse of children are explored. Finally, the treatment of child abuse and neglect is explained.

The family environment is of crucial importance to a child. Even though as children grow they become more and more involved with their peers, the family itself remains very important (Carter & McGoldrick, 1999). A good family environment provides nurturance, support, guidance, and a safe, secure place to which children can turn.

Baumrind (1971, 1991a, 1991b, 1993, 1996) conducted an interesting series of studies to evaluate how parents actually go about their business of parenting. Three basic styles of parenting emerged. First, permissive parenting encourages children to be independent and to make their own decisions. Permissive parents are very nondirective and avoid trying to control their children. The second parenting style is authoritarian. Parents adopting this style have definite ideas about how children should behave. These parents do not hesitate to make rules and tell their children what to do. They emphasize control and conformity. The third parenting style is authoritative. Parents using this style are neither permissive nor authoritarian, but somewhere in the middle. On the one hand, they provide control and consistent support. On the other hand, they involve their children in decision making and encourage the development of independence.

Which parenting style is the most effective? There is some evidence that an authoritative approach to parenting is preferable in terms of children’s resulting adjustment and social status among their peers (Bronstein, Clauson, Stoll, & Abrams, 1993; Dekovic & Janssens, 1992). Dacey and Travers (2006) describe this style: “Authoritative parents are high on control (they have definite standards for their children), high on clarity of communication (the children clearly understand what is expected of them), high in maturity demands (they want their children to behave in a way appropriate for their age), and high in nurturance (a warm, loving relationship exists between parents and children)” (pp. 206–207).

Ethical Question 4.5

What type of parenting style do you think is best, and why? What style did your parents use? To what extent was it effective, and why?

There is a potential problem with the conclusion that an authoritative style is best: It may not clearly reflect the values and effective child-rearing practices evident in other cultures. Spotlight 4.2 addresses the importance of cultural context in the assessment of the effectiveness of parenting style. Spotlight 4.3 explores ethnic and cultural differences in families.

A variety of other issues involving children and families will be discussed in Chapter 12. These include single-parent families, families of divorce, blended families, mothers working outside the home, family communication, family interaction, and common problems facing families.

Siblings compose a child’s most intimate and immediate peer group. Brothers and sisters will affect the development and behavior of a child. Siblings learn how to play with each other. They act as models for each other. They also learn how to fight with each other.

Various ethnic groups have markedly different parenting styles that don’t fit neatly into the permissive/ authoritarian/authoritative classification system. Specific variations involve how parents perceive and demonstrate caring and control. For example, Chinese American parents are generally viewed as more demanding concerning control of their children’s behavior (Berk, 2008b; Papalia et al., 2007). For one thing, “most Chinese parents strictly control their children’s aggressive behavior” and demand “that their children display no aggressive behavior under any circumstances” (Ou & McAdoo, 1999, p. 255). The Baumrind system emphasizes control as characterizing an authoritarian parenting style. However, this approach suggests a somewhat different intent and purpose than that of the Western authoritarian parenting style. “High control [in Chinese culture] reflects the Confucian belief in strict discipline, respect for elders, and socially desirable behavior, taught by deeply involved parents” (Berk, 2006, p. 572). Chinese tradition emphasizes that a “child, no matter how old, should remain emotionally and financially attached to the parents,” and there are “strong indications of a lack of independence training in child rearing” (Lin & Liu, 1999, p. 238). The Chinese view control of children as a means to teach “obedience and cooperation,” the “values most emphasized.” ... “Frequent receiving and giving of help between generations is seen by Chinese as an indication of family solidarity. Most children are expected to turn their earnings over to their parents to be used for general family needs” (p. 238).

So what Western eyes might view as an authoritarian trait is really a demonstration of warmth, support, and caring from the Chinese perspective. These latter values more closely characterize authoritative parents in Baumrind’s classification system, but “without the emphasis on the American values of individuality, choice, and freedom” (Papalia et al., 2007, p. 302).

“In Hispanic and Asian Pacific Island families, firm insistence on respect for parental authority is paired with high parental involvement.... [A]lthough at one time viewed as coercive, contemporary Hispanic fathers typically spend much time with their children and are warm and sensitive (Garcia Coll & Pachter, 2002; Jambunathan, Burts, & Pierce, 2000)” (Berk, 2006, p. 572).

African American mothers also tend to require immediate and rigorous compliance with their directions (Berk, 2006, 2008b). Their approach, however, combines caring and affection with strict discipline and rarely involves physical punishment. This no-nonsense tactic is viewed as a means of helping children regulate their behavior and keep themselves safe even when in a treacherous environment; children view such parental control as a means of caring for their welfare (Brody & Flor, 1998).

In summary, it is important to recognize the cultural context of child rearing, parental expectations, and social responsibilities before stating unilaterally that one parenting style is “best.”

Picture a 3½-year-old girl waiting patiently for her mother to come home from the hospital with her new baby sister. When Mom arrives, imagine her surprise when she sees her beloved mother holding a blanket that looks like it has a tiny doll in it. Her mother is smiling and cooing down at the “doll.” The little girl thinks to herself, “That must be my baby sister.” She feels surprise, wonderment, happiness, and worry all at once, but is unable to articulate these feelings. Her general impression of the whole new situation is, “Now what?”

The coming of a new baby changes a child’s family environment. Children’s reactions to the change in circumstances vary dramatically. Some may withdraw into themselves and regress to more babylike behavior. Others may show open hostility toward the new baby and suggest giving it back. One 3-year-old boy was found holding a safety pin near his new infant brother, contemplating poking him in the eye. Still other children happily and proudly accept the family’s new addition and enjoy holding and playing with the baby.

Because of the complexity of the issue and the lack of clear-cut research, it is difficult to propose how to make the transition as easy as possible. Dr. Benjamin Spock (Spock, 1976; Spock & Rothenberg, 1985), the famous pediatrician who gave several generations of parents advice about how to raise their children, provided some logical suggestions. First, children should be told in advance about all the changes they are to experience. Changes might include sharing a bedroom or having the new baby use their old high chair.

The father’s role in the family, the availability and nature of support systems, and perspectives on disciplining children vary greatly among cultures (Santrock, 2008). Despite these variations, research on 186 cultures throughout the world revealed a pattern of successful parenting (Santrock, 2008; Whiting & Edwards, 1988). The variables that emerged are consistency in the form of supportive control and genuine caring for children.

When assessing the dynamics of families from various cultures, three factors are important. First, cultural variations involving expectations and values reflect each culture. Second, people of different cultures living in the United States and Canada experience varying degrees of assimilation into the majority culture simply by living there. Third, people not of European origin frequently experience discrimination and oppression because of their differences.

Two other perspectives are helpful when thinking about multicultural diversity in families: cultural pluralism and internal variations or subgroups within a culture. In conceptualizing a multicultural nation, it is helpful to think in terms of cultural pluralism instead of a melting pot. A melting pot implies that all people blend together into one uniform whole. Cheese fondue comes to mind, where the cheese and other ingredients blend together in one bubbling mass. This is not really the case with a multicultural society. Rather, people from different cultures come together, and each cultural group retains its own rich spirit and customs. This is cultural pluralism. One of those huge lollipops made up of multicolored swirls comes to mind. It is one mammoth piece of candy, yet it is made up of distinct swirls of brilliant blue, red, yellow, orange, pink, and green blending together to various degrees.

Still another perspective useful in understanding cultural diversity involves respecting and appreciating the differences within large groups. For example, among Native Americans, there are more than 450 specific groups (American Psychological Association, 2001).

Here we discuss some of the values, beliefs, and perspectives assumed by three cultural groups in American society: Hispanics, Native Americans, and Asian Americans.

Hispanic Families

Chapter 1 established that the terms Hispanic and Latino have generally been used to refer to people originating in countries where Spanish is spoken. However, we also noted that the terms in reality refer to people originating in a number of places. No one term is acceptable to all the groups of Spanish-speaking people.

The U.S. Census Bureau collects information by having people identify themselves as being Hispanic or not.

Persons of Spanish/Hispanic origin are those who classified themselves in one of the specific Hispanic origin categories listed on the questionnaire—Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, as well as those who indicated that they were of Other Spanish/Hispanic origin. Persons of Other Spanish/ Hispanic origin are those whose origins are from Spain, the Spanish-speaking countries of Central or South America, or the Dominican Republic.... Traditional and current data collection and classification treat race and Hispanic origin as two separate and distinct concepts.... People who are Hispanic may be of any race and people in each race group may be either Hispanic or Not Hispanic. (2007, p. 5)

According to the census, of those classifying themselves as Hispanic, more than 58 percent are of Mexican heritage, almost 10 percent Puerto Rican, 3.5 percent Cuban, and more than 28 percent other Hispanic or Latino (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007, Table 19). However, for any particular family, Goldenberg and Goldenberg (1998) caution: “Socioeconomic, regional, and demographic characteristics vary among Hispanic American groups, making cultural generalizations risky. Within groups, the counselor needs to be alert to the client’s generation level, acculturation level, languages spoken, educational background, socioeconomic status, rural or urban residence, adherence to cultural values, and religiosity/spirituality” (p. 307).

Keeping in mind that specific variations exist within the many subgroups, we will discuss some cultural themes important to Hispanic families in general. These include the significance of a common language, the importance of family relationships including extended family, and the traditional strictness of gender roles.

The first theme important in understanding the environment for children growing up in Hispanic families is the significance of a common language. Everyday communication among Hispanic people is frequently in English. Almost 60 percent of Latinos speak only English, or at least speak it fluently, and almost 80 percent speak Spanish fluently; the uniting symbolic importance of the Spanish language should not be disregarded (Longres & Aisenberg, 2008). So many cultural activities and aspects of pride are associated with Spanish. Consider the cultural events and holidays (for example, Cinco de Mayo for Mexican Americans, which celebrates the glorious day a small Mexican army defeated a French army battalion), history and traditions, and “Spanish posters, and foods associated with Spanish-speaking homelands” that are so meaningful in daily cultural life (Longres, 1995, p. 1215).

A second theme involves the importance of both nuclear and extended family relationships (Longres, 1995). Hispanic people generally place great value on maintaining the original two-parent family and its intensive involvement with the extended family. Commitment to the extended family group and upholding responsibilities to family members are emphasized. Note, however, that these family ideals are not always realized when families face the harsh realities of poverty, unemployment, and immigration difficulties (Longres & Aisenberg, 2008).

It is also important to be aware of the community support systems often available to Hispanic families. These include botanicas, bodegas, clubs sociales, como familial, compadrazo, and faith healers. Chilman (1993) explains: “Botanicas are shops that sell herbs as well as records and novels in Spanish. Bodegas are grocery stores, but they also serve as information centers for the Hispanic community, providing such information as where folk healers can be found. [Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban Hispanic cultures espouse folk healers who help people deal with physical, emotional, and spiritual difficulties.] Club sociales provide recreation as well as links to community resources, including employment and housing.” There also are “special friends who furnish reciprocal support called como familial” and “the ritual kinship of compadrazo,” people who “participate in baptisms, first communions, confirmations, and marriages, and often serve as parent substitutes” (p. 160).

A third theme often characterizing Hispanic families is the traditional strict division of gender roles (Dhooper & Moore, 2001; Weaver, 2005). Weaver (2005) reports that historically there have been “clear and distinct expectations for men and women. Men are expected to be strong, and women are expected to be submissive to male authority (Weaver, 2005). However, Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, and Gallardo-Cooper (2002) caution that “considerable debate” exists

over the extent to which Latinos adhere to traditional gender roles in contemporary U.S. society. Although evidence suggests that gender roles are undergoing transformation, the complexities surrounding this phenomenon are far from clear-cut.... When examining gender role–based behaviors among Latinos, one must consider a variety of influencing factors such as socioeconomic indicators (e.g., level of education, income), place of residency, migration experience, language, and family composition. These determinants significantly influence gender roles. (p. 51)

Many “Latinas now work outside the home and may wield decision-making power about family finances” (Weaver, 2005, p. 146). Additionally, “more Latinas are heading households and as a result must take on roles that were traditionally dominated by men. As single heads of households, women are responsible for making major decisions about the welfare of their families and for providing for and nurturing their children” (Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002, p. 51). In summary, “it is important to understand evolving gender roles within Latino families” (Weaver, 2005, p. 146).

Native American Families

We have stressed that there are hundreds of Native American groups with hundreds of languages and dialects. Sensitivity to differences among tribes and appreciation of these differences are vital to effective social work practice. However, as with Hispanic people, several themes characterize many Native American groups. These include the importance of extended family, cooperation, mutual respect, harmony with nature, the concept of time, spirituality, and noninterference.

As with Hispanic people, family ties, including those with extended family, are very important (Paniagua, 2005; Sue & Sue, 2008). Extended family members include parents, children, cousins, aunts, uncles, grandparents, and even other community members who are integrally involved with the family. Diller (2007) explains:

Although the specifics of power distribution, roles, and kinship definitions vary from tribe to tribe, the vast majority of Native Peoples live in an extended family system that is conceptually different from the Western notion of family. Some tribes are matrilineal, which means that property and status are passed down through the women of the tribe. When a Hopi man marries, for example, he moves in with his wife’s family, and it is the wife’s brothers, not the father, who have primary responsibility for educating the sons. Family ties define existence, and the very definition of being a Navaho or a Sioux resides not within the individual’s personality, but rather in the intricacies of family and tribal responsibilities. When strangers meet, they identify themselves, not by occupation or residence but by who their relatives are. Individual family members feel a close and binding connection with a broad network of relatives (often including some who are not related by blood) that can extend as far as second cousins. (p. 219)

A second concept in Native American culture involves the emphasis on cooperation (Diller, 2007; Sue & Sue, 2008, p. 350). The collective well-being of the family and tribe takes precedence over that of the individual (Paniagua, 2005). Weaver (2005) elaborates: “A sense of identity is rooted in group membership. Native people often refer to themselves as members of the Native community, regardless of their geographic location.... Social cooperation is often valued over independent decision making. The wishes and plans of individuals must be balanced along with the needs of family and community members.... This emphasis on the group leads to strong mutual support networks. The well-being of the group is paramount” (p. 90). Sue and Sue (2008) comment on how this emphasis on cooperation affects children: “Indian children tend to display sensitivity to the opinions and attitudes of their peers. They will actively avoid disagreements or contradictions. Most do not like to be singled out and made to perform in school unless the whole group would benefit” (p. 350).

A third theme that characterizes Native American culture is mutual respect, as Weaver (2005) explains: “Respect is emphasized in all social interactions. There are appropriate ways to communicate respectfully with others, including limiting eye contact and not interrupting someone who is speaking. People are accorded respect for the different roles they fulfill within a community. Elders are respected for their knowledge and wisdom, children are respected as the future of Native Nations, and leaders are respected for their willingness to sacrifice their own needs on behalf of First Nations [Native American] communities” (p. 91).

A fourth concept important in Native American culture is that of harmony with nature. Diller (2007) elaborates: “Native American cultures emphasize the interconnectedness and harmony of all living things and natural objects. This spiritual holism affirms the value and interdependence of all life forms. Nature is held in reverence, and Native People believe that it is their responsibility to live in harmony and safeguard the valuable resources we have been given” (p. 220).

A fifth theme of Native American life, related to harmony with nature, is the concept of time (Bearse, 2008; Diller, 2007). Time is considered an aspect of nature. Time flows along with life and, therefore, should not control or dictate how you live. Hence, other aspects of life, including interactions with other people, become more important than getting somewhere on time. Sue and Sue (2008) further describe this orientation: “Indians are very much involved in the present rather than the future. Ideas of punctuality or planning for the future may be unimportant. Life is to be lived in the here and now” (p. 350).

A sixth theme of Native American values concerns the importance of spirituality (Bearse, 2008; Sue & Sue, 2008). “The spirit, mind, and body are all interconnected. Illness is a disharmony between these elements” (Sue & Sue, 2008, p. 351). Spirituality, involving both tribal religion and Christianity, plays a critical role in the lives of many Native Americans. Although religious beliefs vary from one tribe to another, “religion is incorporated into their being from the time of conception, when many tribes perform rites and rituals to ensure the delivery of a healthy baby, to the death ceremonies, where great care is taken to promote the return or the person’s spirit to the life after this one” (Ho, 1987, p. 73).

A seventh important concept for Native Americans is noninterference (Sue & Sue, 2008, p. 350). “It is considered inappropriate in Native American culture to intrude or interfere in the affairs of others. Boundaries and the natural order of things are valued” (Diller, 2007, p. 218). It is generally considered better “to observe rather than react impulsively” (Sue & Sue, 2008, p. 350). Silence is often used as a means of conveying respect (Diller, 2007).

Asian American Families

People who are typically considered Asian Americans are composed of three basic groups that, in turn, consist of numerous subgroups. These are “Asian Americans (Japanese, Chinese, Filipinos, Asian Indians, and Koreans), Asian Pacific Islanders (Hawaiians, Samoans, and Guamanians), and Southeast Asian refugees (Vietnamese, Cambodians, and Laotians)” (Paniagua, 2005, p. 73). Obviously, there is great variation among these groups, even though they are clustered under the umbrella term Asian Americans. Here we discuss four themes that tend to characterize many Asian American families: the significance of family, interdependence, investment made in children, and patriarchal hierarchy.

Like Hispanic people and Native Americans, Asian Americans tend to consider the family as the primary unit and individual family members as secondary in importance (Balgopal, 2008; Leong, Lee, & Chang, 2008). Phillips (1996) elaborates: “The welfare and the integrity of the family are of great importance. The individual is expected to submerge or to repress emotions, desires, behaviors, and individual goals to further the welfare of family and maintain its reputation. The individual is obligated to save face, so as to not bring shame onto the family. Therefore, there is incentive to keep problems within the family so that the family will not ‘lose face’” (p. 1).

A second theme, related to the significance of the family, is interdependence (Balgopal, 2008; Leong et al., 2008; Sue, 2006). “Studies have found that for most Asian Americans, their immediate and extended family are important loci of identity formation, social learning, support, and role development” (Leong et al., 2008, p. 117). “Children are expected to strive for family goals and not to engage in behaviors that would bring dishonor to the family. Asian American parents tend to show little interest in the child’s viewpoint regarding family matters. Instead, the emphasis is on family harmony, adapting to the needs of others, and adherence to ‘correct’ values (Rothbaum, Morelli, Pott, & Liu-Constant, 2000). Asian American adolescents appear to retain the expectation to assist, support, and respect their family even when exposed to a society that emphasizes adolescent autonomy and independence (Fuligni et al., 1999)” (Sue & Sue, 2008, pp. 362–363). An expectation that children will care for elderly parents is also important (Balgopal, 2008; Green, 1999).

A third theme characterizing many Asian American families involves hierarchical relationships (Balgopal, 2008; Sue, 2006; Sue & Sue, 2008). “Communication flows down from the parent to the child, who is expected to defer to the adults” (Sue & Sue, 2008, p. 363). Similarly, younger children are to defer to older children (Sue, 2006). Asian American families tend to have high expectations regarding children’s behavior and tend to impose stricter discipline when misbehavior occurs (Balgopal, 2008; Sue, 2006; Sue & Sue, 2008). “Problem behavior in children is thought to be due to a lack of discipline. However, differences in parenting style between Asian American groups have been found. Japanese and Filipino American families tend to have the most egalitarian relationships, while Korean, Chinese, and Southeast Asian Americans are more authoritarian (Blair & Qian, 1998)” (Sue & Sue, 2008, pp. 364–365).

A fourth theme involves patriarchal hierarchy (Balgopal, 2000, 2008; Sue, 2006; Sue & Sue, 2008). Traditional values designate that men and older family members have greater status than other family members. Diller (2007) explains: “Family and gender roles and expectations are highly structured. Fathers are the breadwinners, protectors, and ultimate authorities. Mothers oversee the home, bear and care for children, and are under the authority of their fathers, husbands, in-laws, and at times even sons. Male children are highly prized.... Older daughters are expected to play a caretaking function with younger siblings” (pp. 256–257).

A Note on Difference

Our discussion concerning cultural themes of values and behaviors is general and brief. Actual practices may vary dramatically from one ethnic group to another and from one family to another. The point here is to enhance your sensitivity to and appreciation of potential cultural differences so that you may better understand and serve your clients.

Preparing them in this way is supposed to minimize surprises. Not knowing what’s going to happen is scary for children. Second, Spock suggested continuing to talk to older children and emphasizing how much they are loved and valued. Finally, children should be encouraged to express their feelings, including the negative ones, so that parents can allay their children’s fears and address problems as they occur.

Approximately 80 percent of children in the United States have at least one brother or sister (Berk, 2008a; Santrock, 2007). Sibling interaction involves a multitude of behaviors and feelings. Siblings fight with each other but they also play with each other, work together, and show affection such as hugging each other. Siblings appear to get along better when neither sibling has an exceptionally volatile temperament (Brody, Stoneman, & McCoy, 1994). Sibling relationships also tend to be more positive in families where the parents’ relationship is positive, warm, and congenial (Volling, McElwain, & Miller, 2002).

It is difficult to establish definite facts concerning birth order and development because so many factors are involved (e.g., parenting style, cultural expectations, socioeconomic status, number of persons residing in the family). Some research indicates that parents have higher expectations for their firstborn child’s achievements (Furman, 1995) and tend to give the firstborn more attention (Santrock, 2008). Parents apparently learn from experience and become more comfortable and less demanding with later-born children (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007). Firstborn children tend to score higher on achievement tests, go to college, and be cited more frequently in Who’s Who; they are also more likely to conform to parental requests and be more self-controlled (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007; Santrock, 2007). Some research indicates that only children tend to be more achievement oriented and have more pleasant personalities than later-born children, especially those in large families (Jiao, Ji, & Jing, 1996; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007). Please keep in mind, though, that no absolute predictors exist for how any child will turn out. Many other factors in the social environment can affect development.

Infants are treated differently by virtue of their gender from the moment that they are born (Hyde & DeLamater, 2008; Strong et al., 2008). There is almost immediate segregation by pink or blue clothing. A basic question remains unresolved. To what extent are males and females inherently different, and in what ways?

This question is related to the nature-nurture argument regarding why people become the people they do. Supporters of the nature idea argue that people are innately programmed with inborn, genetic, or natural predispositions. According to the nurture perspective, people are the product of their environment. That is, people are affected by what happens to them from the day they’re born; they learn from their environment and are shaped by it. Each side of the debate has evidence and research to support its perspective. Probably the answer lies somewhere in the middle. People are probably born with certain potentials and predispositions that are then shaped, strengthened, or suppressed by their environments. Gender roles will be discussed again later in this chapter, in regard to differences in play, and more extensively in Chapter 9.

The family does not provide the only means of socialization for children. They are also exposed to other children as they play and to other adults, especially in the school setting. The transactions children have with their peers and with adults in school directly affect both the children’s behavior and their social development. Children learn how to relate to others socially. They learn what types of social behaviors others expect from them. They also are influenced by the amount of time they spend watching television. Issues to be addressed here include the social aspects of play, the influence of television, and the role of the school. The impact of each will be related to the social development of children.

Luther, who is 8, screamed at the top of his lungs, “Red light, green light, hope to see the ghosts tonight!” He spun around and peered through the darkness. He was playing his favorite game, and he was “it.” That meant that he counted to 20 and then had to find the others and tag them. The first one tagged had to be “it” the next time.

“Where were those other kids anyway?” he said silently to himself. Randy usually hid in the garbage can. He thought that that made him smell so unappealing that no one would look for him there. Siggy, on the other hand, liked to hide in the bushes by the drainage ditch. However, a lot of mosquitoes were likely to consume anybody brave enough to venture over in that direction.

Horace was always an enigma. Luther never knew exactly where he was likely to hide. Once he had managed to squeeze into old Charlie’s doghouse. Charlie was a miniature mongrel.

On serious consideration of which route to take, Luther decided that the garbage can was his fastest and easiest bet. Just as Luther could’ve sworn that he heard Randy sneeze inside the garbage can, he heard his mother’s call. “Luther, you get in here this minute. I told you four times that you have to be home by 8:30 on weeknights. Come in right now, do you hear?”

“Aw, rats,” mumbled Luther. Just when he started to have some fun, he always had to quit and go home. Along came the other guys. See, he was right. Randy was in the garbage can, and sure enough, Siggy popped out from behind the bushes by the drainage ditch. As usual, he was scratching. Randy’s mother was really going to give it to him when he got home. He did smell awfully bad. Horace appeared suddenly out of nowhere. He wasn’t about to waste a good secret hiding place for nothing.

All four boys dragged themselves home. They walked as slowly as they could and procrastinated appropriately. Another hard summer’s day of play was done, but they were already thinking about tomorrow.

Children’s play serves several purposes. It encourages children to use their muscles and develop physically. It allows them to fantasize and think creatively. Finally, play enables children to learn how to relate to peers. Play provides a format for learning how to communicate, compete, and share. It functions as a major avenue of socialization.

Garvey (1977) defines play as activity that involves the following five qualities: First, play must be something that is done purely for enjoyment and not for a reward or because it is considered appropriate. Second, play has no purpose other than to be an end in itself. Third, people who play choose to do it. No one can force a person to play. Fourth, play involves active participation in an activity. Either mentally or physically, the individual must be involved. Pure observation does not qualify as play. Fifth, play enhances socialization and creativity. Play provides a context in which to learn interaction and physical and mental skills.

There are at least two basic ways of looking at how children play. These include social play and fantasy play. Social play involves the extent to which children interact with other children as they play. Fantasy play involves what children think about and how they imagine their pretend games as they play.

Parten (1932) conceptualized a model for how children progress in their development of social play. Her research, which was done in the 1920s, focused on children ages 2 to 5. Observations of the children in action led to the proposition that there are actually six different levels of play. Theoretically, children progress through the following levels as they get older:

1. Unoccupied behavior: Unoccupied behavior involves little or no activity. A child might be sitting or standing quietly. Frequently, the child’s attention is focused on observing something going on around him.

2. Onlooker play: A child involved in onlooker play is simply observing the playing behavior of other children. The child is mentally involved in what the other children are doing. However, the child is not physically participating in the play. Onlooker play differs from solitary play in that the child’s attention is focused on the play of peers, instead of on simply anything that might be happening around her.

3. Solitary play: Solitary play involves the child playing independently. No attention is given to other children or what they might be doing.

4. Parallel play: A child involved in parallel play is playing independently but is playing in a similar manner or with similar toys as other children in the immediate vicinity. The child is playing essentially the same way as the other children, although no interaction occurs.

5. Associative play: Here children play together. There is some interaction, but the interaction is not organized. For example, children may share toys or activities and talk with each other. However, their play is very individualized. Each child plays independently from the others and focuses on individual activities.

6. Cooperative play: Cooperative play involves organized interaction. Children play with each other in order to attain a similar goal, make something together, or dramatize a situation together. Attention is focused on the group activity. Cooperation is necessary. Children clearly feel that they are a part of the group.

Parten proposed that different age levels are characterized by different types of play. Two-year-old children tend to play by themselves. By age 3, parallel play begins to be evident. Associative play is engaged in by more and more children as they reach the age of 4. By age 5, most children participate in cooperative play.

Parten’s levels of play have been criticized on several fronts. For one thing, the model doesn’t address the complexity of play; all children can be observed to participate in all levels of play (Papalia et al., 2007; Rubin et al., 1996). Another question involves how solitary play is viewed in Parten’s model. Is solitary play really less mature than play occurring in groups? Much of children’s solitary play is thoughtful, educational, and creative by nature, helping children to develop more advanced cognitive thinking. Where do such solitary activities such as drawing or building with blocks and Legos fit into Parten’s conception of normal play development?

Parents need to be aware of the normal developmental aspects of play at different age levels. Expectations of parents and other caregivers need to be realistic. Children should be encouraged to play with other children in ways appropriate to their age level. Yet children should not be pushed into activities that are beyond them. Children who are isolated in their play activities at an age when they need to be more outgoing may need encouragement in that direction. Parents and other caregivers can help children develop their play and interactional skills.

Two gender-related differences in behavior appear early in life. One is a difference in aggressive behavior with respect to play (Hyde & DeLamater, 2008). Boys behave more aggressively than girls. The other early behavioral difference is in toy preference (Carroll, 2007). By age 3 or 4 girls begin choosing to play with dolls and participate in housekeeping play. Boys are more oriented toward toys such as trucks and guns. The reasons for these differences are not clear. Perhaps children play with the toys they are given and encouraged to play with. Girls’ rooms are filled with dolls and items devised for playing house. Boys’ rooms display various action-oriented toys such as cars, trucks, guns, and sports equipment.

For example, when Aunt Karen took 3-year-old Andrea, her niece and the apple of her eye, to Kmart one day to buy her a toy, Andrea headed straight for the “girls’ toys” not the “boys’ toys.” When Aunt Karen suggested Andrea look at some “fun” trucks and cars (Aunt Karen knew that it was good for girls to become oriented to cars and trucks, both because they’ll have to use real ones someday and because such play aids in the development of spatial perception skills), Andrea screwed up her nose and said “No! Those are boys’ toys!” Her response was interesting because Andrea’s mother did most of the mechanical fixing and all of the outdoor work at their home. The impact of the media, especially television, and Andrea’s observation of other people must have been very great.

Another reason for the differences in toy preference may be that children, who become conscious of gender by age 3 (Crooks & Baur, 2008), learn early how they should be playing. They watch television and observe Mommy and Daddy; they learn that girls and boys should like to do different things.

Lott (1987) suggests that there are at least three logical reasons why girls’ behavior is less aggressive than that of boys. These reasons all seem to relate to and reinforce each other. First, girls have fewer chances to “practice” aggressive behavior such as fighting, breaking, or hurting things. Second, girls’ aggressive behavior is less likely to be encouraged by adults than is the aggressive behavior of boys.

For instance, Aunt Karen had an opportunity to observe 3-year-old Andrea in the company of her male and female nursery-school peers. They were on a field trip to a local pumpkin farm with the idea of picking some small pumpkins. All of the boys in Andrea’s group were kicking, screaming, punching, bumping, running, and making brrrrrrrr and grrrrrrrr sounds. Several of the mothers calmly observed, smiled, and made proud comments like, “Isn’t he a real boy.” Meanwhile the girls stood silently on the sidelines watching the boys have “fun.” When one girl tried to get involved, her mother said, “Oh, no, Chrissy, you might get hurt. Those boys are so rough.”

A third reason why girls are less aggressive, according to Lott, is that girls are less likely to “experience success” at being aggressive than are boys. Boys are encouraged by adults to be more practiced at aggression than girls. Girls, on the other hand, are reinforced for being gentler and more ladylike.

The peer group is made up of a child’s equals. It can have an increasing impact on children as they get older, more independent, and more experienced. On a positive note, the peer group provides an arena for children to learn about themselves, build their self-concepts, and learn how to interact with others. On a negative note, the peer group can place pressure on children to do things they would never consider doing on their own.

Some children get along fabulously with peers; others are avoided, isolated, and withdrawn. What makes a child popular? Researchers have studied popular and unpopular children and concluded that popular children tend to display certain characteristics (Newcomb, Bukowski, & Pattee, 1993; Papalia et al., 2007). They tend to be friendly with others and interact easily. They are neither too aggressive nor too passive. They tend to be trustworthy and able to supply emotional responsiveness and support to peers. They usually are bright and creative, yet don’t act superior or arrogant.

On the other hand, children who are unpopular tend to be characterized by opposite traits. They are socially immature. They tend either to be too pushy and demanding, or very shy and withdrawn. They might not be the brightest children around or the most attractive. They may not have the listening skills and the ability to empathize with others that popular children seem to have. When unpopular children do make friends, they tend to be children who are also unpopular, or are younger, of a different socioeconomic class, or from a different neighborhood (Papalia et al., 2007).

A common technique for examining children’s interaction is referred to as sociometry. This involves asking children questions about their relationships and feelings toward other people. The relationships can be illustrated on a diagram called a sociogram. Children in a group might be asked questions such as which three peers they like the best, which three they like the least, who they most admire, who would they like to sit next to, or who are they most afraid of. Each child can be represented by a circle. Arrows can then be drawn to the people they indicate in answer to each question.

Sociograms are shown in Figure 4.4. A sociogram can be created to illustrate the results of each question asked. Our example plots out two questions. The first reflects students’ feelings about who they thought was the strongest leader in the group. The second illustrates which peer they most liked in the group.

Students were asked who they felt was the strongest leader in the group. Arrows reflect their feelings. Toby clearly has that status.

Here students were asked which person they liked the most in the group. Tom and Maria appear to be the most popular.

Sociogram A clearly illustrates that Toby is thought to be the strongest leader in the group. He is bright, energetic, and very “street smart.” However, Sociogram B clearly illustrates that he is not the most popular or best liked in the group. Both Tom and Maria shine there. They both are more mature than the other group members. They are assertive and fairly self-confident, yet don’t impose their will on the others. They are among the brightest in the group. Toby, on the other hand, is more feared than respected. The others admire his apparent sophistication, yet don’t trust him. He doesn’t let anyone get close to him emotionally or physically. He keeps his distance.

Vince’s opinions differ radically from those of other group members. Vince stays by himself most of the time. He loves to wander off whenever he can. He sees Dean as being both a strong and likable leader. Dean is a very active, verbal person who is always in the center of activity. He has some trouble controlling his behavior and tends to provoke the other students. Perhaps Vince admires Dean’s involvement.

These two sociograms are examples of how insights into a group’s interaction can be obtained and visually pictured. Although they only begin to portray some of the complexities of the group’s interaction, they do provide some interesting clues.

We’ve been speaking of children as being popular or unpopular. It is as if on a popularity scale from 1 to 10, each child is either a very unpopular 1 or a very popular 10. In real life, of course, most people lie somewhere in between. They may have some of the characteristics of the “popular person,” but not others.

It appears that social skills provide a primary basis for popularity. It follows, then, that because skills in general can be learned, social skills can be learned and popularity increased. Training may focus on teaching children how to draw attention to themselves in positive ways and to improve their ability to communicate with peers (Santrock, 2007). Good communication skills involve showing interest in peers, asking appropriate questions, and sharing information that might be interesting to other children. Sometimes role-playing is employed to teach children more effective responses to make in various situations (for example, when playing a game or trying to get in line for recess). Sometimes, videotapes are used to illustrate positive interaction, after which children can discuss what occurred and learn to apply this information to their own interpersonal situations (Ladd, Buhs, & Troop, 2002).

Because television has become such a common aspect of a child’s environment, it merits a few comments here. Children “spend at least twice as much time watching TV than they do in school” (Dacey & Travers, 2006, p. 285). If continued at that rate, a high school graduate would have spent a full 2 years watching television for 24 hours a day (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007). Of course, this is only an average. Some children watch more television than others. For example, children from lower-income families watch more television than do their counterparts in families with higher economic status (Bukatko & Daehler, 2004).

A major question raised about the impact of television is whether TV teaches children to be violent and aggressive. Research indicates that television does influence and increase children’s violent behavior (Berk, 2008a; Newman & Newman, 2009). Consider that children watch between 10,000 and 15,000 violent acts on television annually, more than a quarter of which involve using guns; additionally, 61 percent of all shows include violence, with children’s programs portraying the most violent content (Bukatko & Daehler, 2004; Strasburger & Donnerstein, 1999). Other findings reveal that more than 70 percent of characters demonstrating violence on television display no regret or guilt more than what they had done; more than half of the violent acts avoid any portrayal of a victim’s suffering; and more than 40 percent of violent acts are committed by good-looking, admired characters (National Television Violence Study, 1996).

Note that television isn’t the only medium that can potentially teach and provoke aggressive behavior. Most video games provide a means not only to view, but also actually to practice, violent behavior. Many such games closely resemble reality. They provide a means to engage actively in violent pursuits, usually shooting down people or other figures. Even worse, they reinforce violent behavior by awarding points when targets are effectively annihilated. Three processes may operate to increase children’s aggression in response to TV or video game violence (Newman & Newman, 2009). First, children may model the violent behavior they see. If Rambo and other famous movie and TV characters can do it, why can’t they? Second, violence is arousing, so children are more likely to lose control and become more violent. TV violence can serve as a stimulus to trigger increased emotionality and aggression. Third, regular exposure to TV violence can influence a child’s value system and beliefs about how the world really is. Children who see a lot of violence may take it for granted that violence happens everywhere much of the time. How many times might a child watch a young man get “blown away” in vivid blood-red color before that image becomes commonplace in that child’s mind?

Other research establishes a relationship between the amount of violent television viewed in childhood and the amount of aggressiveness manifested by participants as adults (Huesmann & Miller, 1994; J. G. Johnson, Cohen, Smailes, Kasen, & Brook, 2002; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007). In other words, children who watched more violent television may actually display more violent behavior themselves when they grow up. The link between TV violence and later aggression has been established even when other variables such as socioeconomic status and parents’ level of education are taken into account (Johnson et al., 2002). A survey by Time found that 66 percent of respondents believed there was too much violence on television (Poniewozik, 2005). Playing violent video games has also been linked to increased aggression and decreased concern for others in children and teens (Anderson & Bushman, 2001).

Children’s cartoons are among the most violent viewing television offers (Center for Communication and Social Policy, 1998). Children’s cartoons characteristically portray one violent act every 3 minutes (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007). Picture such cartoons as Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, Spider Man, Krypto the Superdog, Teen Titans, Woody Woodpecker, Donald Duck Presents, and the Roadrunner. How many times has the coyote been blown up with a stick of dynamite given him by the Roadrunner? Or Donald Duck smashed by a baseball bat or pushed off a steep cliff ? When you think about it, the implications of the amount of violence depicted are scary.

Other concerns have to do with unsuitable messages television conveys to children. For example, more and more people have expressed serious apprehension about the increasing amount and explicitness of sex on television (Poniewozik, 2005). Former Senator Bob Dole (R-Kans.) “accused the powers behind American movies, music, and television of flooding the country with ‘nightmares of depravity’” and warned that “the more extreme products of pop culture threaten to undermine American kids” (Lacayo, 1995, pp. 25–26).

Public concern also focuses on television’s portraying an accurate picture of the world in terms of ethnic and other diversity. For example, although African Americans make up 10–15 percent of television characters (reflecting their proportion in the U. S. population), Native Americans, Hispanics, and Asian Americans are rarely portrayed (Huston & Wright, 1998; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007).

Additionally, women are grossly underrepresented, portraying only about one-third of television characters; when they are represented, they are often depicted as being “passive and emotional,” most are unemployed, and “those who have jobs are often in stereotypical female careers such as teachers or secretaries” (Huston & Wright, 1998; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007, p. 293). Older adults are also overlooked, as only 5 percent of television personalities are 60 or older (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007).

There is another side to television, however. According to Newman and Newman (2009), “Many programs, some developed for children and others intended for a broader viewing audience—convey positive ethical messages about the value of family life, the need to work hard and sacrifice in order to achieve important goals, the value of friendship, the importance of loyalty and commitment in relationships, and many other cultural values” (p. 251). There was Mr. Rogers’ Neighborhood, where “it’sa beautiful day in the neighborhood” every single day, which was found to have positive effects on children’s social behavior (Huston & Wright, 1998). Unfortunately, Mr. Rogers is now deceased. There’s also Sesame Street, which emphasizes the development of reading and arithmetic skills in addition to imparting such values as consideration for others’ feelings.

Television does affect children and may result in violent behavior as they grow into adults. Some young people commit extraordinarily violent acts. Consider 23-year-old English major Cho Seung-Hui. Dressed in dark clothing resembling that portrayed in a popular video game, he suddenly opened fire on his fellow students at Virginia Tech, killing 31 of them, his instructor, and himself (ABC News, 2007; Romano, 2007). Remember former student Stephen Kazmierczak who on February 15, 2008, abruptly opened fire on students at Northern Illinois University, killing 5 and wounding 16 before killing himself (NPR, 2008a, 2008b). Following the April 1999 massacre by two teens of 12 high school students and a teacher at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, President Clinton made three pleas to the media (J. F. Harris, 1999). First, “he urged movie studios to stop showing guns in ads and previews that children can see” (p. A3). Second, “he asked theaters and video stores to more rigorously enforce rules barring unchaperoned children under age 17 from viewing R-rated movies” (p. A3). Third, “he called for re-evaluating the ratings system, ‘especially the PG rating,’ to decide whether the ratings are ‘allowing too much gratuitous violence’ in movies approved for children” (p. A3).

The American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP, 2007) suggests that parents scrutinize their children’s viewing behavior by observing how their children act after watching TV and by watching the programs themselves. Limits should be set regarding what is appropriate and what is not. When violence does occur, parents should talk to children about it. Parents can emphasize that violence is a bad way to solve problems and that better, nonviolent ways are available. Finally, parents should seek out television programs, DVDs, and videos that provide high-quality, nonviolent content for children to watch.

Ethical Question 4.6

Is there too much violence on television? Should the amount of violence be monitored? Is so, who should be responsible for setting standards and scrutinizing content? Should children’s viewing of television be limited? If so, in what ways?

School provides a major arena for socialization, where children are taught social customs, rules, and communication skills. Schools can influence children’s dreams and aspirations about future careers. Schools help to mold the ways in which children think. Specific issues related to the school environment will be discussed here. They include the teacher’s impact, the elements of an effective classroom, and the effects of social class and race.

Students frequently perform at the level of their teachers’ expectations. This is sometimes referred to as a self-fulfilling prophecy—that is, students will perform to the level of expectation placed upon them. Higher expectations, therefore, can result in greater achievement.

There is some indication that low achievers are even more responsive to higher teacher expectations than are higher achievers (Madom, Jussim, & Eccles, 1997; C. L. Martin & Fabes, 2009; A. E. Smith, Jussim, & Eccles, 1999). Teachers should avoid categorizing students as poor performers, but rather should encourage them to work to the best of their ability.

Martin and Fabes (2009) reflect on how teachers can also influence children’s social development (Pianta, 2006): “This influence can be quite positive, encouraging feelings of competence and well-being. For example, teachers have been found to enhance positive outcomes for students if they (1) reduce the tendency of students to compare themselves with one another, (2) use cooperative interaction strategies in the classroom, (3) promote beliefs about students’ competencies rather than their deficiencies, (4) increase chances for students to be successful, and (5) are warm, encouraging, and supportive (Pianta & Stuhlman, 2004; Stipek, 1997)” (p. 437).

The school environment can be a warm, welcoming place that encourages learning and productivity. Or, it can be a scary, intimidating setting that discourages students from even being there. A substantial body of research has established that the following variables are related to an effective school environment (Shaffer & Kipp, 2007, pp. 638–640):

An effective school environment can positively enhance students’ ability to learn and thrive.

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· School Climate: Students’ positive perception of the school’s climate is an important variable in encouraging learning. This includes both their feelings of safety and teachers’ “support and encouragement” (Loukas & Robinson, 2004; Shaffer & Kipp, 2007, p. 639; Taylor & Lopez, 2005a). If students feel welcome and safe, it makes sense that they would experience greater freedom and have more energy to devote to making academic and social progress (Eccles & Roeser, 2005; Taylor & Lopez, 2005b).

· Academic Emphasis: Children perform best in schools that stress academic work. Academic goals should be clearly specified. Homework should be required that is explained, discussed, and evaluated.

· Challenging, Developmentally Appropriate Curricula: Children can relate much better to content that focuses on their ethnicity, cultural background, customs, and history, and that involves the issues they’re currently facing in life. Incorporating such content into the curriculum can motivate students to learn because what they’re learning is interesting and relevant to them. Using such appropriate curricula enhances their achievement in areas such as “effort, attention, attendance, and appropriate classroom behavior” (Jackson & Davis, 2000; Lee & Smith, 2001; Shaffer & Kipp, 2007, p. 640). On the other hand, content that “turns off” student interest can lead to lower achievement levels and distancing from the educational environment (Eccles & Roeser, 2005; Jackson & Davis, 2000).

· Classroom Management: Having organized, efficient classrooms with structured expectations can encourage a healthy learning environment. Time management skills can be used to keep activities and lessons proceeding on time. This provides students with both direction and encouragement to get things done. Students should be given adequate, clear feedback about their work so that they can make improvements. They should also consistently be given positive reinforcement and praise to encourage productivity and high-quality effort.

· Discipline: Rules should be clearly stated and consequences for rule violations imposed immediately. Physical punishment should be avoided as it can lead to uncontrolled results and further aggressive behavior. At the same time, encouraging obedient, cooperative children to use their own discretion in making decisions where possible enhances their self-confidence and ability to achieve (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Ryan & Deci, 2000a, 2000b; Grolnick, Gurland, Jacob, & Decourcey, 2002).

· Teamwork: “Effective schools have faculties that work as a team, jointly planning curricular objectives and monitoring student progress, under the guidance of a principal who provides active, energetic leadership” (Shaffer & Kipp, 2007, p. 640).

The Kamehameha Early Education Program (KEEP) was developed to focus on the cultural values of Native Hawaiians and to enhance students’ learning processes (KEEP, 2002; Tinzmann et al., 1990). Phenice (1999) describes some aspects of Hawaiian culture:

Cooperating, not only within the family but also with others in the ethnic community as well as in society, is an expectation inculcated in children at a very young age. Values such as harmony with nature and humanity are fundamental in their cognitive expressions. When there is a conflict with another, there is a saying, ho oponopono, which means to have a frank discussion to set matters right in order to restore a good relationship with the other, whether within the family or within the community. This process includes praying together, respecting all view points, and forgiving. Historically strength as a group came from cooperating and not competing with one another. (p. 115)

Western thought and values emphasize individualism, competition, and winning. Children take achievement tests where they are ranked in competition with each other. A grade of C is considered average, whereas a grade of A is exceptional. Traditional classrooms emphasize individual accomplishments and success. Winners of sports and other competitive events are admired as heroes. Anything that involves winners, of course, also includes losers, who are looked down upon and often considered inferior.

KEEP is built on the principle of collaborative classroom work that complies well with Hawaiian cultural values. Classrooms are broken down, not into individuals, but small groups of students who work together to assess issues, develop projects, and solve problems. All participants’ input is valued and encouraged as groups focus on sharing the knowledge of individual members. Teachers encourage student input into activities by providing options students can choose. For example, a teacher might address the topic of Hawaiian geography. Student groups then might be allowed to determine how they will study this topic—by developing maps and charts, creating a videotape, or writing a paper on the subject. Another example of teacher-student collaboration involves a teacher assigning the topic of “garbage” to student groups and asking them to develop their own goals for a project (Tinzmann et al., 1990). “In one group, a student wanted to find out if garbage is a problem, another wanted to know what happens to garbage, a third wanted to know what is being done to solve the problem of garbage. The fourth member could not think of a goal, but agreed that the first three were important and adopted them” (p. 5).

Another process used by KEEP teachers is the use of talk story, a manner of speaking that is common in Hawaiian communities, where a group of individuals all contribute to the reiteration or creation of a story by contributing small pieces (KEEP, 2002). Together, the small student groups compose the final result.

Research suggests KEEP is effective in enhancing learning. When students like their schools and have programs tailoring learning to their needs and interests, they tend to do better (Papalia et al., 2007). This simply makes sense. Programs using KEEP principles, adapting learning approaches to incorporate respective cultural values, have also been developed elsewhere, such as the Navajo Nation in Arizona.

Ethical Question 4.7

What elements in the classroom environment do you believe are most effective, and why?

Spotlight 4.4 discusses how an educational program was developed to emphasize cultural strengths and meet the educational needs of Hawaiian students.

Gaps exist between the educational attainment of whites and some other ethnic groups including African Americans and Hispanics. Although the educational breach between African Americans and whites has significantly decreased, some differences continue (Leon-Guerrera, 2005). Specifically, 79.9 percent of African Americans as compared to 86.6 percent of whites aged 25 or over have completed high school; similarly, 17.3 percent of African Americans compared to 28.6 percent of whites age 25 or over have completed four years of college or more (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). African American children and young adults are more likely than whites to drop out of school (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). They are also likely to receive lower scores on achievement tests (Leashore, 1995; McAdoo, 2007). Hispanics tend to lag even further behind. Only about 59.5 percent of Hispanics age 25 or over have completed high school, and 12.2 percent have completed four years of college or more (U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).

A number of reasons may account for the discrepancies in educational attainment among whites, African Americans, and Hispanics. Some educators have attributed these differences to external factors such as lower socioeconomic status (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 2000) and poorer quality schools (McAdoo, 2007). Both African Americans and Hispanics are more likely to have lower socioeconomic status than whites. Are schools in poorer neighborhoods receiving necessary resources to provide students with a good education? Other reasons for the discrepancy in educational attainment may involve internal variables, such as a social atmosphere, that discourage students and obstructs their performance. Also, textbooks and instructional materials may not adequately reflect relevant cultural values and ethnicity. For example, to what extent are African American and Hispanic history, literature, and values emphasized? Are teachers’ and educational administrators’ expectation levels for their students of different cultures too low? Do teachers have biases about the capabilities of students in particular ethnic groups?

Ongoing research is needed to establish what is really happening in school environments. Perhaps greater resources are necessary to update materials and enhance the multicultural learning atmosphere. Other targets of change may include teacher attitudes and skills. Teachers may require special training to meet the special needs of people from various cultural backgrounds.

Ralphie, age 8, came to school one day with his arm in a gigantic cast. His teacher asked him what had happened. He said he fell down the steps and broke his arm. He didn’t seem to want to talk about it much. When pressed about why the cast was so large, he replied, “Oh, that’s ’cause I busted it in a couple of places.” The teacher thought to herself how strange it was that he suffered such a severe injury from a simple fall. Eight-year-olds are usually so resilient.

Angel, age 4, didn’t want to sit down when one of her caregivers at the day-care center asked her to. It was almost as if she was in pain. The caretaker called the center’s nurse to examine Angel. The nurse found a doughnut-shaped burn on her buttocks. When asked how it happened, Angel said she didn’t remember. The nurse thought to herself how strange this situation was.

As the plumber left the porch of the last house he visited, he wondered to himself how people could possibly live that way. There were three filthy, unkempt small children eating Froot Loops and glued to a blaring television set. The toilet was filthy; he was glad he had extra-thick rubber gloves on as he worked on the pipes. Then, as he was leaving the home, a small puppy leisurely urinated on the porch before his and the woman’s eyes. She looked at the salesman, making no effort to clean up the mess, and said, “Well, at least he didn’t do it inside the house.” She then turned around and walked back into the house.

Tony thought Alicia, one of his classmates at school, was just beautiful, albeit a little shy. They were both 14. He finally mustered up the courage to go over, talk to her, and ask her if she would like to go to the school dance next Friday night. She shrunk back from him as if she was terrified and said, in a whisper, that she couldn’t possibly go. She added apologetically that her mother worked Friday nights and her “Daddy” always took her to the movies. That struck Tony as odd. However, he wasn’t up to fighting with parents. Alicia was cute, but she wasn’t the only girl around.

Each of these vignettes illustrates children who are being maltreated. Children can be abused or neglected in a number of ways. The umbrella term that includes all of them is child maltreatment. Maltreatment includes physical abuse; being given inadequate care and nourishment; deprivation of adequate medical care; insufficient encouragement to attend school consistently; exploitation by being forced to work too hard or too long; “exposure to unwholesome or demoralizing circumstances”; sexual abuse; and emotional abuse and neglect (Kadushin & Martin, 1988, p. 226). Definitions used by legal and social service agencies vary from locality to locality and state to state. However, most definitions include these eight aspects of maltreatment.

Many books have been written about each form of maltreatment. It is beyond the scope of this book to address them all in great depth. Usually, however, all can be clustered under two headings: child abuse (which includes both physical and sexual abuse) and child neglect. Child maltreatment is a critical issue for social workers to understand. They need to be aware of the clues that maltreatment is occurring. They also need to understand the dynamics of how child victims and their abusers behave in order to assess a situation and make treatment plans. Here we will discuss the incidence and demographics of child maltreatment; the definitions of physical abuse, neglect, emotional maltreatment, and sexual abuse; the characteristics of victims and abusers; and some basic treatment approaches.

The actual number of child abuse and neglect cases is difficult to determine. Definitions for who can and can’t be included in specific categories vary. How cases are reported and how data are gathered also vary dramatically. One thing is certain: The chances are that any reported figures reflect a small percentage of actual cases. Indications are that vast numbers of cases remain unreported.

Nearly 3 million cases of child maltreatment were reported in one year (Downs et al., 2004). Of these, 63 percent were neglect, 20 percent were physical abuse, 10 percent were sexual abuse, and 8 percent were psychological maltreatment; however, it is estimated that less than half of all maltreatment cases come to the attention of authorities (Downs et al., 2004). The reporting matter becomes even more complex as states vary in their definitions of what maltreatment involves, and not all states collect data on all types of maltreatment.

Physical abuse can be defined very generally as “non-accidental injury inflicted on a child,” usually by a caregiver, other adults, or sometimes, an older child (Crosson-Tower, 2007, p. 190). Some definitions focus on whether the alleged abuser’s purpose is to intentionally harm the child. Other definitions ignore the intent and instead emphasize the potential or actual harm done to the child. However, there often is a very fine line between physical abuse and parental discipline. Historically, parents have had the right to bring up their children as they see fit. This has included administering punishment to curb behavior when they thought it was necessary. Consider a father who beats his 13-year-old daughter on the buttocks with a belt because her math grade dropped over the course of a year from an A− to a C. Is that his right, or is that child abuse?

Angry outbursts and loss of emotional control on the part of parents can result in child abuse. Here, an angry father uses both hands to grab his son by his T-shirt.

© Jupiter Images

Spotlight 4.5 raises some questions about what is considered appropriate parental discipline and what is considered abuse in diverse cultural contexts.

Both physical indicators and behavioral indicators provide clues that a child is being physically abused. Physical indicators can be broken down into six basic categories.

1. Bruises. Bruises on any infant should be suspect. Infants are not yet mobile. Therefore, it’s not likely that they can bruise themselves. Bruises in unusual places or forming unusual patterns may indicate physical abuse. Bruises that take a recognizable shape such as a hand mark or a belt mark should be noted. Finally, bruises that display a variety of colors may portray abuse. This may be an indication that a series of bruises have been received over time. On lighter skinned people, bruises usually progress from an initial bright red to blue to blackish-purple within the first day; they become shaded with a dark green color after about 6 days and finally turn pale green or yellow after 5 to 10 days.

2. Lacerations. Cuts, scrapes, or scratches, especially if they occur frequently or their origin is poorly explained, may indicate physical abuse. Lacerations on the face and genitalia should be noted. Bite marks also may indicate abuse.

3. Fractures. Bone fractures and other skeletal injuries may indicate abuse. Strangely twisted fractures and multiple fractures are especially telltale signs. Infants’ fractures may be the result of abuse. Additional indicators are joint dislocations and injuries in which the periosteum, the thin membrane covering the bone, is detached.

4. Burns. Burns, especially ones that take odd forms or are in patterns, may indicate abuse. Children have been burned by cigarettes and ropes (from being tied up and confined). Burns that occur on inaccessible portions of the body such as the stomach, genitals, or soles of the feet are clues to abuse. Patterned burns may indicate that the child has been burned with some hot utensil. Saclike burns result when a hand or foot has been submerged into a hot liquid. A doughnut-shaped burn will occur on the buttocks if a child has been immersed in very hot water. The central un-burned area results from where the child’s skin touched the bottom of the receptacle holding the water.

5. Head injuries. Head injuries that can indicate abuse include skull fractures, loss of hair due to vigorous pulling, and subdural hematomas (blood collected beneath the outer covering of the brain after strenuous shaking or hitting). Black eyes should be suspect. Retinas may detach or hemorrhage if a child is shaken vigorously.

6. Internal injuries. Children have received injuries to their spleen, kidneys, and intestines due to hitting and kicking. The vena cava, the large vein by which blood is brought from the lower extremities to the heart, may be ruptured. Peritonitis, in which the lining of the abdominal cavity becomes inflamed, can be another indicator of abuse.

Crosson-Tower (2007) reflects on some of the issues concerning the cultural context of abuse versus parental discipline:

Some cultures have customs or practices that child protection [agencies] would consider abusive. For example, some Vietnamese families, in a ritual called cao gio, rub their children with a coin heated to the point that it leaves burn marks. It is an intentional act, but designed, in that culture, to cure a variety of ills. Do the good intentions of the parents therefore exempt this practice from being considered abuse? Similarly, the use of corporal punishment is sanctioned in many Hispanic cultures, but is seen as abusive in this culture when it becomes excessive. Some child protection advocates adopt the “When in Rome do as the Romans do” attitude that says that minorities must abide by the laws of the culture in which they now reside. One Puerto Rican social worker, working in a predominantly Hispanic section of New York City, vehemently disagreed.

“Yes, there are laws,” he said, “but those laws were made by Anglos. Is it fair to deprive new immigrants of everything including their customs? Maybe the laws should be changed?”

The reality is that if a child is reported as being harmed for whatever reason, a child protection agency will usually investigate. If the reason is one of culture, this will be considered. (p. 190)

Some of the major questions to ask yourself if you think a child may have been physically abused include the following:

· Does this child get hurt too often for someone his or her age?

· Does the child have multiple injuries?

· Do the injuries occur in patterns, assume recognizable shapes, or look like some of the injuries described earlier?

· Are the injuries such that they don’t seem possible for a child at that stage of development?

· Do the explanations given for the injuries make sense?

If something doesn’t seem right to you, something may be wrong. If a little voice in the back of your mind is saying, “Oh-oh, that certainly is odd,” pay attention. It might be a clue to abuse.

In addition to physical indicators, behavioral indicators provide a second major dimension of clues to physical abuse. A physically abused child tends to exhibit behavioral extremes. Virtually all children may display these extreme behaviors at one time or another. However, the frequency and severity of these behaviors in abused children are clearly notable. At least three categories, plus a variety of specific behavioral indicators, have been established (Crosson-Tower, 2007, 2008; Kolko, 2002; LeVine & Sallee, 1999):

1. Extremely passive, accommodating, submissive behaviors aimed at preserving a low profile and avoiding potential conflict with parents that might lead to abuse. Abused children can be exceptionally calm and docile. They have learned this behavior in order to avoid any possible conflict with the abusive parent. If they are invisible, the parent may not be provoked. Many times abused children will even avoid playing because it draws too much attention to themselves. This behavioral pattern is sometimes called hypervigilance.

2. Notably aggressive behaviors and marked overt hostility toward others, caused by rage and frustration at not getting needs met. Some physically abused children assume an opposite approach to the overly passive manner identified earlier. These children are so desperately in need of attention that they will try almost anything to get it. Even if they can provoke only negative attention from their parents, their aggressive behavior is reinforced.

3. Developmental lags. Because abused children are forced to direct their attention and energy to coping with their abusive situation, they frequently show developmental delays. These may appear in the form of language delays, poorly developed social skills for their age level, or lags in motor development.

Ethical Question 4.8

Do parents have the right to spank their children? When does discipline become abuse?

The dynamics behind child physical abuse are complex and varied. However, the general characteristics of it tend to fall within six major domains (Crosson-Tower, 2007, 2008; Kolko, 2002; LeVine & Sallee, 1999; Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 1999). Although no one person may have all the problems mentioned, a person will likely experience some.

A basic quality characterizing abusers is low self-esteem. Their emotional needs often remain unfulfilled from their own childhoods. Because their own needs were not met, they are unable to meet the needs of their children. They often invite rejection and hostility because they have little confidence in their own abilities. They don’t know how to reach out for support. On the one hand, they often feel they are undeserving. On the other hand, they still have desperate needs for human support. Many perpetrators were themselves abused as children. Note, however, that “most abused children do not become abusive parents” (Kolko, 2002, p. 26). Some research indicates that only 30 percent of people who were abused as children become abusive later themselves (Kaufman & Zigler, 1987; Kolko, 2002).

Perpetrators’ own self-confidence may be low. They feel that no one will like them, so they isolate themselves. They reject attention, even though they need others for emotional support. They fear rejection, so they don’t try to reach out to others. As a result, when normal everyday stresses build up, they have no one to help them cope.

Relationships that abusers do have with family, a significant other, and others are often stormy. Communication may be difficult, hostile, and ineffective. Low self-esteem can also affect the relationship with a partner or a significant other. Abusers may not know how to get their needs met. They may allow their disappointments and anger to build up because they don’t know how to express these feelings more appropriately to others. They may feel isolated and alone even within a marriage or partnership. Children may become easy targets for parents who can’t communicate with each other. Children may provide a conduit for the expression of violence and anger that are really directed at a spouse or a significant other.

Many abusive people don’t know how to raise their children in a nurturant family environment. Their own family of origin’s environment may have been hostile and abusive. They may never have observed nurturant behavior on the part of their own parents and caregivers. They couldn’t learn what they weren’t taught.

Additionally, their expectations for what constitutes inappropriate behavior at the various development levels may be lacking. For instance, their demands on the child for behavioral submission and even perfection may be very inappropriate. Parenting behavior may be inconsistent, hostile, or lacking in positive interaction.

Perpetrators may be unable to cope with stress, lashing out at their children instead. They may lack anger management skills. In addition to not knowing how to meet their own emotional needs, they may not have learned to separate their feelings and emotions from their behavior. Therefore, if they get mad, they don’t talk about it; they hit.

Another unlearned skill involves the appropriate delineation of responsibility. Perpetrators tend to blame others for their mistakes. For example, it’s the child’s fault that he got hit and broke his arm, because he was naughty.

They may also lack decision-making or problem-solving skills. Abusers tend to have little confidence in their own ability, and so have little faith in their own judgment. They have difficulty articulating and evaluating the pros and cons of their alternatives, and are indecisive.

In addition, abusers often fail to learn how to delay their own gratification. The situation here and now becomes all-important. If a child misbehaves, a kick will take care of it immediately. If their stress level is too high, abusers need immediate relief. They focus on the moment and have trouble looking at what the consequences of their behavior will be in the future.

Child abuse is related to lower socioeconomic status. Poverty causes stress. The abuser, who may lack coping strategies anyway, may feel isolated and incompetent. Additional life crises like job loss, illness, a marital or family dispute, or even a child’s behavior problem may push people over the brink so that they cannot cope. They may take out their stress on the easiest, most available targets—their children.

Because neglect involves the absence of resources instead of the presence of something that is negative, it is difficult to define. Every social environment is different. When does a family environment cease being adequate and instead display neglect?

Consider the following case examples:

· Mark, who is 8 years old, is left to care for his 3-year-old sister, Maria, while their parents go out.

· Margaret fails to provide medication for her 10-year-old daughter, who has a seizure disorder.

· Jonathan refuses to allow his 16-year-old son into the family’s home and tells him not to return.

· Tyrone and Rachel live with their three children in a home that is thick with dirt and dust, smells of urine, and has nothing but rotting food in the refrigerator.

· Alicia leaves her 10-month-old infant unattended in a bathtub full of water (Barnett, Miller-Perrin, & Perrin, 2005, p. 127).

Child neglect is a caregiver’s “failure to meet a child’s basic needs”; this may involve depriving a child of physical, emotional, medical, mental health, or educational necessities (Erickson & Egeland, 2002; Shireman, 2003, p. 32). Whereas child abuse involves harming a child through actions, child neglect causes a child harm by not doing what is necessary. Neglect occurs when children are not given what they need to survive and thrive.

Two of the most frequent aspects of neglect involve physical neglect and inadequate supervision. Physical neglect is the “failure to protect from harm or danger and provide for the child’s basic physical needs, including adequate shelter, food, and clothing”; it “is the most widely recognized and commonly identified form of neglect” (Erickson & Egeland, 2002, p. 6). Inadequate supervision “refers to situations in which children are without a caretaker or the caretaker is inattentive or unsuitable, and therefore the children are in danger of harming themselves or possibly others” (Downs et al., 2004, p. 246). Children need someone to direct them, care for them, support their daily activities, and give them emotional support. Inadequate supervision includes psychological neglect, discussed later in the chapter.

Sometimes neglect is related to poverty. Many neglectful parents haven’t the resources to take care of themselves or their children. For instance, one woman who was charged with child neglect described her living conditions to a judge. She lived in a small, third-floor flat without hot water. She said, “It is an awful place to live. The wallpaper is in strips, the floor board is cracked. The baby is always getting splinters in his hands. The bathroom is on the floor above and two other families use it. The kitchen is on the first floor. I share it with another woman. I have no place to keep food. We buy for one meal at a time” (Hancock, 1963, p. 5).

A young social worker recounts a visit to a family suspected of child neglect:

It was my first visit to the Petersons’ home, or should I say second floor flat. The house was in a very poor area in the inner city of Milwaukee. I was supposed to do an initial family assessment. Both parents and three small children were there. The house was filthy. Dirty laundry was heaped in piles on the living room floor. The walls were smeared with grease. Wads of dust rolled along the floor; if they had been at my apartment, I would’ve called them dinosaur dust bunnies.

The flat was small. The only furniture I could see included two double beds in the tiny living room, and a cheap, old dinette and appliances in the kitchen. The family asked me to sit at the old kitchen table. The chairs were black; I had to restrain myself from wiping one off with a Kleenex before I sat down. But I didn’t want to offend my clients. I was clearly aware of my middle-class bias already. None of the children were wearing shoes, which might not be too unusual for summer. However, black dirt streaked all of the children’s white arms, legs, feet, hands, and faces. Their hair was dirty and snarled.

As we talked, the parents asked me if I’d like a cup of coffee. The coffee maker in front of me was filthy as was the cup they gave me. It matched the dirty dishes heaped high in the sink. Again, not wanting to offend my clients, I gratefully accepted the coffee. As we talked, I accepted the second cup of coffee and then a third. That was my mistake. Suddenly it occurred to me I desperately needed to use the bathroom. I wondered where it was. I asked if I could, and Mr. Peterson said, “Sure, just a minute.” He stood up from the table, picked up a door that had been leaning against the wall around the corner, pointed to a literally open door out of my direct view around the refrigerator. Mortified as I was, I stepped into the bathroom. He laid the door in place (there were no hinges) and said he’d hold it until I was finished. Well, what else was there to do at that point? After I finished, I meekly said, “I’m through,” at which point he picked up the door and put it back in its place leaning against the wall. We continued with the interview. One thing is for sure; my coffee drinking behavior on home visits will never be the same!

Each of us has infinite needs. To define and categorize all that we need to maintain physical and emotional health would be an awesome task. This is why neglect is often difficult to define for any specific family situation. Nonetheless, we will present 12 general indicators of child neglect here (Barnett et al., 2005; Crosson-Tower, 2008; Erickson & Egeland, 2002; Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2007; Zuravin & Taylor, 1987). They provide at least a basis for assessment of situations in which neglect may be involved. As with the characteristics of physically abused children, it should be noted that not all of these characteristics apply to all neglected children. However, any one of them might be an indicator of neglect.

1. Physical health care. Illnesses are not attended to, and proper dental care is not maintained.

2. Mental health care. Children’s mental health problems are either ignored or left unattended. Sometimes caregivers refuse “to comply with recommended corrective or therapeutic procedures in cases in which a child is found to have a serious emotional or behavioral disorder” (Erickson & Egeland, 2002, p. 7).

3. Educational neglect. “Parents fail to comply with laws concerning school attendance” (Shireman, 2003, p. 33). Excessive truancy and tardiness without adequate or appropriate excuses may indicate neglect.

4. Supervision. Children are often or almost always left alone without adequate supervision. Very young children or even infants may be left unattended. Another common situation is that very young children are left in the supervision of other children who themselves are too young to assume such responsibility. A third common situation occurs when unsupervised children get involved in activities in which they may harm themselves. For example, we periodically read in the newspaper that a young, unsupervised child plays with matches, starts a fire, and burns down the house or apartment building and usually dies in the fire. A fourth example involves children who don’t receive adequate supervision to get them to school on time, or at all.

5. Abandonment and substitute child care. The most blatant form of neglect is abandonment, when parents leave children alone and unattended. A related scenario involves parents who fail to return when they’re supposed to, thereby leaving designated care providers in the lurch, not knowing what to do with the children.

6. Housing hazards. Housing may have inadequate heat, ventilation, or safety features. Dangerous substances such as drugs or weapons may be left in children’s easy reach. Electrical fixtures may not be up to code and therefore may be dangerous.

7. Household sanitation. Food may be spoiled. The home may be filled with garbage or excrement. Plumbing might not work or be backed up.

8. Personal hygiene. Children’s clothing may be ripped, filthy, and threadbare. Their hair may be unkempt and dirty. They themselves may be unbathed and odorous. They may be plagued with head lice.

9. Nutrition. Children who frequently complain that they’re hungry and searching for food may be victims of neglect. Children receiving food that provides them with inadequate nutrition may be neglected. Significant delays in development resulting from malnutrition may also be a clue to neglect.

10. “Social and attachment difficulties” (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 141). Children may have problems interacting with parents, and they may fail to maintain secure attachment relationships (discussed in Chapter 3) in which they trust parents and respond positively and consistently to their parents’ presence and interaction (Erickson & Egeland, 2002). Children may act “passive and withdrawn” with parents or the “parent exhibits low sensitivity to and involvement with [the] child” (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 141). Children may also display problems in peer relationships including “socially withdrawn behavior, decreased prosocial behavior, greater conflict with friends, and fewer reciprocated friendships than nonneglected children” (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 142).

11. “Cognitive and academic deficits” (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 141). Children may exhibit language deficits, poor academic achievement, low grades, deficits in intelligence, decreased creativity, and difficulties in problem solving (Barnett et al., 2005). One study found that neglected children tend to experience greater cognitive and academic problems than do physically abused children (Hildyard & Wolfe, 2002).

12. “Emotional and behavioral problems” (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 141). Neglected children may exhibit indifference, withdrawal and isolation, low self-esteem, “physical and verbal aggression,” difficulties in paying attention, and psychiatric symptoms such as those characterizing anxiety or depression (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 141).

Two pronounced physical conditions that can result from extreme neglect are nonorganic failure-to-thrive syndrome and psychosocial dwarfism (Crosson-Tower, 2008). Nonorganic failure-to-thrive syndrome (NFTT) occurs in infancy. It is characterized by infants who are “below the fifth percentile in weight and often in height” (Crosson-Tower, 2008, p. 77). This means that 95 percent of all other infants that age weigh more. Additionally, the infant must have had normal health at one time. Lags in psycho-motor development are also apparent.

Psychosocial dwarfism (PSD) can affect children age 18 months to 16 years. In these children, “emotional deprivation promotes abnormally low growth. PSD children are also below the fifth percentile in weight and height, exhibit retarded skeletal maturation, and a variety of behavioral problems” (Crosson-Tower, 2008, p. 78). Additionally, they tend to have speech difficulties and problems in their social interactions.

Crosson-Tower (2007) explains: “Parents who neglect were often neglected themselves as children. For them, it is a learned way of life. Their childhoods have produced in them nothing but anger and indifference. Their adult lives are dedicated to meeting the needs that were not met for them as they were growing up” (p. 197).

Mothers who neglect their children can be divided into five basic types (Crosson-Tower, 2007; Polansky, Chalmers, Buttenwieser, & Williams, 1991; Polansky, Holly, & Polansky, 1975):

1. The indifferent, lethargic mother is best described as numb. She has little or no emotional response and has little energy to do anything.

2. The impulsive, irresponsible mother treats her children inconsistently and often inattentively. She has poor impulse control and lacks coping strategies.

3. The depressed mother is reacting to life’s unhappy circumstances by giving up. Unlike the indifferent mother, she experiences extreme emotion by being depressed and miserable.

4. Mothers with mental retardation neglect children because of their intellectual inabilities and a lack of the adequate support they need to help them assume their responsibilities. Note that not all women with mental retardation neglect their children.

5. Mothers with serious mental illness, such as psychosis, are unable to function because of bizarre thought processes, delusions, or extreme anxiety.

Ethical Question 4.9

Should parents who neglect their children be punished or receive treatment? How should this be accomplished?

Psychological maltreatment is illustrated in the following case scenarios.

· A mother locks her 3-year-old son in a dark attic as a method of punishment.

· A father shackles his 7-year-old son to prevent him from repeatedly getting out of bed.

· A mother says to her daughter, “You are the stupidest, laziest kid on earth. I can’t believe you’re my child. They must have switched babies on me at the hospital.”

· A father tells his daughter that he will kill her new puppy if she or the puppy misbehaves.

· A mother and father provide alcohol and marijuana to their 16-year-old son.

· A mother refuses to look at or touch her child.

· A father repeatedly states to one of his children, “I don’t love you.” (Barnett et al., 2005, p. 153)

Psychological (or emotional) maltreatment includes both psychological abuse and psychological neglect. Psychological abuse, like other abuse, is more aggressively active and negative. It is “belittling, humiliating, rejecting, undermining a child’s self-esteem, and generally not [conducive to] creating a positive atmosphere for a child” (N. A. Cohen, 1992, p. 175). Psychological neglect, like other forms of neglect, involves passively failing to meet children’s needs. It is the “passive or passive/aggressive inattention to the child’s emotional needs, nurturing, or emotional well-being” (Brassard, Germaine, & Hart, 1987, p. 267). Parents may deprive an infant of needed holding and attention or may simply ignore children who are in desperate need of emotional involvement. Both emotional neglect and abuse focus on interfering with a child’s psychological development and well-being.

At least five basic categories of behavior are involved in psychological maltreatment (Barnett et al., 2005; Crosson-Tower, 2008; Downs et al., 2004 Garbarino, Guttmann, & Seeley, 1986). Winton and Mara (2001, pp. 90–91) summarize them as follows:

1. Rejection includes “abandoning the child, failing to acknowledge the child, scapegoating the child [i.e., placing unjustified blame on a child for some behavior or problem or criticizing a child unfairly], and verbally humiliating the child.” A parent might emphasize how stupid a child is in front of her friends or neighbors.

2. Isolation includes “keeping the child away from a variety of appropriate relationships.” It might involve not allowing a child to play normally with peers or seeing other close family members. It might also involve locking a child in a closet for days, months, or years.

3. Terrorizing involves “threatening and scaring the child.” A parent might threaten to kill a child’s beloved pet if he doesn’t do the dishes. Or a care-giver might hold a child outside a second-story window and threaten to drop her if she doesn’t start “acting her age.”

4. Ignoring involves failing to respond to a child or simply pretending that the child isn’t there. Parents watching television might ignore children’s pleas for help with homework or requests for food, thereby forcing children to take care of themselves.

5. Corrupting includes “encouraging or supporting illegal or deviant behaviors.” A caregiver might force a child to shoplift or drink beer.

Extensive research reveals that a multitude of problems in adulthood are related to psychological mal-treatment during childhood. These potential effects include low self-esteem, anxiety, depression, a negative view of life, increased suicide potential, emotional instability, difficulties with impulse control, substance abuse, eating disorders, relationship difficulties, violence, criminal behavior, school problems, and poor performance on intelligence and achievement tests (Hart, Brassard, Binggeli, & Davidson, 2002).

Like other parents and caregivers who abuse or neglect, those who psychologically maltreat their children usually suffer serious emotional problems or deficits themselves (Shireman, 2003). They may find themselves in a marriage or a partnership that is disappointing or bland, and may seek easy targets (namely, children) for venting their anger and frustration. Like other people who maltreat children, perpetrators may lack coping skills to deal with their problems and emotional issues. Their own emotional needs may not have been met in childhood. Their own parents may have lacked nurturing skills and, thus, failed to teach perpetrators how to be good parents. They may also be dealing with personal problems such as mental illness or substance disorders (Barnett et al., 2005).

An abused or neglected child is usually referred to a child protective services (CPS) unit. Liederman (1995) describes the function of such units: “CPS agencies investigate reports of child abuse and neglect, assess the degree of harm and the ongoing risk of harm to the child, determine whether the child can remain safely in the home or should be placed in the custody of the state, and work closely with the family or juvenile court regarding appropriate plans for the child’s safety and well-being” (p. 425).

CPS workers are usually employed by state or county public agencies whose designated task it is to protect children from harm. During the intervention process, CPS staff work with the courts to declare that children require protection and to determine appropriate safe placement for them. Additionally, CPS workers help families establish treatment plans to address and remedy problems. In the event that problems cannot be resolved, CPS workers try to develop alternative long-term or permanent placement of the children.

Treatment of physical abuse, neglect, and psychological maltreatment follows the same sequential steps used in other areas of social work intervention. These include receipt of the initial referral, gathering of information about the case through a social study, assessment of the situation, case planning including goal setting, provision of treatment, evaluation of the effects of treatment, and termination of the case (Kadushin & Martin, 1988). Assessment focuses on many of the dynamics of the case that we’ve already discussed. A number of variables have been found to affect a worker’s decision that a case merits agency intervention (Kadushin & Martin, 1988; Sheafor & Horejsi, 2006). These include:

1. Clearly visible proof of abuse or environmental characteristics that obviously endanger a child.

2. The degree of the child’s helplessness and vulnerability (for example, a physically disabled child or an infant are extremely vulnerable).

3. Self-destructive behavior on the part of the child.

4. A long history of severe abuse.

5. Abusers who show no or little regret for their child’s abuse and have difficulty accepting responsibility.

6. Abusers who openly reject the child or blame the child for the problem.

7. Serious emotional disturbances on the part of parents.

8. Lack of cooperation on the part of the parents.

9. Families who are exposed to numerous and severe psychological and social pressures.

10. Isolation of the family and lack of social support systems.

General treatment goals include stopping the mal-treatment and strengthening the family enough to keep it together and, hopefully, have it thrive. “Now the predominant belief is that the biological family is the least restrictive environment and the best place for a child to develop if safety and nurturing can be assured” (Mather, Lager, & Harris, 2007, p. 113). Specific treatment modalities may include family therapy, involvement in support groups (e.g., Parents Anonymous), couple’s counseling, or individual counseling, depending on the family’s and the individual family members’ needs.

Parents may need to learn how to identify their feelings and express them appropriately. They may need to learn how to communicate their needs to others and, in two-parent homes, to each other. They might require building their self-concepts. They may also need to master effective child management techniques in order to gain control and avoid abusive situations. Being taught how to provide a nurturant family environment for their children and improve their parent-child relationships might also be necessary.

Many times outside resources are helpful. Day care for children can provide some respite for parents and time for themselves. Homemaker service provides training in household management and makes available to parents an individual to give support and nurturance. Parental aides can work in homes, form relationships with parents, and model how to nurture children as well as effective child management techniques.

Physically abused children also need treatment, including medical services for physical damage. Children suffering from developmental delays may need special therapy or remedial help. Exposure to appropriate adult role models through day care is often used. Organizations such as Big Brothers and Big Sisters provide another means of support.

Individual or group counseling may be needed for the maltreated child. Crosson-Tower (2008) mentions three major categories of victims’ needs that should be addressed. These categories relate directly to the characteristics of maltreated children that we’ve discussed. The first need involves improving the victim’s relationships with other people, including both peers and adults. Their old behavior patterns most likely involved either defensive withdrawal or inappropriate aggression. New, more effective social interaction techniques need to be established. The second need involves helping victims learn how to express their feelings. Some maltreated children withhold and suppress their feelings to avoid confrontations; other abused children have never learned how to control their aggressive impulses. The third need concerns the maltreated child’s self-concept. For the many reasons we’ve discussed, mal-treated children have a poor opinion of themselves and have little confidence in their own abilities.

Courts become involved in maltreatment cases when “parents abandon their children, severely injure or kill them, place them in imminent danger, sexually abuse them, or fail to cooperate with the protective services agency” (Crosson-Tower, 2008, p. 284). This is a very difficult and scary process for both the family and victim. Juvenile court procedures vary from state to state. However, most involve three processes: the petition, adjudication, and disposition.

The petition is a written complaint submitted to the court that the alleged abuse or neglect has occurred. Adjudication is a hearing where the alleged abuse or neglect is proven or discounted. Both parents and victim are represented by separate legal counsel. The disposition involves a hearing in which the court determines what is to be done with the child. This is a separate hearing from the adjudication, where it is determined whether the abuse or neglect actually happened. The court process is complex and often lengthy. A large number of variations, including additional investigations and settlements, are possible. (See Crosson-Tower, 2008, for a detailed description of the process.) Protective service workers and other social workers are frequently called upon to provide input to aid in the court’s decision. Such input often is very influential and can have a direct impact on what happens to a child.

Sexual abuse is “any sexual activity with a child where consent is not or cannot be given.... This includes sexual contact that is accomplished by force or threat of force, regardless of the age of the participants, and all sexual contact between an adult and a child, regardless of whether there is deception or the child understands the sexual nature of the activity. Sexual contact between an older and a younger child also can be abusive if there is a significant disparity in age, development, or size, rendering the younger child incapable of giving informed consent. The sexually abusive acts may include sexual penetration, sexual touching, or noncontact sexual acts such as exposure or voyeurism” (the act of gaining sexual gratification from watching people who are naked or engaging in sexual activities) (Berliner & Elliott, 2002, p. 55). Incest, a special form of sexual abuse, involves “sexual activities between a child and a relative—a parent, stepparent, parent’s live-in partner or lover, foster parent, sibling, cousin, uncle, aunt, or grandparent” (McAnulty & Burnette, 2003, p. 486). “Sexual activities” can include a wide variety of sexual behaviors including “pornographic photography, sexual gestures, parental exposure of genitalia, fondling, petting, fellatio, cunnilingus, intercourse, and any and all varieties of sexual contact” (Mayer, 1983, p. 4).

Although all states forbid sexual abuse (Hyde & DeLamater, 2008), specific statutes, definitions, and punishments vary widely. Concerning incidence of sexual abuse, it is estimated that at least 20–25 percent of women and 5–15 percent of men have been victims of sexual abuse (Barnett et al., 2005; Berliner & Elliott, 2002). Many experts believe that cases of sexual abuse are vastly underreported (Berliner & Elliott, 2002; Widom & Morris, 1997).

A major myth involved in child sexual abuse is that children should be warned about strangers. They’re told that they should not get into cars when strangers offer them lollipops and they should not talk to strange men who are hiding behind park bushes. The reality is that children are in much greater danger from people who are close to them, from people they trust.

Children are easy victims for sexual abuse. Because of the anxiety most people harbor about sexuality in general, children have little information about sex. They have limited life experience upon which to base judgments. Thus, they can easily be misled and tricked. They are small compared to adults and are easily intimidated. Adults, in some ways, are godlike to children. Adults tell them what to do, when to go to bed, when they can cross the street, and if they can go to McDonald’s. Children are oriented toward obeying adults, and most children want to please them, especially those adults who control their access to being loved, having food and shelter, and feeling safe.

The “vast majority of offenders are male, although boys are more likely than girls to be abused by women (20 percent vs. 5 percent) ..., and 40 percent of the reported cases of day care sexual abuse involve female offenders” (Berliner & Elliott, 2002, pp. 56–57). An estimated 60–70 percent of sexual abuse occurs within the family (Crosson-Tower, 2007). This does not mean that the remaining 40 percent is perpetrated by strangers. Rather, much extra-familial abuse is done by others who are close to the family and trusted by the child. Only 5–15 percent of sexual abuse is committed by strangers (Berliner & Elliott, 2002). When sexual abuse is perpetrated by someone outside the family, that person is usually called a pedophile (someone who prefers children for sexual gratification). Because of its prevalence, we focus on incest in the following discussion.

Progression of the incestuous relationship is usually gradual. It may appear innocent enough at first. For instance, the adult might appear nude or undress before a child. It then progresses to greater and greater intimacy. There are five basic phases to sexual abuse (Carnes, 1983; Crosson-Tower, 2008). First comes the engagement phase. Here the perpetrator will experiment with the child to see how close he can get and how the child will react. The second phase is the sexual interaction phase. Sexual activity in various degrees of intimacy occurs during this phase. Often the longer this phase lasts, the more intimate the abuser becomes with the victim. The third phase is one of secrecy. Sexual activity has already occurred, so the abuser will use some manipulations to hold the victim ensnared in the abuse. For instance, the perpetrator might say, “Don’t you tell your mommy; she won’t like you anymore,” or “This is our special secret because I love you so very much,” or “If you tell anybody, I’ll punish you.” Threats and guilt are used to maintain the secret. The fourth phase is the disclosure. For one reason or another, the victim reveals that abuse has occurred. It may be physically initiated if the child contracts a sexually transmitted disease or is damaged in some way. It may be the result of an accident if the sexual activity was observed or someone noted and reported the child’s indicative behavior. It may be that the victim feels she must tell someone because she can’t stand it anymore. Revealing abuse may or may not happen during childhood. The fifth and final phase is postdisclosure. This is a time of high anxiety for both victim and family. Feelings may include denial on the part of the perpetrator, guilt and insecurity on the part of the victim, and anger on the part of other family members.

The following factors increase the risk of sexual abuse (Berliner & Elliott, 2002; Crosson-Tower, 2008; McAnulty & Burnett, 2003). Child risk factors include:

· Being a girl.

· Being at an age slightly before puberty.

· Having a disability—children with disabilities are more vulnerable and less able to defend themselves.

Family risk factors are:

· Absence of a biological parent from the home—stepfather or a mother’s boyfriend may be present.

· Family conflict and communication problems—when communication is poor, roles may become blurred. For example, when husband and wife or partners are in conflict, the male partner may turn to a female child to fulfill his needs.

· Family isolation—because secrecy is necessary for abuse to occur, a family may intensify its isolation even more.

· Having a mother who is not readily available to children (e.g., being ill or employed outside the home)—if communication is poor between mothers and daughters, it becomes even more difficult for daughters to turn to their mothers for help.

Consider the unknown proportion of mothers who do not know that the incest is occurring. There may be many reasons for this. The marriage is conflictual. Communication is lacking between the woman and her husband and the woman and her daughter. She may see things that are strange, but she works hard to deny them. She has a lot to lose if the incest is brought out into the open. She may feel resentment toward a daughter who has taken her husband and lover away from her. She may feel shame that this taboo is occurring within her own family. She may feel guilt for being such a failure to her husband that he had to turn to another. She may desperately fear having her family ripped apart. It is a very difficult situation for a mother in the incest triangle. She is not the abuser. Yet no alternatives are available that offer her a happy solution.

In some ways the mother in the incestuous triangle is also a victim. She has been raised in a patriarchal society where she has been taught to be dependent, unassertive, and passive. She has also been taught that she is supposed to be the caretaker of the emotional well-being of her family. She has not been given the skills needed to aggressively fight for herself and her daughter in this desperate situation.

Children who are sexually abused may display a variety of physical, psychological, and behavioral indicators. Physical indicators may include a variety of physical problems that are sexually related, such as sexually transmitted diseases, problems with the throat or mouth, difficulties with urination, penile or vaginal discharge, or bruises in the genital area. Pregnancy is also an indicator.

Psychological indicators include low self-esteem, emotional disturbance, anger, fear, anxiety, and depression, sometimes to the point of becoming suicidal (Berliner & Elliott, 2002; McAnulty & Burnette, 2003). Behavioral indicators include withdrawing from others and experiencing difficulties in peer interaction. Often, victims of either gender engage in excessive sexual activity and inappropriate sexual behavior (Faller, 2003; Friedrich et al., 2001).

Behavior related to sex that strikes you as being odd may also be an indicator. This refers once again to your “gut reaction” that something’s wrong. For example, a child may know sexual terms or display sexual gestures that strike you as being inappropriate for her age level. A child may touch herself or others inappropriately in a sexual manner. A child may express desperate fears about being touched, undressing and taking showers in gym class, or being alone with a certain gender or with certain people.

Specific things that children say may strike you as odd and may be indicative of sexual abuse. For instance, a child may say, “Daddy and I have a secret”; “My babysitter wears red underwear”; or “I don’t like going to Aunt Shirley’s house. She diddles me.”

Although significant research indicates that sexual abuse victims can suffer long-term results, this is a very complex issue. Abuse can vary in intensity, duration, and extent of trauma to the survivor. Long-term effects vary dramatically from one person to another. Receiving treatment can also help survivors deal with issues and effects.

Research has established that survivors, as compared with people who have not been sexually abused, are more likely to experience emotional problems such as depression, fear of relationships, interpersonal problems, sexual dysfunctions, and symptoms of posttraumatic stress (Berliner & Elliott, 2002). Posttraumatic stress disorder is a condition in which a person continues to reexperience an excessively traumatic event such as a bloody battle experience or a sexual assault. Symptoms include extreme anxiety, nightmares; an inability to sleep or stay awake, an inability to concentrate, and explosive, angry emotional outbursts.

Note that because of the tremendous disparity in how sexual abuse affects individuals, no specific variables are consistently linked to long-term problems (Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2007). A significant number of survivors fail to develop serious problems in adulthood (Finkelhor, 1990; McAnulty & Burnett, 2003). Perhaps as many as one-third of survivors report having no problems, and many who do have problems indicate that they get better as time passes (Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor, 1993; Rind, Tromovitch, & Bauserman, 1998).

· Always believe the child. It takes courage to talk about such difficult things, and it’s easy to turn the child off.

· Be warm and empathic. Encourage the child to talk freely to you. Reflecting the child’s feelings back is useful.

· Don’t react with shock or disgust no matter what the child tells you. That only communicates to the child that he or she is the one to blame.

· Encourage the child to share all feelings with you, including the negative ones. Even getting the angry feelings out helps the child overcome the feelings of victimization. Give the child the chance to ventilate his or her feelings so he or she can deal with them.

· Listen to the child. Don’t disagree or argue. Interrupt only when you have to in order to understand what the child is saying.

· Talk to the child in a private place. The child may feel much more comfortable if others aren’t around to hear.

· Tell the child that he or she is not the only child who has had this experience. Other children have, too.

· Allow the child to express feelings of guilt. Emphasize to the child that it was not his or her fault. The adult abuser is the one who has a problem and needs help.

· Talk in language that the child can understand. Give accurate information when it’s needed. Let the child repeat things back to you to make certain he or she understands.

· Tell the child that you are very glad he or she told you about the incident(s). Emphasize that it was the right thing to do.

· Ask if the child would like to ask you any questions, and be sure to answer them honestly.

· Do not treat the child any differently after he or she has told you. This only communicates that you think he or she is to blame or did the wrong thing.

· If the child asks you to keep the abuse secret, answer honestly. Tell the child that you only want to help, that secrets that hurt people aren’t good to keep, and that the secrets need to be brought out into the open in order to help the person who abused him or her.

· Finally, depending on your situation, don’t let the issue drop. If you are the social worker involved, pursue the problem. Otherwise, tell the parents and/or the appropriate authorities so that the child can get help.

Research has established that the following five variables increase the risk of more serious problems in adulthood for survivors of sexual abuse (Berliner & Elliott, 2002; Crosson-Tower, 2008; Finkelhor, 1990; McAnulty & Burnette, 2003; Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2007):

1. Closer relationship to the perpetrator. Sexual abuse by a family member, or by another person the victim feels close to and trusts, is related to deeper trauma in adulthood.

2. Duration of the abuse. The longer the abuse continued, the greater the likelihood of long-term negative effects. However, even a single incident can cause severe trauma if extremely violent or sadistic behavior (the infliction of pain on the survivor for the offender’s sexual gratification) occurred (Beitchman et al., 1992).

3. Use of force and the intensity of abuse. Using force or causing pain tends to result in more devastating effects. The occurrence of penile penetration is also related to greater trauma.

4. Absence of parental and other support. When a victim first reveals the abuse, lack of support from those close to her potentially results in greater long-term problems. If others criticize or blame her, she may suffer significant psychological distress. The victim may even decide to hide into adulthood what she may perceive as her “dirty secret.” See Highlight 4.3 for suggestions about how to talk and positively relate to victims of sexual abuse.

5. Inability of the survivor to cope. Some individuals have a personality structure that naturally allows them to cope more effectively with crises and stress. Human personality is a complicated concept.

Because of its prevalence, we will focus on treatment of the incestuous family. Treatment usually progresses through three phases (Crosson-Tower, 2008, pp. 328–330). The first is the disclosure-panic phase. Strong feelings characterize this period of crisis. Family members display much anger and denial. The victim is often frightened about what will happen and eager to blame herself. The second phase is the assessment-awareness phase. During this phase, the family acknowledges that the abuse has occurred and struggles to deal with its consequences. Family members learn about themselves and the dynamics involved in their family interaction. The social worker works to redefine and realign the boundaries of subsystems within the family. This phase tends to be characterized by conflicting feelings. On the one hand, they are angry that the abuse has occurred and eager to blame each other. On the other hand, they are struggling to realign their relationships and express the feelings of love they have for each other. The third phase is the restructure phase. Here the family regains emotional health. Boundaries are clearly established and family members learn how to function within them. Communication is greatly enhanced and members can use it to work out their differences. Parents take responsibility for their behavior, and the victim feels much better about herself.

Initial treatment has several major objectives. The first is to provide a safe environment where the incest survivor feels comfortable enough to talk. A survivor must learn how to identify, express, and share her feelings, even when they are negative and frightening. LeVine and Sallee (1999) explain:

Although the child may not have experienced fear during an incestuous relationship, discovery may create anxiety. Children need assurances that no matter what has happened in the past, they are now safe. The end of abuse through the efforts of the police or the child welfare worker will begin to build trust in the child. The child must feel that it is all right for him or her to feel any suppressed guilt, hurt, anger, and confusion. The opportunity to express these feelings honestly, in an atmosphere of trust, begins a sense of security. (p. 329)

A second treatment goal involves having the survivor acknowledge that the abuse was not her fault (Crosson-Tower, 2008; LeVine & Sallee, 1999). Guilt may result from feelings of love for the perpetrator, appreciation of the special attention she received from the abuse, or worry about what the disclosure will do to the family (Crosson-Tower, 2008). Dwelling on inappropriate and unfair self-blame only hampers the recovery process.

A third treatment objective involves teaching the survivor “to express anger in appropriate ways.... To combat depression and low self-esteem, many experts use cognitive and interpersonal exercises and role plays and emphasize the victim’s survival skills and personal strengths.... In addition providing the victim with sex education and self-protection skills may lead to a sense of empowerment and may prevent any further victimization” (Crosson-Tower, 2008; Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 1999, p. 143).

A fourth treatment objective is to address any specialized treatment needs of the child. “A child victim who presents with self-injurious behaviors, for example, might benefit from a behavior modification program designed specifically to alleviate such behaviors” (Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 2007, p. 149).

A fifth goal involves enhancing family communication, support, functioning, and understanding of the abuse (Crosson-Tower, 2008). Individual concerns are dealt with in addition to family interaction issues. Miller-Perrin and Perrin (1999) explain:

Typical themes addressed in family-oriented therapies include parents’ failure to protect the victim from abuse, feelings of guilt and depression resulting from the abuse, the inappropriateness of secrecy, the victim’s anger toward parents, the perpetrator’s responsibility for the abuse, appropriate forms of touch, confusion about blurred role boundaries, poor communication patterns, and the effect the abuse has had on the child. (p. 145).

The ideal way of dealing with sexual abuse is to prevent it from happening at all. Information and education are the keys to prevention. Parents need both education about how to raise children and knowledge that in the event they are in crisis resources are available to help. Parenting education could be made a required part of all high school curricula. Special programs could be made readily available in the community to help parents with these issues.

Children need to be educated about sexual abuse. There are three basic preventative approaches. First, children should be taught that their bodies are their own and that they have private places where nobody can force them to be touched. What comes to mind are the parents who tell their 4-year-old son to go up to each relative at the culmination of an extended family event and “give them a kiss.” The child obviously finds this distasteful. He frowns, looks down at his shoes, and hides behind his mother. He knows that old Aunt Hilda gives really slobbery, wet ones. And she hugs him like the Crusher in a wrestling match, too. He hates the very thought of it, even though his aunt is a kind person who loves him.

Children should have the right to say no if they don’t want to have such intimacy. Parents and teachers can help children determine what are “good touches” and what are “bad touches.” They can also help children develop the confidence to say no to adults in uncomfortable situations involving touching them in ways they don’t like.

A second preventative measure for children is to learn correct sexual terminology right from the beginning. It’s easy for parents, especially if they’re uncomfortable with sexual terminology themselves, to sugarcoat words and refer to “ding-dongs” and “bumps.” One 3-year-old girl came out into the midst of a family gathering and told her mother, “My pooderpie hurts.” She had her hand placed over her clothes on her genital area. Her mother, with a look of terror, desperation, and embarrassment, jumped up and dashed off with her to the bathroom. Apparently, the little girl had to urinate and didn’t identify the feeling as such. A few months later, the same 3-year-old was chattering on about some topic that was desperately important to a 3-year-old, pointed to her buttocks, and interjected something about her pooderpie again. My reaction was, “Yikes, the pooderpie has moved. Where will it go next?”

The point is that if this little girl tells someone that a person touched her pooderpie, that someone might respond, “Oh, that’s nice.” Whomever she tells would have no idea what she was talking about. Inaccurate, childish terminology does not equip children with the communication skills they need if they encounter a sexually abusive situation. Children need to be able to specify what people are doing or have tried to do to them. Only then can their care-givers adequately protect them.

This leads to our third preventative suggestion. Lines of communication between caregivers and children should be encouraged and kept open. Children need to feel that they can share things with parents, including things that bother them. In the event that children are placed in a potentially abusive situation, they need to be encouraged and to be able to “tell someone.”

The following summarizes this chapter’s content as it relates to the objectives presented at the beginning of the chapter.

1. Explain the concept of socialization.

Socialization is the process through which individuals learn proper ways of acting in a culture.

2. Explore the family environment, variations in family structures, the effect of macro systems on families, and diverse perspectives on the family life cycle.

Wide variations in family structures exist.

Macro systems can affect families both positively and negatively.

Family life cycles often involve environmental variables such as culture, ethnicity, and sexual orientation.

3. Apply systems theory principles to families.

Systems theory concepts can be readily applied to family systems.

Concepts include systems, homeostasis, subsystems, boundaries, input, output, feedback, entropy, negative entropy, equifinality, and differentiation.

4. Describe the basic concepts of learning theory and how such principles as positive reinforcement, punishment, and time-out from reinforcement can be applied to effective parenting.

Learning theory provides an exceptionally useful means of conceptualizing and understanding human behavior. It is a theoretical orientation that emphasizes behavior, its preceding event, and its subsequent consequences.

Major approaches within learning theory include respondent conditioning, which focuses on stimuli and responses; modeling, which is based on observation; and operant conditioning, which emphasizes regulating the consequences of behavior. Major terms in operant conditioning are positive and negative reinforcement, punishment, and extinction.

Applications of learning theory to practice include the use of positive reinforcement, punishment, and time-out from reinforcement. When using positive reinforcement, quality, immediacy, and frequency are important. When using punishment, it’s important to attend to potential negative consequences and use punishment only selectively. Timeout from reinforcement should be brief, boring, applied immediately and consistently, and used along with positive reinforcement for appropriate behavior.

Other significant issues in the application of learning theory include accidental training, using behaviorally specific terminology, measuring improvement, and the importance of parental attention.

5. Examine some common life events that affect children, including membership in sibling subsystems, gender-role socialization, ethnic and cultural differences in families, play with peers, television, and the school environment.

As members of family systems, children are affected by sibling subsystems and gender-role socialization.

The father’s role in the family, availability and nature of support systems, and perspectives on disciplining children vary greatly among cultures.

Two important dimensions concerning family diversity are cultural pluralism and internal variations, or subgroups, within a culture.

Themes in understanding Hispanic and Latino families include the significance of a common language, the importance of family relationships, and the strict division of gender roles.

Concepts especially relevant to Native American families are the importance of extended family, cooperation, mutual respect, harmony with nature, treatment of time, spirituality, and noninterference.

Themes that characterize Asian American families include the importance of family as the primary unit, interdependence among family members, investment in children, and patriarchal hierarchy.

Play is a significant aspect of children’s interaction and development. Children may progress through developmental levels of play.

Gender differences exist in terms of aggression and toy preference.

Peer groups and popularity are very important to children.

Children spend enormous amounts of time watching television and playing video games, resulting in concerns about the portrayal of violence, an unrealistic depiction of the world, and the teaching of aggressive, violent behavior.

The school environment also provides a major arena for socialization.

6. Explore the dynamics and effects on children of physical abuse, neglect, psychological maltreatment, and sexual abuse.

Large numbers of children are physically abused, neglected, psychologically maltreated, or sexually abused.

Indications of physical abuse include bruises, lacerations, fractures, burns, head injuries, internal injuries, extremely passive or aggressive behavior, and lags in development.

Child neglect is often characterized by inadequate physical or mental health care, education, supervision, basic housing safety and sanitation, and personal hygiene, in addition to abandonment, social and attachment difficulties, cognitive and academic deficits, and emotional and behavioral problems.

Psychological maltreatment involves active abuse such as belittling, rejecting, or terrorizing, in addition to ignoring and failing to meet emotional needs.

Sexual abuse often occurs in a gradual process by someone a child knows and trusts. Physical and behavioral indicators of abuse may be evident. Treatment for sexual abuse involves providing survivors with a safe environment, acknowledging that abuse is the perpetrator’s fault, teaching appropriate ways to express anger, alleviating individual problems, and enhancing family communication and interaction.

Macro system responses to child maltreatment may include provision of educational programming and information for prevention.