1andonly eyes only

How many times have you heard someone make statements such as the following: “She has a great personality,” or “He has a personality like a wet dishrag.” Personality is the complex cluster of mental, emotional, and behavioral characteristics that distinguish a person as an individual. The term may encompass a wide array of characteristics that describe a person. For instance, a person may be described as aggressive, dominant, brilliant, or outgoing. Another individual may be characterized as slow, passive, mousy, or boring. Because personality can include such varying dimensions of personal characteristics, explaining its development can be difficult.

This section reviews a number of psychological theories that aim to provide a framework for explaining why individual personalities develop as they do. Many more psychological theories exist. Theories addressed in this text were chosen because of their historical significance, widespread use, and relevance to social work assessment and practice. They include psycho-dynamic theory, neo-Freudian psychoanalytic theory, phenomenological theories, and feminist theories. Behavioral theory is mentioned only briefly here;Chapter 4 covers it extensively within the context of its application to effective parenting. Chapter 7 addresses other psychological theories in depth, including those of Erik Erikson and Lawrence Kohlberg, and applies them to adolescence and young adulthood.

Sigmund Freud is perhaps the best known of all personality theorists. This section discusses psychodynamic theory in some detail because of its historical significance. Arlow (1995) explains: “Originating as a method for treating psychoneurotic disorders, psychoanalysis has come to serve as the foundation for a general theory of psychology. Knowledge derived from the treatment of individual patients has led to insights into art, religion, social organization, child development, and education” (p. 15).

Adler (2006) describes Freud as the

theoretician who explored a vast new realm of the mind, the unconscious: a roiling dungeon of painful memories clamoring to be heard and now and then escaping into awareness by way of dreams, slips of the tongue and mental illness.... [He was the] philosopher who identified childhood experience, not racial destiny or family fate, as the crucible of character.... Not many still seek a cure on a psychoanalyst’s couch four days a week, but the vast proliferation of talk therapies—Jungian and Adlerian analyses, cognitive behavioral and psychodynamic therapy—testify to the enduring power of his idea. (p. 43)

Freud’s conception of the mind was two-dimensional, as is indicated in Figure 3.1. One dimension of the mind consisted of theconscious, the preconscious, and the unconscious. Freud thought that the mind was composed of thoughts (ideas), feelings, instincts, drives, conflicts, and motives. Most of these elements in the mind were thought to be located in the unconscious or preconscious. Elements in the preconscious area had a fair chance to become conscious, whereas elements in the unconscious were unlikely to arise to a person’s conscious mind. The small conscious cap at the top of Figure 3.1 indicates Freud’s theory that a person was aware of only a fraction of the total thoughts, drives, conflicts, motives, and feelings in the mind.

The repressed area was a barrier under which disturbing material (primarily thoughts and feelings) had been placed by the defense mechanism of repression. Repression is a process in which unacceptable desires, memories, and thoughts are excluded from consciousness by sending the material into the unconscious under the repressed barrier. Freud thought that once material has been repressed, it has energy and acts as an unconscious irritant, producing unwanted emotions and bizarre behavior, such as anger, nightmares, hallucinations, and enuresis.

The second dimension of the mind was composed of the id, superego, and ego. These parts are interrelated and impact the functioning of each other.

The id is the primitive psychic force hidden in the unconscious. It represents the basic needs and drives on which other personality factors are built. The id involves all of the basic instincts that people need to survive. These include hunger, thirst, sex, and self-preservation. The id is governed by the pleasure principle; that is, the instincts within the id seek to be expressed regardless of the consequences. Freud believed that these basic drives, or instincts, involved in the id provide the main energy source for personality development. When the id is deprived of one of its needs, the resulting tension motivates a person to relieve the discomfort and satisfy the need. The id’s relationship with the ego allows a person to rationally determine a means to fulfill the need.

The ego is the rational component of the mind. It begins to develop, through experience, shortly after birth. The ego controls a person’s thinking and acts as the coordinator of personality. Operating according to the reality principle, the ego evaluates consequences and determines courses of action in a rational manner. The id indicates to a person what is needed or wanted. The ego then helps the person figure out how to get it.

The third component of this dimension of the mind is the superego or conscience. Normally developing between the ages of 3 and 5, it consists of the traditional values and mores of society that are interpreted to a child by the parents. The superego’s main function is to determine whether something is right or wrong. When an instinctual demand strives for expression that the superego disapproves of, the superego sends a signal of anxiety as a warning to the ego to prevent the expression of the instinct. The emotion of guilt is said to originate from the superego. Without the superego to provide a sense of right and wrong, a person would be completely selfish. That is, a person would use the ego to rationally determine a means of getting what the id wanted, regardless of the consequences on other people.

An example of how the id, ego, and superego might function together is provided in the case of a 9-year-old girl looking at CDs in her favorite store. Although the girl adores Nasal Thrusters and Sleek Spit (a group hitting the top of the charts), she has only $2.67 to her name. Her id, functioning by the pleasure principle, urges her to get that newly released CD. Her ego reasons that she could slip the CD under her jacket and race out of the store. Her ego also encourages her to look to see if anyone, especially those “nosy” clerks, are anywhere around. She’s just about to do it when her superego propels itself into action. Clearly reminding her that stealing is wrong, it raises questions such as what her parents would think about her if she were to get caught. They would be terribly disappointed. Maybe she would even be kicked out of Girl Scouts. As a result, the girl gives the CD one last lingering look, sighs, and starts on her way home. Her ego has already begun to work on how much lawn-mowing she will have to do to earn the money needed to purchase the CD.

Freud came to realize that many people had sexual conflicts, and he made sexuality a focus of his theories. The term he used for the energy of the id’s biological instincts was libido. This energy was primarily conceived as being sexual energy. Freud thought sexuality included physical love, affectionate impulses, self-love, love for parents and children, and friendship associations.

Freud further conceptualized that people in their development of personality progressed through five consecutive phases. During any one of the earlier phases, conflicts or disturbances could arise that, if not resolved, could fixate that person in some ways at that particular level of development. According to Freud, the term fixated meant that a person’s personality development was largely, though not completely, halted at a particular stage. In order to develop optimal mental health, an individual would either have to resolve these crises and/or use one of several defense mechanisms. A defense mechanism involves any unconscious attempt to adjust to conditions that are painful. These conditions may include anxiety, frustration, or guilt. Defense mechanisms are measures through which a person preserves his self-esteem and softens the blow of failure, deprivation, or guilt. Some of these mechanisms are positive and helpful. Others only help to avoid positive resolution of conflict. Highlight 3.1 defines common defense mechanisms postulated by Freud.

Freud’s phases of psychosexual and personality development include the oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital stages.

· Compensation: struggling to make up for feelings of inferiority or areas of weakness. For example, a stock market analyst’s intense, aggressive competitiveness might be geared to compensating for internal feelings of inferiority. Or a man who was a weakling as a child might work to become a Mr. Atlas competition bodybuilder as an adult to compensate for his former weakness.

· Repression: mechanism through which unacceptable desires, feelings, memories, and thoughts are excluded from consciousness by being sent down deep into the unconscious. For example, you might repress an unpleasant incident, such as a fight with your best friend, by blocking it from your conscious memory.

· Sublimation: mechanism whereby consciously unacceptable instinctual demands are channeled into acceptable forms for gratification. For example, aggression can be converted into athletic activity.

· Denial: mechanism through which a person escapes psychic pain associated with reality by unconsciously rejecting reality. For example, a mother may persistently deny that her child has died.

· Identification: mechanism through which a person takes on the attitudes, behavior, or personal attributes of another person whom he had idealized (parent, relative, popular hero, etc.).

· Reaction Formation: blocking out “threatening impulses or feelings” by acting out an “opposite behavior”; for example, a mother who resents her children might emphasize how much she loves them and could never live without them (Coon, 2002, p. 413).

· Regression: mechanism that involves a person falling back to an earlier phase of development in which he or she felt secure. Some adults when ill, for example, will act more childish and demanding, with the unconscious goal of having others around them give them more care and attention.

· Projection: mechanism through which a person unconsciously attributes his or her own unacceptable ideas or impulses to another. For example, a person who has an urge to hurt others may feel that others are trying to hurt him.

· Rationalization: mechanism by which an individual, faced with frustration or with criticism of his actions, finds justification for them by disguising from himself (as he hopes to disguise from others) his true motivations. Often this is accomplished by a series of excuses that are believed by the person. For example, a student who fails an exam may blame it on poor teaching or having long work hours, rather than consciously acknowledging the real reasons—for instance, that she had “partied hardy” the night before.

This phase extends from birth to approximately 18 months. It is called oral because the primary activities of a child are centered around feeding and the organs (mouth, lips, and tongue) associated with that function. Feeding is considered to be an important area of conflict, and a child’s attention is focused on receiving and taking. People fixated at this stage were thought to have severe personality disorders, such as schizophrenia or psychotic depression.

Between the ages of 18 months and 3 years, a child’s activities are mainly focused on giving and withholding, primarily connected with retaining and passing feces. Bowel training is an important area of conflict. People fixated at this stage have such character traits as messiness, stubbornness, rebelliousness; or they may have a reaction formation and have such opposite traits as being meticulously clean and excessively punctual.

From ages 3 through 5, the child’s attention shifts to the genitals. Prominent activities are pleasurable sensations from genital stimulation, showing off one’s body, and looking at the bodies of others. Also, a child’s personality becomes more complex during this stage. Although self-centered, the child wants to love and be loved and seeks to be admired. Character traits that are apt to develop from fixation at this stage are pride, promiscuity, and self-hatred.

Boys and girls experience separate complexes during this stage. Boys encounter an Oedipus complex. This is the dilemma faced by every son at this age when he falls sexually in love with his mother. At the same time he is antagonistic toward his father, whom he views as a rival for her affections. As the intensity of both these relationships mount, the son increasingly suffers from castration anxiety; that is, he fears his father is going to discover his “affair” with his mother and remove his genitals. Successful resolution of the Oedipus complex occurs through defense mechanisms. A typical resolution is for the son to first repress his feelings of love for his mother and his hostile feelings toward his father. Next, the son has a reaction formation in which he stops viewing his father negatively, and turns this around and has positive feelings toward his father. The final step is for the son to identify with his father, and thereby seek to take on the attitudes, values, and behavior patterns of his father.

Girls, on the other hand, undergo an Electra complex during this phallic stage. Freud believed girls fall sexually in love with their father at this age. Meanwhile, they also view their mother with antagonism. Because of these relationships, girls also suffer from castration anxiety, but the nature of this anxiety is different from that of boys. Castration anxiety in a girl results from the awareness that she lacks a penis. She then concludes she was castrated in infancy and blames her mother for this. Freud went on to theorize that because girls believe they have been castrated they come to regard themselves as inferior to boys (i.e., they have penis envy). Therefore, they perceive that their role in life is to be submissive and supportive of males. Freud did not identify the precise processes for resolution of the Electra complex in girls.

This stage usually begins at the time when the Oedipus/Electra complexes are resolved and ends with puberty. The sexual instinct is relatively unaroused during this stage. The child can now be socialized and become involved in the education process and in learning skills.

This stage, which occurs from puberty to death, involves mature sexuality. The person reaching this stage is fully able to love and to work. Again, we see Freud’s emphasis on the work ethic, the idea that hard work is a very important part of life, in addition to being necessary to attaining one’s life goals. This ethic was highly valued in Freud’s time. Freud theorized that personality development was largely completed by the end of puberty, with few changes thereafter.

Freud theorized that disturbances can arise from several sources. One source was traumatic experiences that a person’s ego is not able to cope with directly and therefore strives to resolve using such defense mechanisms as repression. Breuer and Freud (1895) provide an example of a woman named Anna O. who developed a psychosomatic paralysis of her right arm. Anna O. was sitting by her father’s bedside (her father was gravely ill) when she dozed off and had a nightmare that a big black snake was attacking her father. She awoke terrified and hastily repressed her thoughts and feelings about this nightmare for fear of alarming her father. During the time she was asleep, her right arm was resting over the back of a chair and became “numb.” Freud theorized that the energy connected with the repressed material then took over physiological control of her arm, and a psychological paralysis resulted.

In addition to unresolved traumatic events, Freud thought that internal unconscious processes could also cause disturbances. There was a range of possible sources. An unresolved Electra or Oedipus complex could lead to a malformed superego and thus lead a person to have a variety of sexual problems—such as frigidity, promiscuity, sexual dysfunctions, excessive sexual fantasies, and nightmares with sexual content. Unresolved internal conflicts (e.g., an unconscious liking and hatred of one’s parents) might cause such behavioral problems as hostile and aggressive behavior and such emotional problems as temper tantrums. Fixations at early stages of development were another source that largely prevented development at later stages and led the person to display such undesirable personality traits as messiness or stubbornness.

As indicated earlier, the main source of anxiety was thought to be sexual frustrations. Freud thought that anxiety would arise when a sexual instinct sought expression but was blocked by the ego. If the instinct was not then diverted through defense mechanisms, the energy connected with sexual instincts was transformed into anxiety.

An obsession (a recurring thought such as a song repeatedly on your mind) and a compulsion (“an act a person feels driven to repeat, often against his or her will,” such as an urge to step on every crack of a sidewalk) were thought to be mechanisms through which a person was working off energy connected with disturbing unconscious material (Coon, 2002, pp. 448–449).

Unconscious processes were thought to be the causes for all types of mental disorders. These unconscious processes were almost always connected with traumatic experiences, particularly those in childhood.

Critical thinking is “the careful examination and evaluation of beliefs and actions” to establish an independent decision about what is true and what is not (Gibbs & Gambrill, 1999, p. 3). It entails the ability to evaluate carefully the validity of an assumption and even of a so-called fact. Critical thinking can be used concerning almost any issue, condition, statement, or theory, including psychodynamic theory.

Freud was virtually the first to focus on the impact of the family on human development. He was also one of the earliest, most positive proponents of good mental health. However, he was a product of the past century, and many of his ideas are subject to serious contemporary criticisms.

First, research does not support either the existence of his theoretical constructs or the effectiveness of his therapeutic method. Part of this lack may be due to the abstract nature of his concepts. It is very difficult, if not impossible, to pinpoint the location and exact nature of the superego.

The second criticism involves the lack of clarity in many of his ideas. For instance, although Freud asserts that the resolution of a boy’s Oedipus complex results in the formation of the superego, he never clarifies how this occurs. Nor does he ever clearly explain the means by which girls might resolve the Electra complex.

The Electra complex leads us to a third criticism of Freud’s theories. Women never really attain either an equal or a positive status within the theory. Essentially, women are left in the disadvantaged position of feeling perpetual grief at not having a penis, suffering eternal inferiority with respect to men, and being doomed to the everlasting limbo of inability to resolve their Electra complexes.

Since Freud’s time, many other theorists have modified and expanded on his ideas. These theorists, often referred to as neo-Freudians, or ego psychologists, include Carl Jung, Erich Fromm, Alfred Adler, and Harry Stack Sullivan, among others. In general, they are more concerned with the ego and the surrounding social environment than the role of instincts, libido, and psychosexual stages, which were central to Freud’s perspective.

Carl Jung, who lived from 1875 to 1961, was a Swiss psychologist originally associated with Freud. He later developed his own approach to psychology, called analytic psychology. Jung thought of the mind as more than merely a summation of an individual’s past experiences. He proposed the idea of an inherited “collective unconscious.” Each person’s individual experiences somehow melded into this collective unconscious, which was part of all people. He theorized that this gave people a sense of their goals and directions for the future. Jung stressed that people have a religious, mystical component in their unconscious. Jung was fascinated with people’s dreams and the interpretation of their meaning. He also minimized the role that sexuality plays in emotional disorders.

Erich Fromm came to the United States from Germany in 1934. Whereas Freud had a primarily biological orientation in his analysis of human behavior, Fromm had a social orientation. In other words, he hypothesized that people are best understood within a social context. He focused on how people interact with others. Individual character traits then evolve from these social interactions. Fromm used psychoanalysis as a tool for understanding various social and historical processes and the behavior of political leaders.

Alfred Adler was also associated with Freud in his earlier years. After breaking with Freud in 1911 because of his basic rejection of Freud’s libidinal theory, he went on to develop what he called “individual psychology,” which emphasized social interaction. Adler saw people as creative, responsible individuals who guide their own growth and development through interactions with others in their social environment (Beckett & Johnson, 1995; Mosak, 1995). Adler theorized that each person’s unique striving process or lifestyle “is sometimes self-defeating because of inferiority feelings. The individual with ‘psychopathology’ is discouraged rather than sick, and the therapeutic task is to encourage the person to activate his or her social interest and to develop a new lifestyle through relationship, analysis, and action methods” (Mosak, 1995, p. 51). This social interest, an inborn trait, guides each person’s behavior and stresses cooperation with others.

Of all the neo-Freudians, Harry Stack Sullivan, an American psychiatrist who lived from 1892 to 1949, made perhaps some of the most radical deviations from Freudian theory. He abandoned many of the basic Freudian concepts and terms. Like Adler, Sullivan emphasized that each individual personality developed on the basis of interpersonal relationships. He proposed that people generally have two basic needs, one for security and one for satisfaction. Whenever a conflict arose between these two needs, the result was some form of emotional disturbance. He emphasized that to improve interaction, communication problems must be overcome. Sullivan placed “greater emphasis upon developmental child psychology” than did Adler and proposed six developmental stages ranging from infancy to late adolescence (Mosak, 1995, p. 55).

Neo-Freudians have had a great impact on the way we think about ourselves and on the ways in which we view psychotherapy. However, they have not produced hypotheses that are specific enough to be tested scientifically. Most of these theorists were psychotherapists and writers focusing on philosophical interest rather than scientists who conducted rigorous research. Therefore, their major usefulness may involve providing ideas and ways to think about human behavior rather than contributing to the scientific foundation of psychology.

Behavioral or learning theories differ from many other personality theories in one basic way. Instead of focusing on internal motivations, needs, and perceptions, they focus on specific observable behaviors.

Behavioral theories state that people learn or acquire their behaviors. This learning process follows certain basic principles. For example, behavior can be increased or strengthened by receiving positive reinforcement.

Behavioral theories encompass a vast array of different perspectives and applications. However, they all focus on behavior and how it is learned. More recently, greater attention has been given to the complex nature of social situations and how people react in them (Kazdin, 2001). This involves people’s perceptions about different situations and their ability to distinguish between one and another. More credit is given to people’s ability to think, discriminate, and make choices. This perspective in behavioral theory is frequently called social learning or social behavioral theory. Behavior is seen as occurring within a social context. Chapter 4 discusses social learning theory in depth and applies it to effective parenting. Therefore, it is addressed only briefly here.

Phenomenological or self theories of personality focus on “the way the world appears” to particular individuals and how they attach meanings to their “experiences and feelings” (Raskin & Rogers, 1995, p. 140). A person is viewed as having various experiences and developing a personality as a result of these subjective experiences, rather than as being born with a specified personality framework. These theories assert that there are no predetermined patterns of personality development. Rather, phenomenological theories recognize a wider range of options or possibilities for personality development, depending on the individual’s life experiences. Uniqueness of the individual personality is emphasized. Each individual has a configuration of personal experiences that will produce a personality unlike any other. This is a relatively positive theoretical approach in that it focuses on growth and self-actualization.

One of the best-known self theorists, Carl Rogers, is the founder of person-centered (previously known as client-centered) therapy, which is based on his self theory.1 One of Rogers’ basic concepts is the self, or self-concept. Rogers defines these terms as the “organized, consistent, conceptual gestalt composed of perceptions of the characteristics of the ‘I’ or ‘me’ and the perceptions of the relationships of the ‘I’ or ‘me’ to others and to various aspects of life, together with the values attached to these perceptions” (Rogers, 1959, p. 200). In other words, self-concept is a person’s perception of and feelings about him- or herself, including his or her personality, strengths weaknesses, and relationships with others. A person is the product of his or her own experience and how he or she perceives these experiences. Life, therefore, provides a host of opportunities to grow and thrive.

1This material on person-centered therapy is adapted from Charles Zastrow, The Practice of Social Work, 3rd ed., 1989, pp. 357–360. © 1989 Wadsworth Publishing Company.

Rogers maintains that there is a natural tendency toward self-actualization—that is, the tendency for every person to develop capacities that serve to maintain or enhance the person (Rogers, 1959). People are naturally motivated toward becoming fulfilled through new experiences.

In contrast to Freud, who viewed the basic nature of human beings as evil (having immoral, asocial instincts), Rogers views humans as being inherently good. Rogers believes that if a person remains relatively free of influence attempts from others, the self-actualization motive will lead to a sociable, cooperative, creative, and self-directed person.

The driving force in personality development is seen by client-centered theorists as the “self-actualization motive,” which seeks to optimally develop a person’s capacities. As an infant grows, the infant’s “self-concept” begins to be formed. The development of the self-concept is highly dependent on the individual’s perceptions of his or her experiences. The person’s perceptions of experiences are influenced by the “need for positive regard” (to be valued by others). The need for positive regard is seen as a universal need in every person (Rogers, 1959). Out of the variety of experiences of frustration or satisfaction of the need for positive regard, the person develops a “sense of self-regard”—that is, the learned perception of self-worth that is based on the perceived attention and esteem received from others.

Although self-actualization is a natural process as people mature, they often encounter barriers. Ivey, D’Andrea, Ivey, and Simek-Morgan (2002) introduce the dynamics involved:

A critical issue in Rogerian counseling is the discrepancy that often occurs between the real self [the person one actually is] and the ideal self [the person one would like to be]. Individuals need to see themselves as worthy. Often individuals lose sight of what they really are in an effort to attain an idealized image.... This discrepancy between thought and reality, between self-perception and others’ perceptions, or between self and experience leads to incongruities. These incongruities in turn result in areas in which individuals are not truly themselves.... The objective of therapy ... is to resolve the discrepancies between ideal and real self, thus eliminating the tension and substituting forward-moving self-actualization. (pp. 248–249), (emphasis added)

One type of barrier to self-actualization involves a child’s introjection (taking on) of others’ values that are inconsistent with his or her self-actualizing motive. The introjection of values inconsistent with one’s self-actualizing motive results in conditions of worth—a person’s perceptions that he or she is only valuable when behaving as others expect and prefer him or her to act. A person, then, is onlyworthy (of value) under the condition that he or she behaves as expected. Good and Beitman (2006, p. 30) explain:

[Emotional and intellectual] growth is interfered with by conditions of worth outside of their awareness. Specifically, as children grow up and seek positive regard from others, they experience conflicts between their inner wishes and those of their care-givers. Children gradually internalize their care-givers’ appraisals of them, thereby developing conditions of worth (beliefs like “I am worthy when I do what others expect of me”). However, these conditions of worth occasionally are incongruous with people’s true inner selves. Hence, conflicts and discrepancies develop between people’s conscious, introjected values (taken in from others as one’s own) and their unconscious genuine values. As an example, a child growing up in a racisthomophobic community may experience criticism if he or she does not reflect the views of those around [him or her].... The child may introject ... the discriminatory views of others as his/her own, even though such views conflict with his/her unconscious appreciation of diverse people.

Another example of incongruence involves a child who introjects values from her parents that sex is dirty or that dancing is bad. When that child reaches adolescence, she may feel morally righteous and view herself as being a value setter for refusing to dance or date. This reflects her ideal self, the person she would like to be. However, she may then experience that peers relate to her as being a prude with archaic values. Although her introjected values forbid her from dancing or dating, her real self may have a strong desire to participate. Incongruence occurs when a discrepancy exists between a person’s ideal self and real self, or self-concept and experience, resulting in tension, anxiety, and internal confusion.

An individual responds to incongruence between aspects of self and experiences in a variety of ways. One way is to use various defense mechanisms. A person may deny that experiences are in conflict with his or her self-concept. Or the person may distort or rationalize the experiences so that they are perceived as being consistent with his or her self-concept. If a person is unable to reduce the inconsistency through such defense mechanisms, the person is forced to face the fact that incongruences exist between self and experiences. This leads the person to feel unwanted emotions (such as anxiety, tension, depression, guilt, or shame) and potentially experience psychological maladjustment.

An individual then might enter therapy to resolve these problems and incongruences. Corey (2009) explains:

The person-centered therapist focuses on the constructive side of human nature, on what is right with the person, and on the assets the individual brings to therapy. The emphasis is on how clients act in their world with others, how they can move forward in constructive directions, and how they can successfulIy encounter obstacles (both from within themselves and outside of themselves) that are blocking their growth. Practitioners with [such] a humanistic orientation encourage their clients to make changes that will lead to living fully and authentically, with the realization that this kind of existence demands a continuing struggle. People never arrive at a final state of being self-actualized; rather, they are continually involved in the process of actualizing themselves....

Person-centered theory holds that the therapist’s function is to be present and accessible to clients and to focus on their immediate experience. First and foremost, the therapist must be willing to be real in the relationship with clients. By being congruent [in this context, meaning genuine or real], accepting, and empathic, the therapist is a catalyst for change. Instead of viewing clients in preconceived diagnostic categories, the therapist meets them on a moment-to-moment experiential basis and enters their world. Through the therapist’s attitude of genuine caring, respect, acceptance, support, and understanding, clients are able to loosen their defenses and rigid perceptions and move to a higher level of personal functioning. When these therapist attitudes are present, clients then have the necessary freedom to explore areas of their life that were either denied to awareness or distorted....

Therapeutic change depends on clients’ perceptions both of their own experience in therapy and of the counselor’s basic attitudes. If the counselor creates a climate conducive to self-exploration, clients have the opportunity to explore the full range of their experience, which includes their feelings, beliefs, behavior, and worldview [how one perceives the world and one’s place in it]. What follows is a general sketch of clients’ experiences in therapy.

Clients come to the counselor in a state of incongruence; that is, a discrepancy exists between their self-perception and their experience in reality. For example, Leon, a college student, may see himself as a future physician, yet his below-average grades could exclude him from medical school. The discrepancy between how Leon sees himself (self-concept) or how he would like to view himself (ideal self ...) and the reality of his poor academic performance [experience] may result in anxiety and personal vulnerability, which can provide the necessary motivation to enter therapy. Leon must perceive that a problem exists or, at least, that he is uncomfortable enough with his present psychological adjustment to want to explore possibilities for change. (pp. 269–272)

· Self-concept: a person’s perception of and feelings about him- or herself, including his or her personality, strengths, weaknesses, and relationships with others.

· Self-actualization: the tendency for every person to develop capacities that serve to maintain or enhance the person.

· Need for positive regard: the need to be valued by others.

· Sense of self-regard: the learned perception of self-worth that is based on the perceived attention and esteem received from others.

· Real self: the person one actually is.

· Ideal self: the person one would like to be.

· Conditions of worth: a person’s perception that he or she is only valuable when behaving as others expect and prefer him or her to act (only worthy under certain conditions).

· Incongruence: a discrepancy between a person’s ideal self and real self, or self-concept and experience, resulting in tension, anxiety, and internal confusion.

· Psychological maladjustment: the condition in which a person experiences significant incongruence between self and experiences, resulting in emotional and psychological problems.

Feminist theories are based on the concept of feminism and the basic themes involved in that definition. Feminism is the “doctrine advocating social, political, and economic rights for women equal to those of men” and the “movement for the attainment of such rights” (Nichols, 1999, p. 483). They are included here with other theories of personality development because they provide a context for women’s development and experience throughout the life span.

Hyde (2007) remarks on the development of feminist theories:

Feminist theories were created by no single person. Instead, numerous writers have contributed their ideas, consistent with the desire of feminists to avoid power hierarchies and not to have a single person become the authority. But it also means that the feminist perspective ... has been drawn from many sources. (p. 70)

Because of the multiple origins and ongoing nature inherent in their development, we refer to feminist theories instead of feminist theory. At least nine principles underlie these approaches.

First, feminist theories emphasize the “elimination of false dichotomies” (Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986, p. 4). That is, people should critically evaluate the way thought and behavioral expectations are structured within the culture. Western culture emphasizes separating people, things, and events into mutually exclusive categories. For example, people are classified as either male or femaleon the basis of biology. These categories are “viewed as mutually exclusive entities that should be manifest for one gender but not the other. Distinctions between the sexes, rather than commonalities, are emphasized” (Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986, p. 4). A traditional Western view stresses “the division between male and female behavioral traits such as the woman being the social and emotional caretaker and the man assuming the instrumental [that is, working, decision-making, maintaining strength] role.” In contrast, a feminist perspective emphasizes “attending to a balance between autonomy and relationship competence for both genders” (Land, 1995, p. 10).

A second principle underlying feminist theories is “rethinking knowledge” (Hunter College Women’s Studies Collective, 1995, p. 63). In some ways, this is related to the first principle because they both involve how people think and view the world. Rethinking knowledge involves critically evaluating not only how you think about something, but also what you think about. It involves which ideas and thoughts are considered to reflect “facts” and which are thought to have value. The Hunter College Women’s Studies Collective (1995) explains:

Not only have topics of interest to women, but of less interest to men, such as rape, the sexual abuse of children, employment patterns among women, or the histories of women’s lives, been simply left out of traditional disciplines, but the very concepts and assumptions with which inquiry has proceeded have reflected a male rather than a universal point of view. (p. 63)

A third dimension characterizing feminist theories is the recognition that differences exist in male and female experiencesthroughout the life span (Land, 1995). One aspect of this dimension is the feminist focus on the impact of gender-role socialization. Agender role is the cluster of “culturally defined expectations that define how people of one gender ought to behave” (Hyde & DeLamater, 2008, p. 314). Socialization is the developmental process of teaching members of a culture the appropriate and expected pattern of values and behavior. Hyde (2007) elaborates:

From their earliest years, children are socialized to conform to these roles.... Essentially, gender roles tell children that there are certain things they may not do, whether telling a girl that she cannot be a physicist or a boy that he cannot be a nurse. Because gender roles shut off individual potential and aspirations, feminists believe that we would be better off without such roles or at least they need to be radically revised. (p. 73)

Gilligan’s (1982) work on the moral development of women, described in Chapter 7, provides a good example of work focusing on gender-related differences in life experience. Her proposed sequence of levels and transitions differ significantly from the traditional stages of moral development proposed by Kohlberg (1963, 1968, 1969, 1981a, 1981b), arguing that the latter relate primarily to the experience of men.

A fourth principle inherent in feminist theories is the end of patriarchy, the doctrine under which men hold positions of power and authority, head families, and provide the basis for tracing descent in family lineage (Bricker-Jenkins & Lockett, 1995, p. 2531; J.A.B. Lee, 2001). Simply stated, feminist theories refute the concepts of male dominance, female submission, and gender discrimination. The traditional view of power is analogous to that of money in that there is some finite amount over which some people have control and others do not (Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986). Such views focus on using power to dominate and control others who should be dependent and subservient. (Chapter 9 discusses some of the issues involved in greater depth.) A feminist perspective stresses that power should be reconceptualized and viewed as “infinite, a widely distributed energy of influence, strength, effectiveness, and responsibility” (Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986, pp.5–6). This view assumes that power is limitless and should be nurtured in each individual.

The fifth feminist principle, closely related to that of ending patriarchy, is that of empowerment (Bricker-Jenkins & Lockett, 1995;Land, 1995; Netting & O’Connor, 2003; Suarez, Lewis, & Clark, 1995), defined as the “process of increasing personal, interpersonal, or political power so that individuals can take action to improve their life situations” (Gutierrez, 2001, p. 210). A feminist perspective emphasizes the need to empower women, enhance their potential for self-determination, and expand opportunities. Means of empowerment include assertiveness training, enhancing self-esteem, improving communication and problem-solving skills, and learning conflict resolution and negotiating skills (Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986).

A sixth concept underlying feminist theories is that of “valuing process equally with product” (Bricker-Jenkins & Hooyman, 1986;Suarez et al., 1995; Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986, p. 6). It is not only important what you get done, but how you get it done. A traditional patriarchal approach stresses the importance of the end result. For example, the fact that a male chief executive officer of a large oil company has amassed amazing wealth is considered significant. The traditional view would not consider how he had hoarded his wealth as significant (by ruthlessly stepping on competitors, breaking environmental regulations, and consistently making decisions in his own, not the employees’ nor the public’s, best interests). Feminist theories focus on decision making based on equality and participation by all. The concept of “having power over” others is irrelevant. Thus, feminist theories focus on aspects of process such as making certain all participants have the chance to speak and be heard, adhering to principles of ethical behavior, working toward agreement or consensus, and considering personal issues as important.

A seventh underlying principle in feminist theories is the idea that “the personal is political” (Bricker-Jenkins & Lockett, 1995, p. 2531; GlenMaye, 1998; Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986, p. 9). Personal experience is integrally intertwined with the social and political environment. Sexism is “prejudice or discrimination based on sex, especially discrimination against women” that involves “behavior, conditions, or attitudes that foster stereotypes of social roles based on sex” (Mish, 1995, p. 1073). Feminist theories maintain that sexism is the result of the social and political structure. It does not simply involve problems experienced by isolated individuals.

Another implication of this principle is that the political environment can be changed and improved by personal actions. Thus, personal experience can be used to alter the political environment, which in turn can improve the personal experience. For example, individual women can collectively campaign for a candidate who supports women’s issues, thus applying their personal actions to the political arena. As a result, the candidate gets elected and seeks to improve her supporters’ work environments and access to resources, a political result that affects women’s personal lives.

An eighth feminist principle involves unity and diversity; related concepts are “sisterhood” and “solidarity” (Bricker-Jenkins & Hooyman, 1986; Bricker-Jenkins & Lockett, 1995, p. 2531). Women working together can achieve a better quality of life for all. In order to remain unified, women must appreciate each other’s differences. Diversity is viewed as a source of strength.

A ninth dimension inherent in feminist theories is consciousness raising, the development of “critical awareness of the cultural and political factors that shape identity, personal and social realities, and relationships” and of one’s position and opinions with respect to these issues (Bricker-Jenkins & Lockett, 1995, p. 2533). In order to support and act on the preceding principles, people must be aware of them. Consciousness raising involves ongoing thought, communication, learning, and mutual support. Women must progress through the phases of learning about themselves, becoming aware of the environmental elements affecting their lives, evaluating the quality of their environment, and proposing changes where needed.

Spotlight 3.1 discusses the diversity of feminist theories that vary in their relative emphasis on these nine concepts.

Hyde (2007) categorizes five major approaches among feminist theorists. Note, however, that these categories are presented only to stimulate your thinking about these issues. In reality, each individual has his or her own views that may involve some blend of these and many other perspectives.

“Liberal feminism holds that women should have opportunities and rights equal to those of men” (Hyde, 2007, p. 75). This is a relatively optimistic view that American society is founded on a sound basis of positive values including “justice and freedom for all” (Hyde, 2007, p. 75). However, liberal feminism also acknowledges that injustice on the basis of gender does indeed exist for women. Therefore, there should be an ongoing pursuit of legal, social, and educational change that pursues real equality for women. The National Organization for Women (NOW) generally reflects a liberal feminist perspective.

Some of the issues that have been addressed by liberal feminism include pay inequities in the workplace (e.g., women earn significantly less than men), gender segregation (e.g., women tend to be clustered in lower-paying occupations and men in higher ones), and hitting the glass ceiling (that is, a barrier involving psychological perception and decision making by those in power that prevents women from progressing higher in a power structure just because they are women). Another issue liberal feminism speaks to is the role of men and women in family caregiving (Lorber, 2005). If men and women are equal, to what extent should they assume equal responsibilities in that arena?

“Cultural feminism argues that women have special, unique qualities that differentiate them from men” (Hyde, 2004, p. 72). This contrasts with liberal feminism, which views women and men as being essentially the same because they’re both human beings. Cultural feminism emphasizes placing greater importance on the positive qualities typically manifested by women, including “nurturing, connectedness, and intuition” (Hyde, 2007, p. 75). The ongoing goal is to achieve equal but different respect, power, and appreciation.

Marxist or socialist feminism “views the oppression of women as just one instance of oppression,” women being downgraded as one of various classes of people devalued by a capitalistic society (Hyde, 2007, p. 76). Such devaluation serves those in power well. For example, consider the significant difference in wages typically earned by women and men (discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 9). “What would happen to the average American corporation if it had to start paying all of its secretaries as much as plumbers earn? (Both jobs require a high school education and a certain amount of manual dexterity and specific skills)” (Hyde, 2007, p. 76). Marxist feminism seeks a total transformation of the current capitalist system such that wealth would be spread much more equally across classes, including women and other oppressed populations.

Marxist feminism analyzes how “the parallel system—the economy (capitalism) and the family (patriarchy)” organizes and supports or fails to support how people of both genders live their lives (Lorber, 2005, p. 47). One implication might be that women working in the home should be paid for that work because it is work, just as others are paid for working outside the home (Lorber, 2005).

Radical feminism perceives “liberal feminism and cultural feminism as entirely too optimistic about the sources of women’s oppression and the changes needed to end it” (Hyde, 2007, p. 76). From this perspective, “male domination manifests itself in women’s sexuality, gender roles, and family relationships, and it is carried over into the male-dominated world of work, government, religion, and law ... For radical feminists, women’s liberation requires the eradication of patriarchy and the creation of alternative ways of living” (T. Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2004, p. 14). “Collective political and social action are essential. Given the difficulty of changing social institutions, radical feminists sometimes advocate separatist communities in which women can come together to pursue their work free of men’s oppression” (Hyde, 2007, p. 76).

“Postmodern feminism is not focused on social action, but rather is an academic movement that seeks to reform thought and research within colleges and universities” (Hyde, 2007, p. 76). “It is particularly concerned with the issue ofepistemology, which is the question of how people—whether laypeople or scientists—know. How do we know about truth and reality?” (Hyde, 2007, p. 76). “Postmodern feminism claims that gender and sexuality are performances, and that individuals modify their displays of masculinity and femininity to suit their own purposes. Males can masquerade as women, and females can pass for men. Postmodern feminism argues that, like clothing, sexuality and gender can be put on, taken off, and transformed” (Lorber, 2005, p. 197).

Lorber (2005) explains:

Postmodern feminism examines the ways societies create beliefs about gender at any time (now and in the past) with discourses embedded in cultural representations or texts. Not just art, literature, and the mass media, but anything produced by a social group, including newspapers, political pronouncements, and religious liturgy, is a text. A text’s discourse is what it says, does not say, and hints at (sometimes called asubtext). The historical and social context and the material conditions under which a text is produced become part of the text’s discourse. If a movie or newspaper is produced in a time of conservative values or under a repressive political regime, its discourse is going to be different from what is produced during times of openness or social change. Who provides the money, who does the creative work, and who oversees the managerial side all influence what a text conveys to its audience. The projected audience also shapes any text, although the actual audience may read quite different meanings from those intended by the producers. Deconstruction is the process of teasing out all these aspects of a text. (p. 269)

Deconstruction can be applied to any set of beliefs. In a way, it is a form of critical thinking. Deconstruction involves analysis of underlying meanings and assumptions when presented with an occurrence, trend, or so-called fact. It focuses on not how the phenomenon is objectively represented or portrayed, but rather on subjective interpretation within the phenomenon’s social, political, and economic context.

Lorber (2005) continues:

Soap operas and romance novels are “read” by women ... action films and war novels are the stuff of men’s spectator-ship. Postmodern feminism deconstructs cultural representations of gender, as seen in movies, video, TV, popular music, advertising—whether aimed at adults, teenagers, or children—as well as paintings, operas, theater productions, and ballet. All these media have discourses that overtly and subliminally tell us something about female and male bodies, sexual desire, and gender roles. A romantic song about the man who got away glorifies heterosexuality.... These discourses influence the way we think about our world, without questioning the underlying assumptions about gender and sexuality. They encourage approved-of choices about work, marriage, and having children by showing them as normal and rewarding and by showing what is disapproved of as leading to a “bad end.” By unpacking the covert as well as more obvious meanings of texts, postmodern deconstruction reveals their messages. We can then accept or reject them, or use them for our own purposes. (269–270)

Still another perspective on feminism questions the usefulness of clustering all women together. To what extent are the issues faced by lesbians, white women, and women of color the same or different? Some have criticized various feminist perspectives for giving lesser priorities to the issues confronting female groups other than white women (Hyde, 2007;Lorber, 2005). Newer trends in feminist research and thinking involve a broader perspective on the human condition (Hyde, 2007; Lorber, 2005). Comparing “women and men across different racial ethnic groups, social classes, religions, nationalities, residencies, occupations” reflects a trend of the future (Lorber, 2005, p. 309). There is a special need for studying the issues, gender roles, and cultural expectations for women of color (Hyde, 2007). Additionally, more research should focus “on adjustment problems in women, particularly on depression, anxiety, alcoholism, and eating disorders, because they are all so frequent. We need to know what causes depression and what can be done to prevent it (e.g., changing child-rearing practices, school policy, violence against women, or family roles” (Hyde, 2007, p. 486).

The development of feminist theories is anything but stagnant. There is a dynamic, rapidly growing body of research and ideas that focus on the importance of understanding women’s gender roles, issues, qualities, and oppression.

Ethical Question 3.1

What are your views about the various approaches to feminism? What is the fair way to treat women and men? What kinds of efforts, if any, do you think should be undertaken to improve current conditions?

How do people become feminists? One study focused on students enrolled in women’s studies courses, which are, of course, feminist-based. Attending such classes tends to modify the attitudes and perceptions of both women and men, although perhaps more significantly for women. Five steps in the development of a feminist identity emerged for women (Bargad & Hyde, 1991; Hyde, 2002:Hyde, 2007, p. 487):

1. Passive acceptance. During this stage women simply don’t think critically about gender issues or oppression. They passively accept that the way things are is the way they should be.

2. Revelation. This stage is characterized by the “Aha!” experience that yes, indeed, inequities do exist between women and men. A woman begins to confront issues and think more deeply about oppression. Common reactions during this stage include heated anger and resentment toward men.

3. Embeddedness. At this stage a woman becomes emotionally linked with other women, and receives support and sustenance from them. She begins to feel stronger in her identity as a woman.

4. Synthesis. Now a woman begins to assume a “positive feminist identity” that goes beyond focusing on gender-role differences. She gains greater understanding of herself as a woman and no longer resents men. Rather, she assesses her relationships with men as individuals.

5. Active commitment. During this stage, a woman’s feminist identity is firmly established. She uses her confidence to advocate on behalf of women to address inequities, oppression, and women’s issues.

We have reviewed a number of psychological theories about human behavior that can help us better understand how people function. This section examines how theories are relevant to social work practice, and Highlight 3.2 proposes an approach for evaluating theory.

In Chapter 1, we defined the word theory as a coherent group of principles, concepts, and ideas organized to explain some observable occurrence or trend. In effect, theory provides a way for people to view the world. It helps them to sort out and make sense of what they see. Likewise, it aids them in understanding how and why things are the way they are and work the way they do. Different theories provide us with different explanations.

For instance, consider the differences between systems theory and the medical model in trying to explain the reasons for human behavior. From the 1920s to the 1960s, social work programs used a medical model approach to human behavior. The medical model, developed by Sigmund Freud, views clients as “patients.” The task of the social worker providing services is to first diagnose the causes of a patient’s problems and then provide treatment. The patient’s problems are viewed as being inside the patient.

The medical model conceptualizes emotional and behavioral problems as “mental illnesses.” People with such problems are given medical labels such as schizophrenic, psychotic, manic-depressive, or insane. Adherents of the medical approach believe the disturbed person’s mind is affected by some generally unknown, internal condition, thought to be due to a variety of possible causative factors inside the person. These include genetic endowment, metabolic disorders, infectious diseases, internal conflicts, unconscious uses of defense mechanisms, and traumatic early experiences that cause emotional fixations and prevent future psychological growth.

In the 1960s, social work began questioning the usefulness of the medical model. Environmental factors were shown to be at least as important as internal factors in causing a client’s problems. Also, research demonstrated that psychoanalysis was probably ineffective in treating clients’ problems (Stuart, 1970). Social work shifted at least some of its emphasis to a reform approach. A reform approach seeks to change systems to benefit clients. Antipoverty programs such as Head Start2 and Job Corps3 are examples of efforts to change systems to benefit clients.

2Head Start is a program providing preschoolers with “recreational, educational, and health programs” throughout the year (Jansson, 2001, p. 253).

3Job Corps is a federal program created to recruit impoverished youth ages 16 to 24 from disadvantaged urban and rural communities and provide them with job training (Jansson, 2001).

In the past two decades social work has increasingly focused on using a systems approach to viewing clients and the world surrounding them. This approach integrates both treatment and reform by emphasizing the dysfunctional transactions between people and their physical and social environments. Human beings are viewed as being in constant interaction with other micro, mezzo, and macro systems within their social environment.

Social workers started to explore both causes and solutions in the environment encompassing any individual client instead of blaming the client. For instance, consider a person who is unemployed and poverty-stricken. A social worker assuming a systems perspective would assess the client-in-situation. This worker would assess not only the problems and abilities of the client but also the client’s interactions with the multiple systems affecting him or her. What services are available to help the person develop needed job skills? What housing is available in the meantime? What aspects of the macro systems in the environment are contributing to the high unemployment and poverty rates? What services need to be developed in order to respond to these needs?

In contrast, the medical model might orient a worker to try to cure or “fix” the individual by providing counseling to help him or her develop a better attitude toward finding a job. There would be an underlying assumption that it was the individual micro system that was somehow at fault.

Thus, theory helps social workers decide how to go about helping people. The medical model versus systems theory is only one example. Throughout this text, a broad range of theories will be presented concerning various aspects of human development and behavior. Evaluation of their relevance will often be provided. You, as a future social worker, will be expected to learn how to evaluate theories for yourself in order to apply them to your practice situations. Highlight 3.3 provides some suggestions for how to do this.Spotlight 3.2 stresses the importance of being sensitive to diversity when evaluating theories.

The Evaluation of Theory

There are many ways to evaluate theory. This is partly because theories can concern virtually anything from the best method of planting a garden to whether intelligent extraterrestrials exist. Four major approaches for evaluating theory are provided here. The approaches are applied to various theories throughout the text and are not necessarily presented in order of importance. Different theories may require different orders and emphases in terms of how they can best be evaluated.

1. Evaluate the theory’s application to client situations. In what ways is the theory relevant to social work? In what ways does the theory provide a means to help us think about our clients and how to help them? For example, a theory about the mating patterns of gorillas would probably be very difficult to apply to any practice situation. However, a theory that hypothesizes how interpersonal attraction occurs between people might help you to work with an extremely shy, lonely young adult with serious interpersonal problems.

2. Evaluate the research supporting the theory. Research often involves singular, obscure, or puzzling findings. Such findings may be vague and may or may not be true. For example, the sample of people studied in a particular research project may have been extremely small. Thus, results may have been due primarily to chance. Or the sample may not have resembled the entire population very well. Therefore, the results should be applied only to the sample studied and not to anything or anybody else. (Consider this a commercial for why you need to take a research course!) On the one hand, it’s important to be cautious about assuming that any research study establishes a fact. On the other hand, when more and more studies continue to support each other, a fact (or as close as we can come to a fact) may begin to develop.

A student once complained to me about her textbook. She said that the author confused her by presenting “facts”—in reality, research findings—that were contradictory. She said she hated such contradictions and wanted the author to tell her what was or was not a fact. My response was that I didn’t think the world was like that. It cannot be so clearly divided, even though it sometimes seems that it would be more convenient that way. Facts are the closest estimation to the truth we can come to based on the limited information we have. For example, people believed that the world was flat until somebody discovered that it was round. They believed that the northern lights were reflections of sunlight off the polar ice cap until someone discovered that they are really the effect of solar radiation on the earth’s ionosphere.

Research can help to establish whether theories portray facts or not. In other words, research can help determine how accurate and useful any particular theory is. We need theories to guide our thinking and our work.

However, there are at least two problems with evaluating research in support of a theory. First, you might not have access to all, most, or any of the relevant research. Research findings (which often are interpreted as facts) can be found in thousands of journals. Second, there may be no research specifically directed at finding the specific facts you need to help you verify a theory in your own mind.

3. Evaluate the extent to which the theory coincides with social work values and ethics. Does the theory involve an underlying assumption that coincides with the mission of social work. According to the National Association of Social Workers’ (NASW) Code of Ethics, “the primary mission of the social work profession is to enhance human well-being and help meet the basic human needs of all people, with particular attention to the needs and empowerment of people who are vulnerable, oppressed, and living in poverty” (NASW, 1999).

One example of how a theory can support or contradict professional ethics involves the ethical standard that social workers must be “sensitive to cultural and ethnic diversity and strive to end discrimination, oppression, poverty, and other forms of social injustice” (NASW, 1999). Consider a theory that one group of people is by nature more intelligent than another group. This theory obviously conflicts with professional values. Therefore, it should not be used or supported by social workers.

Another example is the theory that women are too emotional, flighty, and lacking in intellectual capability to vote or hold a political office. This theory was espoused by the powerful majority of men who held public office until 1920, when women finally won the right to vote after a long, drawn-out battle for this right. This theory, too, stands in direct opposition to professional values and ethics.

Another section discusses the importance of being sensitive to human diversity when examining psychological theories. It also introduces several concepts that are useful in that process.

4. Evaluate the existence and validity of other comparable theories. Are there other theories that adhere better to the first three evaluation criteria? If so, which theory or theories should be chosen to guide our assessments and practice?

The medical model and systems theory were compared earlier. The social work profession now subscribes to systems theory, which provides a better perspective for respecting people’s dignity and rights and for targeting the macro environment in order to effect change, reduce oppression, and improve social conditions.

Sometimes two or more theories will have basic similarities. Recall the discussion concerning the differences between systems theory and the ecological model in Chapter 1. Both approaches provide frameworks for how to analyze the world and what to emphasize. Many of the concepts they employ are similar or identical. It was concluded that the ecological model is an offshoot of systems theory. This text assumes a systems theory perspective, yet adopts some ecological concepts. For instance, the term system is used in both. Both social environment and coping are ecological terms. Thus, many times it may be determined that a combination of theories provides the best framework for viewing the world within a social work context. Each social worker needs to determine the theoretical framework or combination of frameworks best suited for his or her practice context.

At other times no theory will be perfectly applicable. Perhaps you will decide that only one or two concepts make any sense to you in terms of working with clients. The quest for the perfect theory resembles the pursuit of the perfect fact. It’s very difficult to achieve perfection. Thus, when evaluating theories, be flexible. Decide which concepts in any particular theory have the most relevance to you and your work with clients.

Specific theories concerning how people develop their capacities to think and understand have also been developed. Cognitioninvolves the ability to take in information, process it, store it, and finally retrieve and use it. In other words, cognition involves the ability to learn and to think. The most noted of the cognitive theorists is probably Jean Piaget. Piaget (1952) proposed that people go through various stages in learning how to think as they develop from infancy into adulthood. His theory, which concerns the stages through which people must progress in order to develop their cognitive or thinking ability, was derived from careful observations of his own children’s growth and development.

Piaget postulates that virtually all people learn how to think in the same way. That is, as people develop they all go through various stages of how they think. In infancy and early childhood, thinking is very basic and concrete. As children grow, thinking progresses and becomes more complex and abstract. Each stage of cognitive development is characterized by certain principles or ways in which an individual thinks.

The following example does an exceptionally good job of illustrating how these changes occur. In his studies, Piaget would show children of various ages two glass containers filled with a liquid. The containers were identical in size and shape, and held an equal amount of liquid (see Figure 3.2, p. 115). Children inevitably would agree that each container held the same amount of liquid. Piaget then would take the liquid from one of the containers and pour it into another taller, narrower glass container. Interestingly enough, he found that children under age 6 would frequently say that the taller glass held more even though the amount of liquid in each was identical. Children approximately age 6 or older, however, would state that despite the different shapes, both containers held the same amount of liquid. Later studies established that the results of this experiment were the same for children of various backgrounds and nationalities.

Children under age 6 would say that the taller glass holds more, even though the amount of liquid in each is identical.

Psychological theories of development often focus on prescribed stages through which people progress throughout their lives. Such theories are also oriented to expectations about what is normal and what is abnormal during each stage. An issue facing us as we evaluate psychological theories is the rigidity with which some attempt to structure human development. In reality, people experience different worlds as they progress through their lives and time. Their experiences are altered by their “race, ethnicity, social class, and gender socialization” (Devore & Schlesinger, 1999, p. 64). A woman will experience life differently than a man because of variables related to being a woman. An American of Asian background will encounter different treatment and issues than will an American of Northern European origins moving through the same time. Thus, it is critically important to be sensitive to the vast differences people can experience because of their membership in certain groups or other characteristics.

For more than 30 years, social work has been moving to view clients and the world from a less rigid, more open-minded perspective that is sensitive to diversity and individual differences. The field has worked “to encompass new perspectives on women’s development and roles and the unique experiences, characteristics, strengths, and coping strategies of African Americans, Latinos, Asians, and other people of color and of other oppressed groups such as gay men and lesbians,” in addition to incorporating principles such as empowerment (E. G. Goldstein, 1995). It is up to us as social workers to be sensitive to people’s varying perspectives and needs. We must not make value judgments based on rigid assumptions about how people are supposed to behave. Rather, we must maintain flexibility thinking about human behavior and nurture our appreciation of differences.

Germain (1991) maintains that it is important to view “transitions, life events, and other life issues as outcomes of person(s): environment processes rather than as separate segments of life confined to predetermined ages and stages of experience” (p. 149). Devore and Schlesinger (1999) reflect on how various transitional points are experienced differently depending on an individual’s life context (variables affecting a person’s life such as race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexual orientation, and disability). They divide the life course into seven transitional points—entry, childhood, adolescence, emerging adulthood, adulthood, later adulthood, and old age (pp. 68–69). Persons with divergent characteristics and backgrounds can experience these transitional points in distinctly different ways.

For example, during the childhood transitional period, children’s psychological profiles are shaped by the ideas of their parents and of other people around them. This social context, in turn, is the product of culture. Berk (2008a) provides an example:

Culture influences emotional self-regulation. In a striking illustration, researchers studied children in two collectivist [that emphasizes the importance of group well-being above that of the individual] subcultures in rural Nepal. In response to stories about emotionally charged situations (such as peer aggression or unjust parental punishment), Hindu children more often said they would feel angry but would try to mask their feelings. Buddhist children, in contrast, interpreted the situation so they did not experience anger. Saying they would feel just OK, they explained, “Why be angry? The event already happened.” In line with this difference, Hindu mothers reported that they often teach their children how to control their emotional behavior, whereas Buddhist mothers pointed to the value their religion places on a calm, peaceful disposition (Cole & Tamang 1998;Cole, Tamang, & Shrestha, 2006). In comparison to both Nepalese groups, U.S. children preferred conveying anger verbally in these situations—for example, to an unjust punishment, they answered, “If I say I’m angry, he’ll stop hurting me!” (Cole, Bruschi, & Tamang, 2002). Notice how this response fits with the Western individualistic emphasis on personal rights and self-expression. (p. 491)

Other examples of life course differences involve the adolescent transitional period. Adolescents raised in different cultural environments with different experiences and treatment view their developing life, gender roles, and sexuality in very diverse ways. A female Puerto Rican adolescent learns her expected role by closely observing her mother and caring for the family’s children; however, there often is no mention of sex (Devore & Schlesinger, 1999). Kelly (2008) comments on Japanese adolescent sexuality:

In Japan, sexuality has been minimized and regulated as being tangential to the performance of responsible duty. Japanese youth consider chastity very important. There is less teenage sexual activity and far less single motherhood than in the United States, although abortion is quite accessible. Japanese youth often rush into sexual activity during late adolescence, as if making up for their more chaste earlier years. As the age of marriage becomes even later, the rate of premarital pregnancies and “shotgun” weddings has been increasing. (p. 159)

The transitional period of emerging adulthood provides more examples of diverse life course experiences. Young people experience this as a time of decision making about marrying or remaining single and pursuing a work or career path. Devore and Schlesinger (1999) remark:

For young Jewish women ... [t]he plan to work continuesa tradition established long ago by grandmothers and mothers whose diverse occupations were important to the survival of the family. Jewish tradition more easily accepts employment of women. In the present, however, the emerging Jewish woman has choice. The Jewish value of education is traditional but in the past was more reserved for men. Women now attend college in equal numbers with men but may experience conflict as they make the choice. “As a young Jewish woman I am achievement oriented, committed to individual achievement, accomplishment and career—but, I am equally committed to marriage. What then of my children? If I am to be a responsible mother then I must remain at home with my young children.” ... Such is the ethnic dilemma shared by Italians and Slavic young women.

A young married Navajo woman expects to hold to the traditions of the past. Her husband is the formal head of the household, but she has as much, or perhaps even more, influence in the family management due to a reverence for matrilineal descent [heritage based on the female line]. This tradition provides her with support from the extended family, with her brothers assuming responsibility in the teaching and discipline of their nieces and nephews. Women and men, sisters and brothers participate in the retention of the ethnic reality. (pp. 77–78)

The important point here is the need for sensitivity to diversity when evaluating human behavior, regardless of which theory you apply.

Other concepts are also helpful when examining and evaluating psychological theories and their application to diverse populations. They include the dual perspective, worldview, spirituality, and the strengths perspective (Beckett & Johnson, 1995; Leashore, 1995; Saleeby, 2006).

The Dual Perspective

When observing and appreciating people’s diverse backgrounds and psychological orientations, a dual perspective can provide insight, especially about people who belong to groups outside of the majority population. In this perspective, “all people adapt to and interact with two environments: (1) the family and community ... labeled the nurturing environment, and (2) the larger environment of white people, the sustaining environment. The sustaining environment contains social systems such as employment that provide for survival needs. The nurturing environment offers expressive features such as belonging” (Beckett & Johnson, 1995, p. 1392).

Most Euro-Americans experience these two environments melded together to support them and provide them with consistency. However, many other ethnic and racial groups experience a much poorer fit between the two. Any particular group may have a strong nurturing environment in family, friends, and even a neighborhood that provides emotional strength. However, the larger sustaining environment may not be at all supportive or consistent with the more intimate nurturing environment. To the extent that the sustaining environment provides a group with inadequate educational preparation and confronts its members with prejudice, discrimination, and less than equal treatment, they are unable to function as well as their Euro-American counterparts in that environment. The greater the incongruence between the sustaining and the nurturing environments, the more difficulty people will have. This lack of fit is an important focus for social workers.

Norton (1993) conducted an ongoing long-term study of children from their second day after birth to age 9. She studied how differential socialization in their nurturing environment caused them to experience different perceptions of how time is structured. Socialization is “the process by which individuals become competent, participating members of a society, that is, the process by which adults prepare children for competent adulthood in their own social group” (p. 83).

Thirty-seven women and their children were studied. They were selected because they were considered at high risk of having a poor fit with the sustaining environment. Variables thought related to a poor fit included living with older family members, having an educational level not extending beyond high school when their babies were born, and living in urban areas where average income and housing value were below median levels while “housing density, transience, vacant housing, crime, and neonatal mortality” levels were above the median (p. 85). Data collection involved videotaping the interaction and communication between mothers and children at regular intervals.

The African American worldview is characterized by a strong achievement and work orientation.

Brian Summers/Getty Images

A primary variable studied was the children’s grasp of seriation: “the ordering of events in a temporal sequence before they can develop an understanding of the past, present, and future” (p. 86). A test specifically measuring children’s acquisition of the seriation concept was administered. This variable was chosen because “understanding physical time is particularly critical in a modern, highly technological society such as the United States, in which much of the organization of economic and social behavior depends on a commonly understood location of events and procedures in time and in which a highly developed sense of self is necessary to operate in a complex world where norms change rapidly” (pp. 86–87). Many of the children studied lived in homes where families observed “little or no routine,” because mothers did not work outside the home and “did not have any place to go” (p. 87). Therefore, these mothers had little reason to plan or pay close attention to how they and their children spent their time. However, some of the mothers studied talked significantly more about time to their children than others, such as mentioning birthdays and designated time periods. Additionally, they participated in activities with their children that required the structuring and sequencing of time.

Results indicated that a significant relationship existed between children’s ability to grasp the seriation concept and the number of statements about time mothers made to their children. Time statements include, for example, mentioning minutes, hours, and days as they relate to how much time one has now, has left, or will have in relation to some aspect of life. Norton postulates that because the major language used in the United States is based on the time concept, children exposed to this concept more thoroughly in their early youth will be better prepared to adjust to a school environment where the concept of time is very important. If children’s nurturing environment at home is incongruent with the sustaining environment in the outside world, the children will have difficulties in later life. The dual perspective encourages us to acknowledge and understand such incongruities so that we can develop solutions.

Worldview

A second concept helpful for appreciating diversity when applying psychological theory to behavior is the worldview perspective. Worldview concerns “one’s perceptions of oneself in relation to other people, objects, institutions, and nature. It relates to one’s view of the world and one’s role and place in it” (Leashore, 1995, p. 112; Lum, 2007). Adopting a world-view involves looking beyond the narrow boundaries of our daily existence. It means developing an openness and awareness of life in other neighborhoods, counties, states, and countries. It also requires developing an appreciation of differences instead of fear and aversion. It encourages us to allow new perceptions of the world to penetrate our consciousness instead of clinging doggedly to what we already know. There are many other ways to live than the way we are accustomed to. Leashore provides an example: “The worldviews of African-Americans are shaped by unique and important experiences, such as racism and discrimination, and involve, in varying degrees, traditional attributes of the African-American family and community life, such as strong ties to immediate, extended family, and ... [other] kin; a strong religious orientation; a strong achievement orientation; a strong work orientation; and egalitarian role sharing” (p. 112).

Spirituality

A third concept important in understanding human diversity and psychological development is spirituality. Spirituality“includes one’s values, beliefs, mission, awareness, subjectivity, experience, sense of purpose and direction, and a kind of striving toward something greater than oneself” (Frame, 2003, p. 3). The spiritual domain is an important means by which many people organize their view of the world. The spiritual dimension is part of their reality. Therefore, it must be considered when you assess human behavior from a psychological perspective even though you may have very different beliefs concerning spirituality than your clients or your colleagues.

Spiritual beliefs can provide people with hope, support, and guidance as they progress through life. Spirituality, including Fowler’s (1981) seven stages of faith, will be discussed further in Chapter 7. Chapter 15 explores spirituality and some of the major religions.

The Strengths Perspective

The strengths perspective is a fourth concept that is useful in increasing sensitivity to human diversity, and understanding people from various ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Chapter 1 introduced the concepts of empowerment and strengths-based social work practice. Norman (2005) explains:

Strengths-based social work practice focuses on helping client systems tap into the strengths within them.... Potential strengths include cultural values and traditions, resources, coping strategies, family, friends, and community support networks. Past successful experiences need to be linked to solving current problems.... The client is the expert in identifying past success and in developing solutions based on past experiences. Focusing on concrete tasks and objectives ... works better for people of color than more abstract methods....

Even when we are talking the same language, our perceptions of an interaction are culturally influenced.... Different groups of people translate nonverbal communication, such as spatial observance, handshaking, and eye contact, in different ways.... Mastering cross-cultural communication is the key to effective practice with individuals, families, groups, and communities of color. This requires sharpening observation and listening skills as well as learning about clients’ cultural beliefs and traditions. (pp. 403, 407)

This example demonstrated how children in different cognitive stages thought about or conceptualized the problem. Younger children tended to rely directly on their visual perceptions to make a decision about which glass held more or less liquid. Older children, however, were able to do more logical thinking about the problem. They thought about how liquid could take various forms and how the same amount could look different depending on its container. The older children illustrated a higher, more abstract level of cognitive development. This particular concept involving the idea that a substance can be changed in one way (e.g., shape) while remaining the same in another (e.g., amount) is called conservation.

These ways of thinking about and organizing ideas and concepts depending on one’s level of cognitive development are calledschema. A person perceives the world at an increasingly more abstract level during each stage. In other words, different aspects of the environment are emphasized depending on a person’s cognitive level of development.

Piaget hypothesizes that all people go through the cognitive stages in the same order. An individual progresses through them in a continuous manner. In other words, a child does not wake up one morning and suddenly state, “Aha, I’m now in the preoperational stage of development!” Rather, children gradually progress through each stage with smooth and continual transitions from one stage to the next. Each stage acts as a foundation or prerequisite for the next. Three other concepts that are also important are adaptation, assimilation, and accommodation.

Adaptation refers to the capacity to adjust to surrounding environmental conditions. It involves the process of changing in order to fit in and survive in the surrounding environment. Piaget would say that adaptation is composed of two processes, assimilation and accommodation.

Assimilation refers to the taking in of new information and the resulting integration into the schema or structure of thought. In other words, when a person is exposed to a new situation, event, or piece of information, not only is the information received and thought about at a conscious level, but it is also integrated into a way of thinking. The information is stored in such a way that it can be used later in problem-solving situations.

For example, go back to the situation in which young children observe and judge the quantities of liquid in glass containers. Younger children, those under age 6, assimilate information at a level using only their observations. Items and substances are only as they appear before their eyes. These children could not think of items as changing, as being somewhere else, or as being in a different context. They could not yet assimilate such information using higher, more logical levels of thought in which some qualities of a substance can change while others remain the same. Children of age 6 or older can think about substances or items that are not immediately before their eyes. They can think about other different circumstances and situations.

Accommodation refers to the process by which children change their perceptions and actions in order to think using higher, more abstract levels of cognition. Children assimilate (take in) new information and eventually accommodate it. That is, they build on the schema they already have and use new, more complex ways of thinking. Children age 6 or older have accommodated the information about the liquid-filled glass containers. Furthermore, they can think about changes in substance in a more abstract way. They can think of the liquid not only as being held in a container of a specific shape and size, but also as it may be held in other containers of other shapes and sizes.

Piaget describes four major stages of cognitive development: the sensorimotor period, the preoperational thought period, the period of concrete operations, and the period of formal operations. Each stage will be described below.

The sensorimotor period extends from birth to approximately 2 years of age. During this period, a child progresses from simple thoughtless reflex reactions to a basic understanding of the environment. Three major accomplishments are made during the sensorimotor period. First, children learn that they have various senses through which they can receive information. Additionally, they begin to understand that they can receive different kinds of sensory information about the same object in the environment.

For example, initially an infant may see and hear her parents squabbling over who will take the new Ford Mustang GT with air-conditioning on a 99-degree summer day and who will take the old Ford Escort in which the air-conditioning doesn’t work. Even though she will hear and see them squabbling, she will not be able to associate the two types of sensory information as referring to the same aspect of her environment—namely, her parents. By the end of the sensorimotor period, she will understand that she can both hear and see her parents at the same time. She will perceive their interaction through both modes of sensory input.

A second major accomplishment during the sensorimotor period is the exhibition of goal-directed behavior. Instead of displaying simple responses randomly, the child will purposefully put together several behaviors in order to accomplish a simple goal. For example, a child will reach for a piece of a wooden puzzle and try to place it into its appropriate slot. The child will plan to put the puzzle together. However, because a child’s thinking during the sensorimotor period is still very concrete, the ability to plan very far ahead is extremely limited.

The third major accomplishment during the sensorimotor period is understanding that objects are permanent. This is the idea that objects continue to exist even when they are out of sight and out of hearing range. The concept of object permanence is the most important schema acquired during the sensori-motor period. Initially, children immediately forget about objects as soon as they no longer can perceive them. By age 2, children are generally able to think about the image of something that they can’t see or hear, and can solve a simple problem in relationship to that image. Children begin to use representation—the visual imagining of an image in their minds—which allows them to begin solving problems.

For example, take 2-year-old Ricky who is very attached to his “blanky,” an ancient, ragged, yellow blanket that he loves dearly. Ricky is in the midst of playing with his action garage toy set with his blanky placed snugly next to him. Ricky’s mother casually walks into the room, gently picks up the blanky, and walks down the hallway to the bedroom. Instead of forgetting about the blanky as soon as it’s out of sight, Ricky immediately gets up and starts actively seeking out his blanky, calling for it relentlessly. Even though he can’t presently see it and he doesn’t know exactly where his mother put it, Ricky is able to think of the blanky and begin a quest in search of it. Furthermore, he is able to run around the house and look for it in various nooks and crannies, thinking about where it might be.

Piaget’s second stage of cognitive development, the preoperational thought period, extends from approximately ages 2 to 7. Some overlap from one stage to another should be expected. A child’s thinking continues to progress to a more abstract, logical level. Although children are still tied to their physical and perceptual experiences, their ability to remember things and to solve problems continues to grow.

During the preoperational stage, children begin to use symbolic representations for things in their environment. Children are no longer bound to actual concrete perception. They can think in terms of symbols or mental representations of objects or circumstances.

Words provide an excellent example of symbolic representation. Children may symbolize an object or situation with words and then reflect on the object or situation later by using the words. In other words, language can be used for thought even when objects and situations are not present.

Despite children’s progress toward more abstract thinking, three major obstacles to logical thinking exist during the preoperational period: egocentrism, centration, and irreversibility.

In egocentrism, a child is unable to see things from anybody else’s point of view. The child is aware only of himself or herself; the needs and perspectives of others don’t exist.

Piaget illustrated this concept by showing a child a doll in a three-dimensional scene. With the child remaining in the same position, the doll could be moved around the scene so that the child could observe it from different perspectives. The child would then be shown various pictures and asked what the scene would look like from the doll’s perspective or point of view. Piaget found that the child would often choose the wrong picture. The child would continue to view the scene from his or her own perspective. It was difficult if not impossible for the child to imagine that the doll’s perspective or point of view could be any different from the child’s own.

Centration refers to a child’s tendency to concentrate on only one detail of an object or situation and ignore all other aspects.

To illustrate centration, refer back to the example in which a child is asked to evaluate the amounts of liquid in two glasses. The child would observe the same amount of liquid being poured into two different shaped containers. One container was short and squat, and the other, tall and thin. When asked which container held more liquid, the child would frequently answer that the tall, thin container did. In this situation, the child was focusing on the concept of height instead of width. She was unable to focus on both height and width at the same time. Only one aspect of the situation was used to solve the problem. This is a good example of how centration inhibits more mature, logical thought.

Irreversibility refers to a child’s ability to follow and think something through in one direction without being able to imagine the relationship in reverse. For example, 4-year-old Gary might be asked, “Who are your cousins?” Gary might then reply, “Sherrie, Donna, Lorrie, and Tanya.” If Gary is then asked who is Sherrie’s cousin, he will probably say he doesn’t know. Gary is able to think through a situation in one direction, but is unable to reverse his train of thought. He knows that Sherrie is his cousin. However, he is unable to see the reverse of that relationship—that he is also Sherrie’s cousin.

Despite barriers to the development of logical thought, several concepts illustrate ways in which children progress in their ability to think. Major changes concerning these concepts occur between the onset of the preoperational thought period and the culmination of adult logical thinking. Children gradually improve their perceptions and grasp of these concepts.

Classification refers to a child’s ability to sort items into various categories according to certain characteristics. The characteristics might include shape, color, texture, or size. Children gradually develop the ability to distinguish differences between objects and categorize them to reflect these differences.

For example, 2½-year-old Kwan is given a bag of red, blue, and green “creepy crawlers.” In this case the creepy crawlers consist of soft, plastic lizards, all of which are the same size and shape. When asked to put all the red lizards together in a heap, Kwan is unable to do so. She cannot yet discriminate between the colors in order to categorize or classify the lizards according to their color. However, when Kwan is given the same task at age 7, she is easily able to put the red, blue, and green lizards into their respective heaps. She has acquired the concept of classification.

Seriation refers to a child’s ability to arrange objects in order according to certain characteristics. These characteristics might include size, weight, volume, or length.

For example, a child is given a number of soda straws cut to various lengths. The child’s ability to arrange such objects from shortest to longest improves as the child’s cognitive ability develops. By age 4 or 5, a child is usually able to select both the longest and the shortest straws. However, the child still has difficulty discriminating among the middle lengths. By age 5 or 6, the child will probably be able to order the straws one by one from shortest to longest. However, this would probably be done with much concentration and some degree of difficulty. By age 7, the task of ordering the straws would probably be much easier.

The ability to apply seriation to various characteristics develops at different ages depending on the specific characteristic. For example, children are usually unable to order a series of objects according to weight until age 9. Seriation according to volume is typically not possible until approximately age 12.

Conservation, discussed earlier, refers to a child’s ability to grasp the idea that while one aspect of a substance (e.g., quantity or weight) remains the same, another aspect of that same substance (e.g., shape or position) can be changed.

For example, 4-year-old Bart is given two wads of Silly Putty of exactly equal volume. One wad is then rolled into a ball, and the other is patted into the shape of a pancake. When asked which wad has a greater among of material in it, Bart is likely to say that the pancake does. Even though Bart initially saw that the two wads were exactly equal, he focused on only the one aspect of area. In terms of area alone, the pancake appeared to Bart as if it had more substance. However, by the time Bart reached age 6 or 7, he would probably be able to state that both wads had equal substance. He would know that matter can take different forms and still have the same amount of material.

As with seriation, children achieve the ability to understand conservation at different ages depending on the characteristic to be conserved (Papalia et al., 2007). For example, whereas conservation of substance is typically attained by age 7 or 8, conservation of weight is usually not achieved until age 9 or 10, and conservation of volume not until age 11 or 12.

The period of concrete operations extends from approximately age 7 to 11 or 12 years. During this stage, a child develops the ability to think logically on a concrete level. In other words, a child has mastered the major impediments to logical thinking that were evident during earlier stages of cognitive development.

The child now develops the capacity to see things from other people’s points of view. Understanding and empathy are substantially increased during this period.

More complex thinking is developed. Situations and events can be viewed and examined in terms of many variables. The child gradually becomes less limited by centration. A child is no longer limited to solving a problem in terms of only one variable; rather, a number of variables can be taken into account. In the glass example, the child would begin to think in terms of height, volume, substance, and shape all at the same time.

A child also develops the ability to conceptualize in terms of reversibility during this period. Relationships begin to be understood from various perspectives. Returning to an example presented earlier, Gary would now understand that not only was Sherrie his cousin, but also that he was her cousin.

The concepts of classification, seriation, and conservation would also be mastered. During the period of concrete operations a child gains much flexibility in thinking about situations and events. Events are appraised from many different points of view.

Additionally, children develop their use of symbols to represent events in the real world. Their ability to understand math and to express themselves through language greatly improves. Correspondingly, their memories become sharper.

Despite the great gains in cognitive development made during the stage of concrete operations, a child is still somewhat limited. Although events are viewed from many perspectives, these perspectives are still tied to concrete issues. Children think about things they can see, hear, smell, or touch. Their focus is on thinking about things instead of ideas. Children must enter the final stage of cognitive development, the period of formal operations, before they can fully develop their cognitive capability.

The final stage of cognitive development is the period of formal operations. This period, beginning at approximately age 11 or 12 and extending to approximately age 16, characterizes cognitive development during adolescence. Technically, this chapter addresses childhood and not adolescence. However, for the purposes of continuity, Piaget’s fourth period of cognitive development will be discussed here.

Abstract thought reaches its culmination during the period of formal operations. Children become capable of taking numerous variables into consideration and creatively formulating abstract hypotheses about how things work or about why things are the way they are. Instead of being limited to thought about how things are, children begin to think about how things could be. They begin to analyze why things aren’t always as they should be.

For example, Meredy, age 10, is still limited by the more concrete type of thinking that characterizes the period of concrete operations. She is aware that a nuclear bomb was dropped on Hiroshima near the close of World War II. When asked about why this happened, she might say that the United States had to defend its own territory and this was a means of bringing the war to an end. She can conceptualize the situation and analyze it in terms of some variables. In this case the variables might include the fact that the United States was at war and had to take actions to win that war. Her ability to think through the situation might extend no further than that. When asked the same question at age 15, Meredy might have quite a different answer. She might talk about what a difficult decision such a step must have been in view of the tremendous cost in human life. She might describe the incident as one of various tactical strategies that might have been taken. She also might elaborate on the political fallout of the event. In other words, Meredy’s ability to consider multiple dimensions when assessing an idea or event would improve drastically during the period of formal operations.

Three major developments, then, characterize adolescent thought. First, the adolescent is able to identify numerous variables that affect a situation—an issue can be viewed from many perspectives. Second, the adolescent can analyze the effects of one variable on another—that is, can hypothesize about relationships and think about changing conditions. Third, an adolescent is capable ofhypothetical-deductive reasoning. In other words, an adolescent can systematically and logically evaluate many possible relationships in order to arrive at a conclusion. Various possibilities can be scrutinized in a conditional “if-then” fashion. For instance, the adolescent might begin thinking in terms of: if certain conditions exist, then certain consequences will follow.

Criticisms of Piaget’s theory have addressed his general approach and also raised questions about specific concepts. One general criticism is that the vast majority of his suppositions are based on his observations of his own children rather than on scientific studies conducted under laboratory conditions. Questions have been raised about the manner in which he observed and interviewed his children, the language he used to obtain information from them, and personal biases that may have emerged. His findings were primarily based on only three subjects, his own children, instead of on a variety of subjects from different backgrounds.

A second general criticism involves the fact that Piaget focuses on the “average” child. Questions can be raised regarding who the average child really is. Cultural, socioeconomic, and ethnic differences were not taken into account.

Consideration of only limited dimensions of human development poses yet a third general criticism. Little is said of personality or emotional growth except in specific instances where they relate directly to cognitive development. The effects of social interaction are virtually ignored. Piaget concentrates on how children see and think of objects instead of the people closest to them.

The idea that cognitive growth through these four stages stops at adolescence is a fourth general criticism. Some suggest adding a fifth stage of cognitive development involving postformal thought (Sigelman & Rider, 2009, p. 206; Sinnott, 1996; Vander Zanden, Crandell, & Crandell, 2007, p. 540). Adolescents in the formal operations stage can achieve logical thought and review many aspects of a problem or issue. However, they tend to seek a single rationally accurate answer for every question; the implication is that some absolute truth always exists (Sigelman & Rider, 2009).

Adults, who generally have a much broader range of experience, may better understand that every problem may be viewed fiom many angles. It might be said that postformal thought is characterized by dialectical thinking, an organized means of evaluating issues that considers many perspectives and possibilities; it differs significantly from “formal analysis” that tends to be linear in nature with the goal of logically determining a definite conclusion (Vander Zanden et al., 2007, p. 540). “The dialectical approach consists of understanding the merits of different or opposing points of view and looks at the possibility of integrating them into a workable solution”; an example is the analysis of a family argument about a teenager’s Friday night curfew (Vander Zanden et al., 2007, p. 540). Dialectical thinking about the event might involve assessment using a range of perspectives instead of seeking one family member to blame as the definite, single cause of the dispute. In reality, a family argument may involve all family members. Many potential solutions may exist. Is a parent being too strict and demanding? Is the teenager being irresponsible? What is the family’s history of curfew setting? Can some compromise be reached? Vander Zanden and his colleagues suggest that you might better understand dialectical thought “when you think of situations where you have been on both sides of the same issue—for example, being a child arguing with your parents, and then being a parent arguing with your child. One reason why postformal operations are attributed to older individuals is that life experience is probably necessary to see the ‘bigger picture’” (p. 540).

Piaget (1972) has offered several responses to these criticisms. First, an individual’s social environment may influence cognitive development. Persons from deprived environments may not be offered the types of stimulation and support necessary to achieve high levels of cognition. Second, individual differences might have to be taken into account. Some persons might not have the necessary ability to attain the levels of thought that characterize the formal operations period. Finally, even if a person develops a capacity for formal operational thought, this capacity may not be versatile in its application to all problems. In other words, some individuals might be unable to use formal operations with some problems or in some situations.

Questions have also been raised regarding the meaning and appropriate age level attributed to some of Piaget’s specific concepts. He appears to have erred by underestimating children’s abilities concerning various conceptual achievements. Some research replicates Piaget’s in terms of principle. However, by simplifying the language used to communicate with children and by using words and concepts with which they are familiar, other researchers have found higher levels of performance at a given age. In other words, sometimes when children can relate better to the experiment, they better understand what is expected from them and thus can perform better.

For example, consider research that involves object permanence, the concept that objects continue to exist even when they’re out of sight. According to Piaget, children don’t attain this skill until nearing age 2, at the end of the sensorimotor period. However, Baillargeon (1987) cleverly adapted his experimental procedure to eliminate the need for infants to have a higher level of muscular coordination than is developmentally possible at their age in order to respond appropriately. He found that by 4½ months, and sometimes by age 3½ months, babies indicated that they were aware of object permanence.

Piaget’s examination of egocentricity has also received some criticism. Egocentrism involves the concept that a child is unable to see things from anyone else’s perspective but his own.

The idea that children in this age group are so self-centered may be overly harsh. Many parents can think of instances in which their young children appeared to show genuine empathic ability. For example, 4-year-old Johnnie approaches his father after finding a robin’s egg that fell from the nest. He states, “Daddy, poor birdie. She lost her baby.”

Additionally, there is some evidence that children are not quite as egocentric as Piaget initially claimed and that their thinking is much more complex (Dacey & Travers, 2006; Papalia et al., 2007). A child’s ability to empathize with others depends somewhat on the circumstances and the issues involved. For example, children living in families that encourage discussion of feelings are more adept at recognizing other people’s emotions.

Piaget initially investigated egocentricity by having children observe three fabricated “mountains” of unequal heights placed on a table. Children were able to walk around the table and look at the mountains from various perspectives. They were then asked to sit in a chair at the table. A doll was placed in a chair on the opposite side of the table. The children were then shown a variety of photographs of the “mountains,” which illustrated how they looked from a number of perspectives. Piaget asked the children to select the picture that best showed how the mountains looked from where the doll sat. Children in the preoperational stage would choose the picture that best showed the mountains from where they themselves sat, not from where the doll sat. Piaget concluded, then, that the children had not yet worked through the barrier of egocentrism because they couldn’t comprehend the view of the mountains from the doll’s perspective.

When a variation of the mountain task was used, the results were quite different (Hughes, 1975; Papalia et al., 2007). Instead of “mountains,” a child was seated in front of a square table with dividers on the top to divide it into four equal sectors. The researcher placed a doll in one of the sectors and a police officer figure in another sector. The child was then asked if she thought the police officer could see the doll from where he stood. The task was then complicated by placing another police officer figure somewhere on the table. The researcher then asked the child to place the doll somewhere on the table where she thought neither police officer could see her. Of thirty children aged 3½ to 5 years, 90 percent responded correctly. Most of these young children could clearly see the situation from another’s perspective. These results differ significantly from Piaget’s. Perhaps children had trouble understanding the concept of fake “mountains” on a table, with which they were unfamiliar. On the other hand, perhaps children could better relate to and understand the concepts of police officers and dolls, both of which were familiar to them.

These and other studies indicate that the cognitive development of children is a very complicated process, perhaps much more so than Piaget could guess. It’s interesting to note that a major thrust of these more recent studies is to emphasize what young childrencan do rather than what they cannot do.

Regardless of the various criticisms, Piaget must be given great credit. Decades ago, he provided us with a foundation for thinking about cognitive development and has tremendously influenced research in this area. Additionally, he set the stage for establishing appropriate expectations regarding what types of things children at various age levels can realistically accomplish.

Lev Vygotsky proposed an alternative sociocultural theory of cognitive development to that developed by Piaget. Kail and Cavanaugh (2007) explain:

Human development is often referred to as a journey that takes people along many different paths. For Piaget ... people make this journey alone. Other people (and culture in general) certainly influence the direction that children take, but fundamentally the child is a solitary adventurer-explorer, boldly forging ahead. Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934), a Russian psychologist, proposed a very different account: Development is an apprenticeship, in which children advance when they collaborate with others who are more skilled. According to Vygotsky (1934/1986), children rarely make much headway on the developmental path when they walk alone; they progress when they walk hand in hand with an expert partner. (p. 155)

Unfortunately, Vygotsky died at the age of 37 from tuberculosis so never had time to fully develop his theory. However, he has had a major impact on the understanding of cognitive development. He stressed that “children’s thinking does not develop in a vacuum, but is influenced by the sociocultural context in which children grow up” (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007, p. 17).

Several important principles underlie Vygotsky’s theory (Vander Zanden et al., 2007). First, a child’s development will differ depending on what’s going on around that child. In other words, children will develop differently depending on the social and cultural circumstances and expectations evident in where they grow up. Second, children develop as they are exposed to various social situations and changes to which they must respond. Third, development occurs as part of children’s interaction in group activities. Fourth, children develop by observing others and learning from the activities and performance of those around them. Fifth, children must use a scheme of symbols such as language in order to process what they see and learn new skills. Sixth, children learn cultural values through their interaction with others around them.

According to Vygotsky, then, children interact with others and observe these interactions. They frame these interactions in their minds by thinking about them through the use of language. They then develop their ability to think and learn in the context of interpersonal interaction and understanding this interaction through language.

Vander Zanden and his colleagues (2007) provide an example of this process:

The child, according to Vygotsky, will observe something happening between others and then will be able to take that observation and mentally incorporate it. One of Vygotsky’s examples is the way children use language. First, a child will be told “Say please and thank you” by his or her parents. The child will also see people saying “Please” and “Thank you” to each other. Then the child will begin to say these words aloud. By saying “Please” and “Thank you” aloud, the child is internalizing the words and the concepts they stand for in a social setting. Only after assimilating the words’ meaning can the child individually start to act in a polite manner. It follows that development is always a social process for Vygotsky, and the child—adult interaction plays an important role (Berk & Winsler, 1995). So it should come as no surprise that for Vygotsky, the way to understand development is to observe the individual in a social activity. (p. 55)

North American culture encourages independence on the part of children (Vander Zanden et al., 2007). From birth on, children usually sleep in a room apart from their parents. Children are often placed out of the home in day care while their parents work. “Parents also reinforce a preference for objects rather than people to be used as means of comforting in times of distress. Children are supplied and rely on ‘blankies,’ pacifiers, and stuffed animals rather than parents or other people to console them when they are upset or conflicted. Parents and children become adversaries over sleeping arrangements as children get older. The ‘terrible twos’ revolve around the young child’s eventual demand for independence” (Vander Zanden et al., 2007, p. 55). The culture generally encourages independence and competition. Children compete in school. Young adults compete for college admission. Workers compete for raises and advancement in their workplace environments.

In contrast, Vander Zanden and his colleagues (2007) describe how other cultures may encourage interdependence instead of independence:

Child-rearing practices in many other cultures stress interdependence, sometimes called collectivism, over independence or individualism, with the focus on ties to family. Children are socialized to think of themselves as being part of a group or community, rather than an individual at odds with those in the vicinity. For example, in the Pacific Island nation of Kiribati, an infant is in constant contact with some member of the extended family during the first year of life—sleeping with, eating with, and tagging along to work with a family member. These infants are socially involved in all of the day-to-day activities of the mother and father. Three generations of a family will gather around the baby to sing traditional songs while the infant is initiated into the social and cultural rhythms of the community. Rather than battling parents over issues of independence, the caregivers support the needs of the infant as they carry out the routine activities—there is no battle of the wills. (p. 55)

Spotlight on Diversity 3.3 illustrates how values can be shaped depending on the cultural environment in which a child is raised.

At least three concepts are important in understanding Vygotsky’s perspective: the zone of proximal development, scaffolding, and private speech (Vygotsky, 1934/1986).

The zone of proximal (meaning “near”) development is “the difference between what a learner can accomplish independently and what he or she can accomplish with the guidance and encouragement of a more skilled partner” (Vygotsky, 1978; Shaffer & Kipp, 2007, p. 278). In other words, the zone “refers to a range of tasks that the child cannot yet handle alone but can do with the help of ... [others who are better at performing the activity.] To understand this idea, think of a sensitive adult ... who introduces a child to a new activity. The adult picks a task that the child can master but that is challenging enough that the child cannot do it by herself. Or the adult capitalizes on an activity that the child has chosen. The adult guides and supports, adjusting the level of support offered to fit the child’s current level of performance. As the child joins in the interaction and picks up mental strategies, her competence increases, and the adult steps back, permitting the child to take more responsibility for the task. This form of teaching—known as scaffolding [discussed in the next section]—promotes learning at all ages” (Berk, 2008b, p. 227).

The zone of proximal development, then, reflects the level of thinking a child can master when participating in an activity by him- or herself, compared to the higher level of learning that can occur by watching and interacting with others who know more about the activity. Consider the following example (Shaffer & Kipp, 2007):

Tanya, a 4-year-old, has just received her first jigsaw puzzle. She attempts to work the puzzle but gets nowhere until her father sits down beside her and gives her some tips. He suggests that it would be a good idea to put together the corners first, points to the pink area at the edge of one corner piece and says, “Let’s look for another pink piece.” When Tanya seems frustrated, he places two interlocking pieces near each other so that she will notice them, and when Tanya succeeds, he offers words of encouragement. As Tanya gradually gets the hang of it, he steps back and lets her work more and more independently. (p. 277)

One means by which children learn in the zone of proximal development is a process called scaffolding. In commonplace language, a scaffold implies a structure of support. Vygotsky defined scaffolding as the process whereby “adults help children learn how to think by ‘scaffolding,’ or supporting, their attempts to solve problems or discover principles” (Coon & Mitterer, 2009, p. 126; Daniels, 2005).

Dacey and Travers (2006) explain:

Think of scaffolding as a way of helping children move from initial difficulties with a topic to a point where, with help, they perform the task independently. Picture a child learning to play tennis. She volleys fairly well but has difficulty serving. Watching her, you notice that, when she tosses the ball into the air and starts to swing, her grip slips slightly. You mention this to her and suggest that she change her grip. She tries but still has difficulty. You remind her of the proper finger placement; she continues to practice; gradually it all comes together, and you fade gracefully into the background. (p. 45)

Consider Timmy, a 4-year-old who talks to himself intensively as he draws a picture of his house. Vygotsky emphasized the significance of private speech, “comments that are not intended for others but are designed to help children regulate their own behavior” (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007, p. 156; Vgyotsky 1934/1986).

Kail and Cavanaugh (2007) describe the significance of private speech: “Vygotsky viewed private speech as an intermediate step toward self-regulation of cognitive skills. At first, children’s behavior is regulated by speech from other people that is directed toward them. When youngsters first try to control their own behavior and thoughts, without others present, they instruct themselves by speaking aloud. Private speech seems to be children’s way of guiding themselves, of making sure that they do all the required steps in solving a problem. Finally, as children gain ever greater skill, private speech becomes inner speech, which was Vygotsky’s term for thought” (p. 156). Dacey and Travers (2006) provide an illustration:

For example, think of a 5-year-old girl asked to get a book from a library shelf. The book is just out of her reach, and as she tries to reach it, she mutters to herself, “Need a chair.” After dragging a chair over, she climbs up and reaches for the book. “Is that the one?” “Just a little more.” “OK.” Note how speech accompanies her physical movements, guiding her behavior. In two or three years, the same girl, asked to do the same thing, will probably act the same way, with one major exception: She won’t be talking aloud. Vygotsky believed she would be talking to herself, using inner speech to guide her behavior, and for the difficult tasks she undoubtedly would use inner speech to plan her behavior. (p. 138)

Vygotsky’s theory stresses the importance of social interaction and how a person functions within the environmental context, concepts basic to social work practice. This contrasts with Piaget’s theory, which proposes that all children progress through predefined phases in essentially the same way.

At least two positive implications of Vygotsky’s theory are important (Newman & Newman, 2006). First, it allows for appreciation of diverse cultures. The thinking of people raised in one culture will differ from that of people raised in other cultures. Newman and Newman (2006) provide an example of very different styles of sociocultural learning:

Levy (1996) compared concepts of learning and intelligence in a Tahitian and a Nepalese community. The Tahitians believed that children learn primarily through play, imitation, trial and error. Adults do not do much to instruct young children, assuming that they will learn most things by themselves.... In contrast, the Nepalese adults believed that children needed direct instruction in every area or risk the formation of “bad character.” Without this guided instruction, the Nepalese thought that children could not achieve mastery. In the Nepalese community, learning and intelligence were viewed as resulting from the internalization of the community’s knowledge. (p. 72)

A second positive implication of Vygotsky’s theory is that “individuals can promote their own cognitive development by seeking interactions with others who can help draw them to higher levels of functioning within their zone of proximal development.... [Thus,] development can be facilitated through interactions with more skillful play companions or collaborators” (Newman & Newman, 2006, p. 72).

There are also criticisms of Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory. For example, interactions that “rely heavily on the kinds of verbal instruction that Vygotsky emphasized may be less adaptive in some cultures or less useful for some forms of learning than for others. A young child learning to stalk prey in Australia’s outback or to plant, care for, and harvest rice in Southeast Asia may profit more from observation and practice than from verbal instruction and encouragement. Other investigators are finding that collaborative problem solving among peers does not always benefit the collaborators and may actually undermine task performance if the more competent collaborator is not very confident about what he knows or if he fails to adapt his instruction to a partner’s level of understanding” (Shaffer & Kipp, 2007, pp. 284–285).

Berk (2008b) provides other criticisms:

Vygotsky’s emphasis on culture and social experience led him to neglect the biological side of development. Although he recognized the importance of heredity and brain growth, he said little about their role in cognitive change. Furthermore, Vygotsky’s focus on social transmission of knowledge meant that, compared with other theorists, he placed less emphasis on children’s capacity to shape their own development. Followers of Vygotsky stress that children actively participate in the conversations and social activities from which their development springs. From these joint experiences, they not only acquire culturally valued practices but also modify and transform those practices (Rogoff, 1998, 2003). Contemporary sociocultural theorists grant the individual and society balanced, mutually influential roles. (p. 25)

Vygotsky appears to be the recipient of less criticism than Piaget. There are at least two reasons for this. First, his approach fits well with the social work person-in-environment focus. Second, Vygotsky died very young, before being able to develop his theory to the fullest. Perhaps greater specificity would have allowed more options for detailed criticism.

Both the concepts of personality and cognition and the relationship between them are complex and abstract. It is not clear exactly how thinking affects personality or how personality affects thinking. The tremendous amount of variation from one individual to another, and even one individual’s varying reactions from one situation to another, makes it even more difficult to comprehend these concepts.

Emotions are also involved in a person’s development. They complicate the profile of an individual’s personality even further. For our purposes, emotion is the complex combination of feelings and moods that involves subtle psychological reactions and is expressed by displaying characteristic patterns of behavior. For example, a 4-year-old boy’s goldfish might be found floating belly-up one morning. On hearing the unhappy news, the boy might become upset. His heart might start beating faster, and his breathing might accelerate. Finally, he might run to his room and start to cry. In this case, the boy has experienced an emotion. His body responded as he became upset. Finally, the behavior of crying clearly displayed his emotional state.

Bridges (1932), a very early researcher of infants’ emotions, claimed that infants initially showed only one basic emotion—excitement. J. B. Watson (1919), another early researcher, felt that infants were capable of three basic emotions: love, rage, and fear. Each of these emotions, according to Watson, was emitted as a reflex reaction to a specific stimulus. For example, an infant would experience love if stroked softly and spoken to gently by a parent, rage if physically restrained, and fear if suddenly startled by an unexpected loud noise.

Immediately upon birth, infants can express general interest, disgust, and distress. Other emotions including surprise, anger, and sadness occur approximately during the third to fourth month of life. Fear is displayed during months 5 through 7. Emotions that reflectself-awareness tend to develop later, sometimes not until the second year. Self-awareness is the realization that one is a unique entity distinctly separate from the surrounding environment and is involved in interaction with people and things in that environment. Such emotions include shyness, jealousy, pride, and shame.

One means by which babies can clearly display their emotions is through crying. Infants demonstrate at least three types of crying (Bukatko & Daehler, 2004; Papalia et al., 2007; Santrock, 2008). First, there is the hungry cry (also referred to as the basic cry), a “rhythmic sequence consisting of a vocalization, a pause, an intake of air, and another pause” (Bukatko & Daehler, 2004, p. 387). This cry is used when a child is hungry but can also occur at other times. The second type is the angry cry, an exceptionally loud cry in which the baby forces a large column of air through the vocal cords. The third type, the cry of pain, is characterized by an initial loud wail with no preceding sniffling or moaning. The cry may be followed by the baby’s holding its breath for a long period.

Kail and Cavanaugh (2007) explain the significance of crying: “Crying represents the newborn’s first venture into interpersonal communication; by crying, babies tell their parents that they are hungry or tired, angry or hurt. By responding to these cries, parents are encouraging their newborn’s efforts to communicate” (p. 90).

According to Berk (2006):

Although parents do not always interpret their baby’s cry correctly, their accuracy improves with experience.... Fortunately, there are many ways to soothe a crying baby when feeding and diaper changing do not work.... The technique that Western parents usually try first, lifting the baby to the shoulder and rocking or walking, is most effective. (p. 153)

Different societies use different techniques to comfort crying babies (Berk, 2008b). For example, in the harsh altitudes of the Andes Mountains, a Peruvian mother covers her infant’s body, including the head, with layers of blankets and clothing, and then places the infant’s pouch on her back. The warmth and rhythmic motion of the mother’s walking serves to soothe the infant and encourage sleep. The desert !Kung people of Botswana carry their infants in hip slings made of animal skins. This positioning allows infants to view what’s going on around them and also to “nurse at will” (p. 152). Infants in cultures that promote extensive close contact with their mothers tend to cry less than North American babies (Barr, 2001).

Babies can also express themselves emotionally through smiling and laughing. Infants smiling at their parents and their parents smiling back provide a major means of fostering the primary relationship between children and parents.

Infants tend to progress through three basic phases of smiling (Lefrancois, 1999; Papalia et al., 2007). Reflex smiling is the first phase. Almost immediately after birth, infants can be observed smiling. At one time this was thought to be related to intestinal gas. However, research indicates that it occurs automatically as a function of central nervous system development (Papalia et al., 2007).

The second phase involves social smiling. During this phase, infants smile in response to someone they see or hear. Their attention is directed more toward other people. Many infants display social smiling by their fourth week (Lefrancois, 1999).

The final phase is the selective social phase, in which children smile in reaction to people and sounds they recognize. This phase begins by about 3½ months (Lefrancois, 1999). The smiling process reflects infants’ gradual orientation toward other people and social relationships.

Laughing begins at about the fourth month. The older they get, the more frequently babies laugh and the more they find to laugh at. It is thought that to some extent laughter presents a means of releasing tension in situations that might otherwise be frightening or unpredictable (Lefrancois, 1999; Papalia et al., 2007).

It’s difficult to refer to personality with respect to infants. Personality implies a complex mixture of attitudes, expressions, and behaviors that develop over time and characterize a specific individual. Infants don’t yet have enough breadth or ability for expression to portray the complexity inherent in personality. Rather, psychologists tend to refer to an infant’s temperament instead of personality.Temperament is each individual’s distinguishing mental and emotional nature that results in a characteristic pattern of responses to people and situations.

Infant temperament can be divided into at least three dimensions: emotionality, activity, and sociability (Sigelman & Rider, 2006, pp. 291–292). Emotionality is the intensity of an infant’s reaction to circumstances, how easily the infant is provoked, and how quickly the emotional reaction can be subdued. Activity refers to the pace and energy with which an infant undertakes action. Sociability is the extent to which an infant prefers interaction and involvement with others. “Some babies are more emotionally reactive, or easily and intensely irritated by events, than others are. Some are highly active; others are relatively sluggish. Some are very sociable or interested in and responsive to people; others are more standoffish” (Sigelman & Rider, 2006, p. 292).

An infant’s temperament involves emotionality, activity, and sociability.

John Henley/Jupiter Images

Psychologists use three basic categories of temperament to characterize children (Berk, 2008b; Bukatko & Daehler, 2004;Santrock, 2008; Sigelman & Rider, 2009; A. Thomas & Chess, 1977). Easy children are those whose lives have a relatively predictable, rhythmic pattern. They are generally cheerful and easy to get along with. They accept change well and are interested in new situations. The second category of child temperament includes difficult children. These children are frequently irritable, show much irregularity in their daily pattern of activities, and have much difficulty adapting to new situations. They can have intense reactions when confronted with something unfamiliar. Finally, there are the slow-to-warm-up children. They tend to have a generally low level of activity, a mild temperament, and moderate reactions to new situations and experiences. They often withdraw from the unfamiliar, at least initially, and are slow to make changes in themselves.

Generally speaking, early temperament tendencies can be reflected throughout childhood (Rothbart, Ahadi, & Evans, 2000; Rothbart, Ahadi, Hershey, & Fisher, 2001). “Easy infants usually stay easy; difficult infants often remain difficult, sometimes developing attention and aggression problems in childhood (Guerin, Gottfried, & Thomas, 1997); timid, or slow-to-warm-up, toddlers tend to become shy preschoolers, restrained and inhibited eight-year-olds, and somewhat anxious teenagers (Schwartz, Kagan, & Snidman, 1995)” (Bernstein, Penner, Clarke-Stewart, & Roy, 2003, p. 454).

Children characterized as difficult often elicit the most concern because of their increased risk of adjustment difficulties (Bates, Wachs, & Emde, 1994). Problems might include “anxious withdrawal and aggressive behavior in early and middle childhood” (Berk, 2008b, p. 260). “Compared with difficult children, slow-to-warm-up children do not present many problems in the early years. However, they tend to show excessive fearfulness and slow, constricted behavior in the late preschool and school years, when they are expected to respond actively and quickly in classrooms and peer groups” (Berk, 2008b, p. 260; Schmitz et al., 1999).

More than a third of children do not fit neatly into one of these three categories (Berk, 2008b). Many children show a combination of difficult and easy characteristics, yet still fall clearly within the realm of what is considered normal. For instance, a child may have an extremely irregular sleeping schedule, yet reach out and adapt quickly to new, unfamiliar people. Likewise, a child may be cheerful and easygoing most of the time, but horribly stubborn and difficult to live with on some occasions, such as when visiting relatives. The research points to some general tendencies; however, each infant, child, and adult is a unique person.

To what extent does infant temperament extend into adulthood? As time passes and children grow into adults, “temperamental stability is generally low to moderate” (Berk, 2006, p. 214; Newman & Newman, 2009; Putnam, Samson, & Rothbart, 2000). There is some evidence that various facets of temperament “such as shyness and sociability, are stable over the long term only in children at the extremes—those who are very inhibited or very outgoing to begin with” (Berk, 2005, p. 261; Kerr, Lambert, Stattin, & Klackenberg-Larsson, 1994).

Theorists generally concur that an infant’s temperament results from both hereditary and environmental factors (Berk, 2008b; Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007). One study found that identical twins were more likely to reflect a similar temperament than were fraternal twins (Goldsmith, Buss, & Lemery, 1997). Yet the relationship is neither perfect nor clear.

Why does temperament change for many people as they age? People modify their behavior and attitudes as they encounter new experiences. A major variable related to overall adjustment may be the “goodness” or “poorness” of fit between the individual and the expectations in the social environment (Santrock, 2008; Sigelman & Rider, 2009). For instance, take parents who expect to have a dynamic, motivated child who is eager for new experiences. If they discover that their child is mild-mannered, hesitant, and somewhat shy, they may be very disappointed. They may even place inordinate pressure on the child to be very different than he naturally is. On the other hand, take parents who sustain a family climate where moods are intense, daily routines are irregular, and changes are assimilated only slowly. A difficult child’s fit in such a family may be good. The family may not view the child as difficult at all, but rather as normal.

If parents recognize that their child has a temperament of his own that may be very different from their own temperaments, they can make adjustments in their own behavior and expectations to help that child along. For instance, a slow-to-warm-up child can be given more time to adjust to new situations. Likewise, parents of a difficult child who has trouble organizing her day in a predictable manner can help her by providing structure and helping her learn how to make plans and carry them out. Spotlight 3.4 discusses cross-cultural expectations and temperament.

Attachment “is a strong affectional tie that binds a person to an intimate companion” (Sigelman & Rider, 2009 p. 406). Attachment theory, originally developed by John Bowlby (1969), provides a major perspective on initial human relationships. Kail and Cavanaugh (2007) remark:

Bowlby believed that children who form an attachment to an adult—that is, an enduring socio-emotional relationship—are more likely to survive. This person is usually the mother but need not be; the key is a strong emotional relationship with a responsive, caring person. Attachments also form with fathers, grandparents, and others. (p. 180)

Attachment theory emphasizes the importance of interaction between parent (or other caregiver) and child that results in emotional bonding. The infant is viewed as an active participant in the relationship-building process. This perspective differs from Freud’s oral stage, which stresses the infant’s passivity and dependence on the caregiver.

Attachment tends to occur in five stages over time (Newman & Newman, 2009):

· Stage 1: During the first 3 months of life, infants learn to distinguish between people and things. Subsequently, they respond increasingly more to people in general by smiling and vocalizing.

· Stage 2: From age 3 to 6 months, infants learn to distinguish between primary caregivers and strangers. They respond more positively to care-givers and display enthusiasm and excitement during their interactions. They also demonstrate upset when the caregiver leaves. The complex process of emotional attachment develops as the infant and caregiver learn how to respond to each other.

· Stage 3: From age 6 to 9 months, infants search out their caregivers and try to stay close to them. As crawling and mobility increase, infants maintain periodic eye contact with their caregiver as they explore their environment. They begin paying closer attention to the caregivers’ reactions to their behavior and often respond accordingly. For example, an infant might smile if the caregiver is near and giving the child close attention. Or the infant might quickly return to the caregiver if he perceives that the caregiver is too far away.

· Stage 4: From about age 9 to 12 months, infants develop a more detailed internal picture of the caregiver, her behavior, and her expectations. Infants become more adept at interpreting the caregiver’s reactions and anticipating how the caregiver will respond to their distress.

· Stage 5: Beginning at age 12 months, the child develops increased sensitivity to his dynamic interaction with the caregiver. The child begins showing affection while seeking the love, attention, and physical contact he needs. Children might ask their mother to read them a bedtime story or give them a hug.

Attachment theory emphasizes the importance of interaction between parent (or other caregiver) and child that results in emotional bonding.

Camille Tokerud/Getty Images

Parental and social expectations that vary dramatically from one culture to another can affect the development of temperament. Malaysian infants tend to be less flexible and responsive to new situations and more reactive to outside stimuli than American infants; this may be due to the fact that Malaysian parents shelter children from new conditions that necessitate adaptability, on the one hand, and promote sensitivity to new sensations such as the need for a diaper change, on the other (Papalia et al., 2007; Banks, 1989).

Sigelman and Rider (2009) comment on an example posed by the Masai in East Africa:

In most settings, an easy temperament is likely to be more adaptive than a difficult one, but among the Masai during famine, babies with difficult temperaments outlived easy babies. Why? Perhaps because Masai parents believe that difficult babies are future warriors or perhaps because babies who cry loud and long get noticed and fed. As this example suggests, a particular temperament may be a good fit to the demands of one environment but maladaptive under other circumstances. (p. 315)

One cross-cultural study of Canadian and Chinese 2-year-olds found significant differences in temperament, with Chinese children generally being much shyer and more withdrawn than Canadian children (Chen et al., 1998). Canadian mothers were much more punitive and overprotective in orientation with shy children, whereas Chinese mothers supported and encouraged introverted behavior. Perhaps this difference is due to the expectation in Western countries such as Canada that children should be more outgoing and assertive if they’re ever going to get anywhere in this world. Mothers might react to shy behavior either with cold rejection or with coddling. In contrast, introversion and self-control are valued in China. Therefore, mothers might encourage this sort of temperament and discourage more aggressive behavior.

Another example involves a group of Mayans in southern Mexico, the Zinacantecos (Greenfield & Childs, 1991). Their infants tend to be very quiet and relatively immobile as newborns. Bernstein and his colleagues (2003) explain that Mayan mothers

reinforce this innate predisposition toward restrained motor activity by swaddling their infants and by nursing at the slightest sign of movement.... This combination of genetic predisposition and cultural reinforcement is culturally adaptive: Quiet Mayan infants do not kick off their covers at night, which is important in the cold highlands where they live; inactive infants are able to spend long periods on their mother’s back as she works at the loom; infants who do not begin to walk until they can understand some language do not wander into the open fire at the center of the house. (p. 454)

Four factors contribute to the attachment between child and caregiver (Cassidy, 1999; Colin, 1996):

1. Significant amount of time spent together.

2. Alert reactions to the child’s needs and the provision of attentive care.

3. The caregiver’s emotional responsiveness and depth of commitment to the child.

4. Being readily available in a child’s life over a long period of time.

These variables make sense. The more responsive the care, attentiveness, and emotional commitment demonstrated by a caregiver are, the more intense the relationship with the child will be. Such qualities also provide the child with more opportunities to respond positively to the caregiver’s overtures. Positive responses can reinforce the dynamic interpersonal interaction between caregiver and child, resulting in an ever-increasing level of attachment.

Infants and caregivers have various degrees of attachment that are distinguished by the closeness and quality of the relationship. Four patterns have been established: secure attachment, anxious-avoidant attachment, anxious-resistant attachment, and disorganized attachment. Most infants form a secure attachment with their mother (or other primary caregiver or caregivers) (R. A. Thompson, 1998). Newman and Newman (2009) explain:

Infants who have a secure attachment actively explore their environment and interact with strangers while their mothers are present. After separation, the babies actively greet their mothers or seek interaction. If the babies were distressed during separation, the mothers’ return reduces their distress and the babies return to exploration of the environment. Infants who show an anxious-avoidant attachment avoid contact with their mothers after separation or ignore their efforts to interact. They show less distress at being alone than other babies. Infants who show an anxious-resistant attachment are very cautious in the presence of the stranger. Their exploratory behavior is noticeably disrupted by the caregiver’s departure. When the caregiver returns, the infants appear to want to be close to the care-giver, but they are also angry, so that they are very hard to soothe or comfort. In the disorganized attachment, babies’ responses are particularly notable in the reunion sequence. The disorganized babies have no consistent strategy for managing their distress. They behave in contradictory, unpredictable ways that seem to convey feelings of extreme fear or utter confusion. (p. 153)

The characteristics of both infant and caregiver contribute to the development of attachment. Caregivers who are sensitive to a child’s needs and demonstrate the factors related to attachment discussed previously may facilitate the attachment process (Newman & Newman, 2009; Papalia et al., 2007). Infant characteristics such as irritability may make the attachment process more difficult, although research indicates that caregivers’ responsive, positive approaches to meeting infants’ needs tend to override infant characteristics in the attachment process (Berk, 2008b).

One research review examined 63 studies exploring the relationship between parent-child attachment and children’s subsequent development of social relationships with peers (Schneider, Atkinson, & Tardif, 2001). Children who manifested secure attachment with caregivers early on tended to have more positive social interactions with peers as they got older and formed closer friendships. It follows that children who learn how to trust and interact positively as young children can apply these skills when they develop other social relationships later on.

When considering the importance of attachment and interaction, some working parents worry about the effects that day care might have on their children. Coon and Mitterer (2009) address this issue:

Does commercial day care interfere with the quality of attachment? It depends on the quality of day care. Overall, high-quality day care does not adversely affect attachment to parents (National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, 1999). In fact, children in high-quality day care tend to have better relationships with their mothers and fewer behavior problems. They also have better cognitive skills and language abilities (Burchinal et al., 2000; Vandell, 2004). Thus, high-quality day care can actually improve children’s social and mental skills. (p. 112)

However, note that poor-quality day care has just the opposite effects (Coon & Mitterer, 2009). It can actually encourage behavior problems to develop (Pierrehumbert, Ramstein, Karmaniola, Miljkovitch, & Halfon, 2002).

As with temperament, social expectations adopted by parents (or other caregivers) for children’s levels of attachment, dependence, activity, or autonomy may affect how attachment develops. Berk (2008b) reflects:

German infants show considerably more avoidant attachment than American babies do. But German parents encourage their infants to be nonclingy and independent, so the baby’s behavior may be an intended outcome of cultural beliefs and practices (Grossmann et al., 1985). In contrast, a study of infants of the Dogon people of Mali, Africa, revealed that none showed avoidance attachment to their mothers (True, Pisani, & Oumar, 2001). Even when grandmothers are primary caregivers (as is the case with firstborn sons), Dogon mothers remain available to their babies, holding them close and nursing them promptly in response to hunger and distress. (p. 272)

A high proportion of Japanese infants demonstrate anxious-resistant attachment. They are quite wary of strangers (Berk, 2008b), perhaps because Japanese mothers keep their infants very close to them. Japanese parents value infants’ dependence on them and expect infants to resist separation; thus, anxious-resistant attachment is a normal expectation for the development of the Japanese parent-child relationship (Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000).

Finally, although cultural variations in attachment do exist, secure attachment still tends to be the norm in most infant-caregiver relationships (van IJzendoorn & Sagi, 1999).

What constitutes good day care? Parents should assess at least five aspects when considering a day-care center or provider (Howes, 1997). First, there should be a small staff-child ratio so that children receive adequate personal attention. Second, the size of the total group present should be no more than 12 to 15 children. Once again, the importance of personal attention is stressed. Third, caregivers should be trained in various relevant areas such as child development and child management to best meet children’s needs. Fourth, staffing should be stable with little turnover so that children can be secure in their relationships with caregivers and suffer minimal disruption. Fifth, the daily experience should be steady and predictable, with clearly established procedures and effectively planned activities. Coon and Mitterer (2009) note that parents should also probably “avoid any child-care center with the words zoo,menagerie, or stockade in its name” (p. 112).

Spotlight 3.5 addresses cross-cultural differences in attachment.

All individuals form impressions about who they think they are. It’s almost as if each person develops a unique theory regarding who exactly she feels she is. This personal impression of one’s own “unique attributes and traits,” both “positive and negative,” is referred to as the self-concept (Sigelman & Rider, 2009, p. 309). The idea of self-concept was introduced earlier in a discussion of Carl Rogers’ self theory. A related idea is that of self-esteem. Self-esteem refers to a person’s judgment of his or her own value. Although self-concept may include more aspects about the self than just value, the two terms are often used interchangeably.

Self-concept is an important theme throughout mental health literature. Improving one’s self-concept is often seen as a therapeutic goal for people with adjustment problems and as a means of empowerment. One’s self-concept is important throughout life. In order to continue working, living, striving, and positively interacting with others, one must have a positive self-concept. In other words, one must feel good enough about oneself to continue living and being productive. This is just as true for children as it is for adults. Highlight 3.3demonstrates the effects of positive and negative self-concepts in children.

The self-concept is an abstract idea. It is difficult to explain exactly what it involves. However, it is still an important factor in a person’s ability to function. People of virtually any age need to feel good about themselves in order to be confident and enjoy life’s experiences.

Two 5-year-old girls, one with a good self-concept and the other with a relatively poor self-concept, illustrate the enormous effects of self-concept. Julie, who has a positive perception of self, is fairly confident in new situations. When she enters kindergarten, she assertively introduces herself to her peers and eagerly makes new friends. She frequently becomes a leader in their games. She often volunteers to answer her teacher’s questions. Her teacher considers her happy and well adjusted.

In contrast, Mary has a relatively poor self-concept. She does not think very highly of herself or her abilities. On her first day of kindergarten, she usually stays by herself or lingers on the fringes of activities. She speaks little to others out of fear that they might criticize her. She really wants to be liked but is worried that there is nothing to like about her. Thus, it is easier for her to remain quiet and unobtrusive. For example, one day the teacher brings out pieces of colored clay for the children to play with. Being so quiet and afraid, Mary does not rush up to her teacher to get hers even though playing with clay is one of her favorite pastimes. Rather, she waits until all the other children have their clay and are returning to their seats.

By the time Mary approaches the teacher, all the clay has been handed out. Instead of clay her teacher gives her a coloring book and some crayons. Mary takes them passively and begins to color a big yellow duck. All the while she is crying silently to herself. She is very disappointed that she did not get any clay. She also is hoping no one will notice that she is different from everyone else. Mary has a poor self-concept. She is afraid of others and what they might think. She does not have much self-esteem.

Theoreticians have emphasized the social significance of the self-concept and have labeled it “the meeting ground of the individual and society” (Markus & Nurius, 1984, p. 147). Middle childhood is the period when children are confronted with social expectations and demands. They become aware of the importance of the social setting and begin evaluating how they fit in.

One way of exploring the issue of self-esteem or self-worth stems from Harter’s work (1987, 1988, 1990, 1993, 1998, 1999, 2006). (For the purposes of our discussion the terms self-esteem and self-worth will be used interchangeably.) Harter postulates that children develop a sense of global self-worth, an overall view of how positively they feel about themselves, in two ways. First, self-worth is based on how competent children perceive themselves to be. Second, self-esteem depends on the amount of social support they receive from those around them. Children tend to establish positive or negative perceptions of themselves by about age 5, but they are unable to describe this awareness in words until about age 8 (Papalia et al., 2007).

In exploring self-worth, Harter asked elementary-school children how competent and confident they felt about five different areas of their lives. The first, scholastic competence, involved how well children felt they performed in doing schoolwork. The second area concerned athletic competence, the children’s perception of their sports prowess. Third, children were asked about their social competence—that is, how well accepted and popular they felt they were. The fourth area of competence concerned behavioral conduct, or how the children felt others viewed their behavior. The fifth area was physical appearance, how attractive they felt they appeared to others and how they felt about their specific physical characteristics (such as height, weight, hair, or facial attractiveness). In addition to these five areas, Harter asked questions directed at the children’s overall sense of global self-worth.

Harter’s research resulted in at least three major findings. First, the most significant variable contributing to self-esteem was how much positive regard children felt from people around them. The most important people were parents and classmates, followed by friends and teachers. It is interesting that these children rated classmates above friends in terms of importance. Perhaps they felt more social pressure and experienced more painful criticism from peers they were not close to. It is also interesting that children at all grade levels rated their parents high in importance. This contradicts the idea that as children grow up, their peers become more significant to them and their parents lose ground.

A second research finding was the ranking of the five areas. For both younger children (grades 3 through 5) and older children (grades 6 through 8), physical appearance was the most important, and behavioral conduct was the least important.

A third significant result involved the relationship between self-worth and affect (emotional mood). Children who felt a more positive global self-worth tended to be happier. They also were more likely to involve themselves in activities, trust in their own beliefs, express a high level of self-confidence, and handle criticism better. Those children who had a poorer sense of global self-worth were less happy, sad, and even depressed. They tended to hold themselves back from activities and be watchers rather than doers. They also were more likely to criticize themselves and to experience frustration more easily.

The implications of this study are that it is important to enhance children’s self-esteem, especially those children with exceptionally low levels. In fact, most programs aimed at helping parents develop effective child management skills stress the significance of developing children’s self-esteem (Silvestri, Dantonio, & Eason, 1994).

Several issues and life events that can affect children are discussed in this section. They were selected based on the importance of the effects they have on children and on the probability that social workers will encounter these issues in practice. The issues are intelligence testing, along with its potential problems and cultural biases; cognitive disabilities (mental retardation); learning disabilities; and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Content focuses on both characteristics and treatment.

Intelligence may be defined as the ability to understand, to learn, and to deal with new, unknown situations. Beyond this general definition, little is known about the origins of intelligence. Attempts to refine and clarify the definition have ranged from primitive measurement of head size, referred to as phrenology, to the listing of specific mental abilities that are supposed to be involved in intelligence (e.g., the ability to perceive spatial relationships, perceptual speed, memory, word fluency, reasoning, numerical ability, and verbal ability) (Thurstone, 1938).

Cattell (1971) identifies two different types of intelligence, fluid and crystallized. Fluid intelligence is an individual’s natural aptitude for solving highly conceptual problems as well as other problems, remembering facts, attending to the task at hand, and calculating numerical figures. This type of intelligence is innate and, therefore, theoretically not subject to change over the life span. Such native aspects of intelligence include the ability to perform abstract computations and memory capabilities. Crystallized intelligence, on the other hand, includes intellectual abilities that emphasize verbal communication and involve the ability to learn from others in the social environment through education and interaction. For instance, the person can learn a language or increase vocabulary. The person can also acquire new information and benefit from what has been learned through experience.

It would logically follow, then, that fluid intelligence would remain relatively constant throughout the life span, but that crystallized intelligence has the potential to increase.

Sternberg (1984, 1985, 1986, 1987, 1990, 1996, 2000a, 2000b, 2004) has proposed a triarchic theory of human intelligence that emphasizes the context in which behavior occurs. He believes that three major components are involved in intelligence. These components are integrally related to a person’s adaptive behavior—that is, what is relevant in the individual person’s environment. For example, Bill Klumpe’s business was to install septic tanks around small towns and rural farmlands in southeastern Wisconsin. Septic tanks were necessary because public sewers were unavailable throughout the area. Bill’s reading skills were so poor that he had barely passed the written test to get his driver’s license. The advent of calculators was a blessing to him because he was not adept at adding and subtracting numbers when figuring out what his customers owed him.

However, Bill was the best septic tank installer people in the area had ever seen. He had learned the business as a teenager, and now, in his 50s, he knew just about everything about septic tanks. He could look at a piece of schedule 40 PVC piping and know immediately if it was the right size for the proper drainage capacity. His gaskets were perfect, and his pipe couplings never leaked. His buddies at the bowling alley tavern sometimes would tease him, “You don’t have a brain in your head, but you sure can dig!” Sternberg would say that what Bill had was intelligence. He had the capability to use his mind extremely well in those areas that were most significant to him.

Thus, Sternberg’s model emphasizes the relevance of what people think about. The three specific components of intelligence are the componential, experiential, and contextual elements. The componential element involves how people think about, process, and analyze information to solve problems and evaluate their results. People who have high levels of componential intelligence also score highly on intelligence tests and are good at debate and formulating arguments.

The second component of intelligence, according to Sternberg, is the experiential element. This involves a person’s actual doing of a task. It is the insightful, perceptive facet of intellect that enables an individual to put together information in new and creative ways. For example, Einstein conceptualized a theory of relativity. Part of this has to do with being able to master some tasks so that they become almost automatic. The mind can then devote greater attention to solving new parts of a problem or to working on new and better ways of accomplishing a task.

For example, Ruth, a medical transcriber at a large suburban hospital, types all the technical medical reports that physicians dictate on tape so that the information becomes part of each patient’s permanent medical record. Over her many years of experience, she has identified a large body of technical medical words that are used repeatedly. In order to save time and make herself more efficient, she has developed a coding system that uses symbols or abbreviations to represent technical words and has encoded these into her word-processing software. For instance, when she types the letters cd, the computer interprets the letters to mean cephalopelvic disproportion, which the processor automatically prints. This system allows Ruth to concentrate more closely on the new, unknown, or most difficult terminology.

Sternberg’s third component of intelligence is the contextual element. This involves the practical aspect of how people actually adapt to their environment. Within an individual’s personal situation, it involves what knowledge is learned and how that knowledge can best be put to use in a practical sense.

To illustrate these three components, consider three undergraduate social work students, Jackie, Danielle, and Sara. Jackie had gotten almost straight A’s in high school. In college she was a whiz at taking both multiple-choice and true-or-false exams. However, she did not do nearly as well on essay exams, especially when they involved applications to problem situations in practice (for example, how a social worker would intervene in a family where alcohol abuse was involved). She also had a terrible time when she entered her first social work practice course where she had to learn and apply interviewing skills in role plays. Eventually, she switched her major to sociology. She felt she could best apply her interest in working with people if she went on to graduate school in sociology and eventually did social research.

Danielle, on the other hand, did extremely well on essay exams but not as well on the objective multiple-choice and true-or-false tests. She got A’s in the social work practice courses, which involved articulating how she would help people solve problems in the field. Her instructors praised her for her creativity and ideas. When she got into her field internship, she performed relatively well. She was able to apply her knowledge and skills to practice situations. She had some difficulty, however, working with clients who came from socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds radically different than hers. Her final grade in field was an A−.

Sara barely got her college application accepted. She was in the lowest 25 percent of her high school graduating class, which meant she had to begin college on probation. She barely squeaked by each semester with the minimal cumulative grade point necessary. She also managed to attain the required grade point necessary to get into her advanced social work courses and continue on in the major. However, when she finally got into her field placement, her social work supervisor raved about what an excellent student she was. Sara was able to take on difficult cases early in the semester and required relatively little supervision. Sara’s personal manner was such that she established relationships quickly with clients. She was able to make clear applications of the practice skills she had learned in her courses. It almost seemed like working with people as a social worker came naturally to her. She seemed to have a natural sense of what to do in situations that were completely foreign to her. She received an A in fieldwork, which contrasted with her C+ cumulative grade. The agency later enthusiastically hired her.

Each of these three individuals is strong in one component in Sternberg’s model of intelligence. Jackie was strong in the componential aspect of intelligence. She could conceptualize extremely well at abstract levels and clearly remember facts and details. Danielle’s strength lay in the experiential component of intelligence. She was creative and insightful. She could take recommendations for what to do in a specific situation and clearly apply them. Sara excelled in the contextual aspect of intelligence. She could adapt virtually to any situation and solve problems in a very practical sense.

In real life, people can be strong in any or all of these components. They have an intellectual mixture of strengths and weaknesses.

We have established that no absolutely clear definition of intelligence exists. Therefore, it is important to recognize the relationship between the more global concept of intelligence and the intelligence quotient, commonly referred to as IQ. Many mistakenly assume that an IQ represents the absolute quantity of intelligence that a person possesses. This is not true. An IQ really stands for how well an individual might perform on a specific intelligence test in relation to how well others perform on the same test. The IQ, then, involves two basic facets. One is the score that a person attains on a certain type of test. The second is the person’s relative standing within the peer group.

An IQ score is the best thing available for attempting to measure whatever intelligence is. Such a statement may not inspire confidence in the value of one’s IQ. However, perhaps it should elicit caution. IQ scores can be used to determine grade school placement, admission to special programs, and encouragement or lack thereof to attend college. A person who is aware of having a low IQ score may establish lower expectations. These lower expectations may act as a barrier to what the person could actually achieve. She might become the victim of a self-fulfilling prophecy—that is, what she expects is what she gets.

This could have been the case, for example, for a returning college student who was the mother of three children. She was also receiving social insurance benefits because of a permanent disability. Her vocational counselor told her that her IQ was not nearly high enough for success in college. He suggested that she stay home and enjoy her moderate financial benefits. Although his statements discouraged her, she had the courage and stamina to enroll with a full course load at a well-respected state university. Her final grade report after her first semester indicated that she had achieved a perfect 4.0 average. She immediately returned to her vocational counselor and requested financial assistance for a computer to assist her in her course work. He mumbled in an embarrassed manner that that might be a good idea.

Intelligence testing is done in both group and individual formats. Many school systems use group testing because it is less time-consuming and cheaper. Individual tests, however, tend to be more precise and useful in targeting specific areas of need. Frequently used tests including the Stanford-Binet Test and the Wechsler Intelligence Scale are described in the next sections.

A common intelligence test is the Stanford-Binet IQ test. First used in 1905, it has continued to be refined. Schools frequently use the Stanford-Binet to determine program and grade placement and potential academic success.

The Stanford-Binet test can be administered to individuals age 2 through later adulthood. Scores can be obtained in five areas that measure both verbal ability (related to the use and understanding of language) and nonverbal ability (related to problem solving and thinking in ways that do not use language, such as completing pictures). Various aspects of reasoning are assessed, including the ability to perceive series of objects, understand verbal analogies, comprehend vocabulary, use quantitative thinking involving math, process on a visual-spatial basis, and maintain memory (Roid, 2003). Additionally, a composite score reflects an individual’s overall IQ. The average IQ is about 100; thus, half of all scores are higher than 100 and half are lower. About two thirds of all scores range from 85 to 115; about one sixth fall below 85 and another one sixth above 115 (Nevid, 2009).

In the past, the Stanford-Binet was criticized because of its heavy emphasis on verbal ability. Children whose verbal ability was not strong for some reason may not have had their actual intellectual ability adequately reflected. However, a new edition was published with the intent of diminishing that bias and other biases.

Changes in the new edition include focusing less on verbal ability and more on other avenues of reasoning (Santrock, 2008). For example, a child might be asked to define several words, such as banana or pencil, as part of the verbal assessment, and then be asked to draw a course through a maze to test other aspects of thinking ability. The test is also designed to be more evenly responsive to a broad range of groups differing significantly in geographic location, ethnicity, and gender. Newly designed approaches stress nonverbal performance for people with “limited English, deafness, or communication disorders” (Roid, 2003).

Variations of the Wechsler tests include:

· The Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence (for children age 4 to 6½)

· The Wechsler Intelligence Scales for Children (for children age 6 to 16)

· The Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scales (for adults age 16 to 74) (Dr. Joseph. F. Smith Medical Library, 2001)

The Wechsler tests include 11 subtests, 6 of which assess verbal skills and 5 that test nonverbal or performance skills. The latter involve “tasks that require understanding the relationships between objects and manipulation of various materials—tasks such as assembling blocks, solving mazes, arranging pictures to form a story, and completing unfinished pictures” (Bernstein, Penner, Clarke-Stewart, & Roy, 2008, pp. 369–370). The Wechsler tests provide a single overall IQ score in addition to separate verbal and performance scores. Comparing verbal and performance scores as well as reviewing scores on specific subtests can be especially useful in detecting specific learning problems. For example, if a child performs significantly better on the performance segments than on the verbal ones, a learning disability (discussed later in the chapter) or some other perceptual deficit may be present. As with the Stanford-Binet, the scales have an average score of 100; about two thirds of all people taking the tests score between 85 and 115 (Smith Medical Library, 2001).

Ethical Question 3.2

Should children be informed of their IQ?

Should parents be told of their child’s results?

What are the reasons for your answers?

Perhaps one of the most beneficial uses of IQ tests is in targeting special needs. For example, IQ is one of the measures used to identify gifted people. One of the many definitions for giftedness includes the following five dimensions:

1. Excellence: excelling in the performance of some behavior(s) or function(s), above what peers can generally achieve.

2. Rarity: exhibiting qualities or functions that few people have.

3. Demonstrability: validating that the qualities or functions exist by demonstrating them to others. (In other words, just because people say they’re really gifted, it doesn’t mean they really are; they must do something to prove it.)

4. Productivity: demonstrating qualities or functions that result in something being produced or happening as a result.

5. Value: having qualities or functions that others value and respect (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006, p. 502; Sternberg & Zhang, 1995).

Once identified, gifted people can be nurtured to develop their gift or talent.

In the past, IQ was often the only means used to identify gifted people. However, as the definition of giftedness implies, it is now one of a range of measures used. Areas of giftedness might include analytic (the ability to carefully analyze a problem or issue, dissect it, and understand it—a quality measured by traditional intelligence tests); synthetic (the ability to be insightful, creative, perceptive, and imaginative—qualities often manifested by people excelling in the arts and sciences); and practical (the ability to function exceptionally well in daily life experiences and situations—a quality often demonstrated by people with flourishing careers) (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006, pp. 502–503; Sternberg, 1997). A range of 3–5 percent of the U.S. school population is identified as gifted, although the numbers vary radically, depending on the definition of giftedness used.

IQ tests also can be used as an indicator for people who fall below the “normal” range of intelligence so that they can receive the special help they need. A later section will address this in depth.

The use of IQ tests alone to categorize people is problematic for several reasons. One is cultural bias, discussed in Spotlight 3.6. Another is that the definition of IQ is arbitrary. At its most basic level, an IQ score reflects how well people perform on an IQ test. It does not provide a reliable indication of competence in the real world.

It is critical to be vigilant about the potential for cultural biases in IQ tests. White middle- and upper-class children historically have had an unfair advantage over nonwhite children on these tests. Similarly, urban children have had advantages over rural children, and middle-class children over lower-class children in general. Biases can involve the use of words, concepts, and contexts that are more familiar to some children than to others.

For example, Kail and Cavanaugh (2004, p. 229) discuss the question, “A conductor is to an orchestra as a teacher is to what?” They pose the possible answers as “book,” “school,” “class,” or “eraser.” Children who have been exposed to the concept of “orchestra,” perhaps having attended a concert, are more likely to provide the correct answer than children who have little or no idea what orchestras or conductors are.

What is considered significant by members of a culture can influence how children respond to questions posed by IQ tests. For example, the Western approach to labeling living things involves clustering them together under biological classifications (Papalia & Olds, 1995; Papalia et al., 2007). Thus, a Western person might organize the white-rumped sandpiper and the Bohemian waxwing under the general category of birds. Birds in general might then be organized along with mammals, fish, and reptiles under the umbrella term of animals. The Kpelle people of Liberia in Africa think very differently, however. To them it would be more logical and, hence, more intelligent to cluster concepts together on the basis of function (Papalia & Olds, 1995; Papalia et al., 2007). A Kpelle person might associate the word animal with the word eat, the word knife with the word meat, or the word rake with the word leaf.

Other examples involve the Iatmul people of Papua, New Guinea, and the people of the Caroline Islands (Santrock, 2002). The Iatmuls consider intelligence to be the ability to remember the various names of 10,000 to 20,000 clans. The Caroline Islanders see intelligence as the ability to navigate well by observing and interpreting the stars.

Even testing situations and children’s comfort level in them can affect IQ test results. Specific variables include the test-takers’ relationship with the test-giver, their ability to sit quietly and respond to instructions, and their understanding of the dynamics involved in taking tests successfully, such as going through the entire test first, answering the questions they know, pacing themselves, and then returning to the more difficult items so that they are able to complete most of the test (Ceci, 1991).

Much attention has been paid to cultural fairness in IQ tests. Culture-fair IQ tests try to include test items and terms that are familiar to children from as many cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds as possible. However, because a totally “culture-free” test (that is, one with no culturally biased content at all) is impossible to achieve, it is important to remain sensitive to fairness and strive to make tests as “culture-fair” as possible.

Another problem with IQ tests is that placing IQ labels on people may become self-fulfilling prophecies. An individual with a low IQ score may stop trying to reach his or her true potential. A person labeled with a high IQ may develop an inappropriately superior, even arrogant, attitude. We all probably know people like this.

Another potential problem with IQ scores is that they do not take motivation into account. A person with a lower IQ score who works hard and is motivated may attain much higher levels of achievement and success than a person with a higher IQ who is not motivated to use it. Simply having the ability does not necessarily mean that it will be put to use.

Many aspects of an individual’s personality, ability to interact socially, and adapt to society are not directly related to IQ. In effect, IQ is only one facet of an individual. People have numerous other strengths and weaknesses that make up their unique personalities. Each person is an individual whose worth and dignity merit appreciation.

Mental retardation, or cognitive disability, is a condition characterized by intellectual functioning that is significantly below average and accompanying deficits in adaptive functioning, both of which occurred before age 18 (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2000). Here we will refer to people with mental retardation as people with cognitive disabilities. Note two important points: First, the termcognitive disability has a less negative connotation than the term mental retardation. Second, it is important to refer to people with cognitive disabilities as people before referring to any disability they might have. For example, referring to them as mentally orcognitively challenged people tends to emphasize the disability because the disability is stated first. Our intent is simply to respect their right to equality and dignity.

Individuals with cognitive disabilities, to some degree, are unable intellectually to grasp concepts and function as well and as quickly as their peers. It is estimated that about 3 percent of the population have cognitive disabilities (Friend, 2008). The following sections will elaborate on the definition of cognitive disability, the significance of support systems, and what people who have cognitive disabilities are like (see Spotlight 3.7).

There are three major parts in the definition of cognitive disability (referred to as mental retardation) in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual-IV (DSM-IV-TR) (2000) published by the American Psychiatric Association (APA). First, a person must score significantly below average in general intellectual functioning on IQ tests. This usually means achieving a score of 70 or below (APA, 2000). Second, a person must have deficits in adaptive functioning; that is, the person is unable to function well enough to be totally independent, responsible enough to take care of his or her physical needs, and/or socially responsible for his or her own behavior and interaction with others. The third important part of the definition is that the disability must manifest itself before age 18.

Traditionally, four categories of cognitive disability have been recognized; these categories place significant emphasis on IQ scores (APA, 2000). (Spotlight 3.7 describes these categories.) The categories are:

The ranges in each category reflect the varying results that can be attained on different IQ tests, the 5 percent measurement error in the tests themselves, and the importance of taking adaptive functioning into account (APA, 2000). For example, a person scoring 40 on an IQ test but suffering from serious deficits in adaptive ability might be placed in the “Severe” category. On the other hand, another person scoring 40 who has many adaptive strengths might be placed in the “Moderate” category.

The DSM-IV-TR is the primary diagnostic tool used in the United States for mental and emotional disorders. Both the APA and the American Association of Mental Retardation (AAMR) stress the use of 11 adaptive skill areas when evaluating an individual’s ability to function independently. These domains are communication, self-care, home living, social/interpersonal skills, use of community resources, self-direction, functional academic skills, work, leisure, health, and safety (AAMR, 2008; APA, 2000, p. 41). Highlighting adaptive ability and achievement in this way allows the individual to be evaluated as a unique functioning entity. Older definitions of cognitive disability placed greater importance on IQ alone, which does not necessarily provide an accurate picture of someone’s ability to function and make decisions on a daily basis.

Ethical Question 3.3

Do people with cognitive disabilities have the right to have children?

In addition to highlighting adaptive skill areas, the AAMR stresses the importance of evaluating “the patterns of support systems and their required intensities (intermittent, limited, extensive, and pervasive)” in addition to considering IQ and adaptive skill acquisition (DeWeaver, 1995, p. 713). Intermittent support is the occasional provision of support whenever it is needed. People needing only intermittent support function fairly well by themselves; they need help from family, friends, or service-providing agencies only sporadically. This usually occurs when they are experiencing periods of stress or major life transitions (such as a health crisis or job loss). Limited support is intensive help or training provided for a limited time to teach specific skills, such as job skills, or to assist in major life transitions such as moving from one’s parental home. Extensive support is long-term, continuous support that usually occurs daily and affects major areas of life both at home and at work. Finally, pervasive support is continuous, consistent, and concentrated. People need pervasive support for ongoing survival.

The support systems perspective coincides well with social work values in at least four ways (De-Weaver, 1995). First, instead of labeling people as having mild, moderate, severe, or profound cognitive disabilities, it stresses people’s ability to function and achieve for themselves with various levels of support from others. It looks at what people can do with some help, rather than what they cannot do. Second, it moderates the emphasis historically placed on “the medical aspects of disabilities and puts them in the proper perspective as only one area of concern” (p. 713). Medical labels are not necessarily useful when determining what you can do to help people. For example, labeling a person as having severe cognitive disability or mental retardation is not as useful as saying that this person requires extensive support. Third, the support systems perspective shifts the primary assessment focus from IQ to adaptive skills. Fourth, because of its focus on individual strengths, it “provides for cultural and linguistic diversity in the assessment process” (p. 713). Those involved in assessment are not limited to examining one or two variables. Rather, they are encouraged to explore virtually any aspect of the individual’s environment.

There are huge differences in the capabilities of people who have cognitive disabilities, depending on their strengths and level of functioning. Therefore, it is important to maintain a strengths perspective and consider each person as an individual with his or her own special abilities and potential. Compared to people who have “normal” IQs, people with cognitive disabilities tend to experience deficits in seven basic areas: attention, memory, self-regulation, language development, academic achievement, social development, and motivation (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006, p. 146). It is important to remember that not all people with cognitive disabilities have deficits in all areas.

This discussion on problems associated with cognitive disabilities is negatively oriented. It focuses on people’s deficits instead of their strengths. However, you need to understand where people with cognitive disabilities are likely to experience problems in order to emphasize and enhance their strengths in those and other areas.

People with cognitive disabilities may have trouble paying attention to ongoing activities and events as carefully as other people do. They may be easily distracted or pay attention to things other than what they are supposed to attend to.

Research has established that people with cognitive disabilities experience difficulty with memory, the second problem area. They may be weaker in their ability to remember things recently told to them or experienced by them. Complex ideas are more difficult for them to retain than simpler concepts.

Self-regulation, a third problematic area, is a person’s ability to organize thinking and plan ahead. People with cognitive disabilities may have less ability to organize their thoughts. For instance, when “normal” students take essay exams, they may use acronyms (words formed from the initial letter or letters of each of the successive parts of some complex term or succession of steps) to help them remember a series of steps or ideas. People with cognitive disabilities likely would not.

Language development is the fourth area of difficulty that is evident in many people with cognitive disabilities. They usually take longer to master language skills. They will probably require more time to understand ideas and concepts. They may display speech and pronunciation problems. It follows that with the difficulties described so far, people with cognitive disabilities will lag behind their peers in academic achievement, the fifth major problematic area.

Poor social development is a sixth area of potential difficulty. This may be due to low levels of self-esteem and poor self-concepts. It may be due to having more difficulty learning how to respond appropriately in social situations. It also may result in more disruptive behavior than their peers. If children with cognitive disabilities have difficulties in learning, especially in academic settings, disruptive behavior may be a way for them to get attention or amuse themselves.

The seventh area of possible difficulty is motivation. People with cognitive disabilities generally do poorly in school compared with their peers and may develop a long history of defeat and failure. If they think that they will fail no matter how hard they try, they may not try to succeed at all.

We have established that people with cognitive disabilities are often placed in categories called mild, moderate, severe, and profound (APA, 2000). The following profiles of each category are based on descriptions in DSM-IV-TR. The intent is to provide you with some general ideas about the types of support people may need.

Eighty-five percent of people with cognitive disabilities fall within the mild category. In the past, these people were referred to as “educable” in that they often achieve academic skills up to a sixth-grade level. As preschoolers, people with mild disabilities often develop social and communication skills, demonstrate minimal sensory or motor impairment, and generally fit in fairly well with their peers. In fact, the great majority of people with cognitive disabilities are very similar to everybody else except that they are a bit slower in learning and don’t progress quite as far as others in the “normal” population. Their limitations usually become more evident as they advance in school. As adults, “they usually achieve social and vocational skills adequate for minimum self-support, but may need supervision, guidance, and assistance, especially when under unusual social or economic stress” (p. 43). With appropriate supports, people with mild disabilities “can usually live successfully in the community, either independently or in supervised settings” (p. 43).

People with moderate disabilities account for about 10 percent of people with cognitive disabilities. In the past, the term “trainable” was often used when referring to these people. This is not a useful term because it implies that these people cannot be “educated,” only “trained.” People with moderate disabilities develop communication skills in childhood and can progress educationally up to the second-grade level. They “profit from vocational training and, with moderate supervision, can attend to their personal care” (p. 43). Often, they can learn to get around by themselves to everyday destinations they’re used to. As adults, most are capable of working in “unskilled or semiskilled work under supervision in sheltered workshops or in the general workforce” (p. 43). They can function well in their communities, usually living in a supervised environment.

People with severe cognitive disabilities make up 3 to 4 percent of all people with cognitive disabilities. In early childhood they develop little, if any, speech. As childhood progresses, they can develop some speech capability and skills to take personal care of themselves. They usually have difficulty acquiring reading or counting skills but can sometimes learn “sight reading of some ‘survival’ words” (p. 43). As adults, they can learn to execute very basic tasks with careful supervision. Most learn to fit well in their communities. They usually live with their families or in some other closely supervised, structured setting.

People with profound cognitive disabilities account for 1 to 2 percent of all people with cognitive disabilities. Most have “an identified neurological condition that accounts” for their cognitive disabilities (p. 43). Almost all demonstrate substantial sensory and motor difficulties. When provided with careful supervision, high degrees of structure in their living environment, and “an individualized relationship with a caregiver,” they can make maximum progress. “Motor development and self-care and communication skills may improve if appropriate training is provided” (p. 43). Some people with profound cognitive disabilities can master very basic tasks in carefully supervised and controlled living environments.

People with cognitive disabilities have strengths and weaknesses just like the rest of us. Each is a unique individual. Most people with cognitive disabilities are pretty much like everybody else, but they have less intellectual potential. They have similar feelings, joys, and needs. And they have rights.

The programs available for people with cognitive disabilities depend on policies that dictate where public funds should and will be spent. Once again, we see how policy (such as federal and state law) affects social work practice. Policies provide the rules for how organizations can spend money and what services they can provide. Social workers must do their jobs within the context of the organizations they work for. Spotlight 3.8 discusses current legislation concerning people with disabilities.

Services for people who have cognitive disabilities or some other developmental disability4 are paid for primarily by federal and state programs, the majority of which are administered through programs under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. The rest are administered through the Department of Education.

4A developmental disability is one of a number of conditions, including cognitive disabilities, that produce “functional impairment as a result of disease, genetic disorder, or impaired growth pattern before adulthood” (Barker, 2003, p. 118). Other developmental disabilities include learning disabilities, autism, cerebral palsy, orthopedic problems, hearing problems, and epilepsy.

Here we address two issues involved in developing programs and providing services for people with cognitive disabilities: deinstitutionalization and community-based services. The important thing to remember throughout our discussion is that intelligence, although an important variable in terms of daily living and ability, is only one of many factors affecting people’s lives. Limited intelligence may reduce some of the alternatives available to an individual. However, other alternatives are available for that person to construct a rich, satisfying, and fulfilling life. A basic task of the social worker might be to help that person identify alternatives and weigh the various consequences of each.

Deinstitutionalization is the process of relocating people who need a significant level of care (e.g., people with cognitive disabilities, physical disabilities, or mental illness) from a structured institutional residence to a typical community setting. An assumption is that supportive community-based services and resources will take the institution’s place in meeting people’s needs.

The intent of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), enacted in mid-1990 and fully implemented in mid-1994, was “to provide America’s 49 million ... people [who have physical or mental disabilities] with access to public areas and workplaces” and “to puncture the stifling isolation of ... people [with disabilities] and draw them into the mainstream of public life” (Smolowe, 1995a; ada.gov, 2008). It aimed to help people with disabilities who “are statistically the poorest, least educated, and largest minority population in America” to enjoy more normalized work and community lives (Kopels, 1995, p. 337; U.S. House of Representatives, 1990). The ADA includes under its umbrella people who have cognitive disabilities, other developmental disabilities, and physical disabilities. It “defines people with disabilities as those who (a) have a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits one or more major life activities, (b) have a record of such an impairment, or (c) are regarded as having such an impairment” (Kopels, 1995, p. 339).

The ADA is one attempt by a national macro system to improve the lives of a population-at-risk and provide them with greater social and economic justice (Kopels, 1995). The ADA consists of five major provisions. Title I forbids job and employment discrimination against people with disabilities. This includes discrimination concerning “job application procedures, hiring, advancement, compensation, job training, and other conditions and privileges of employment simply because they have disabilities” (p. 399; emphasis added). Title II forbids public facilities, organizations, and transportation providers to discriminate against people with disabilities. Title III “prohibits discrimination in public accommodations and services operated by private entities” (p. 338). Title IV requires that state and national telecommunication relay services accommodate people with hearing impairments and allow them communications access. Title V includes a number of miscellaneous provisions relating to more specific aspects of service provision and access.

The law requires “universal access to public buildings, transit systems, and communications networks” (Smolowe, 1995a, p. 54). Significant gains have been made in terms of curb ramps, wide bathroom stalls, and public vehicles with lifts for wheelchairs for persons with physical disabilities.

However, employers and public agencies must make only “reasonable accommodation.” In reality, they are not compelled to provide such access or encouragement if the ensuing costs would result in “undue hardship,” often in the form of excessive financial burdens. Because of the vagueness in terminology and lack of specification regarding how changes must be implemented, gains have been limited (Smolowe, 1995a). What do the words reasonable accommodation, undue hardship, and excessive financial burdens mean? What kind of accommodation is reasonable? How much money is excessive? How can discrimination against capable people with cognitive or other developmental disabilities be prohibited and enforced?

People with disabilities often experience “exclusion from typical activity and opportunity afforded to those who are not considered disabled” (DePoy & Gilson, 2004, p. 41; Mackelprang, 2008). Consider the following facts about people with disabilities (National Organization on Disability, 2004; Patchner & DeWeaver, 2008):

· Only 35 percent have jobs.

· Eighteen percent receive insufficient health-care services.

· Twenty-two percent report that they have been victims of discrimination in some situation.

· Poverty rates are triple and high school dropout rates double that of able-bodied people.

· Twenty-two percent of those who are employed report having been victimized by discrimination on the job.

· The extent of disability directly impacts quality of life in virtually every aspect of living.

The battle for equal access and opportunity for people with disabilities has not been won. Much of the public attention to the act has focused on people with physical disabilities, many of whom require wheelchairs for transportation. Where do people with cognitive and other developmental disabilities fit in? Kopels (1995) states that the ADA “will be successful only to the extent that these individuals [with disabilities] and those who advocate on their behalf learn about the ADA and use it as a means to ensure employment opportunities” (p. 345). Mackelprang and Salsgiver (1996) call for the social work profession to ally itself with the movement to enhance access for people with physical or mental disabilities; they encourage social workers to “become more involved in disability advocacy work in agencies with activist philosophies” and to work with the disability movement to “better empower oppressed and devalued groups, and understand the needs of people with disabilities” (p. 134).

The Accreditation Council for Services for the Mentally Retarded and other Developmentally Disabled Persons supports the philosophy of enhancing “the development and well-being of individuals with developmental disabilities while maximizing their achievement of self-determination and autonomy” (McDonald-Wikler, 1987, p. 430). Thus, if part of this thrust is to move people with cognitive disabilities out of institutions, it follows that they need to be moved somewhere in the community.

The subsequent question is, “Where?” Places may include housing in “smaller community-based facilities, foster homes, board and care homes, and some large group homes” (Segal, 1987, p. 379). Such settings should be structured to maximize clients’ autonomy. McDonald-Wikler (1987) summarizes what many states have done to develop family support programs. Numerous state legislatures

had either passed formal family support legislation or are plotting such programs in order to secure the maintenance of the ... person [with developmental disabilities] in the family home, thereby avoiding the emotional and financial cost of placing the person in an alternative living environment. Support is typically provided through cash subsidies or vouchers given directly to the family for the purchase of individually relevant support services. Services commonly include respite care, transportation, and counseling. (p. 430)

An important concept related to community-based services is normalization. This means arranging the environmental context for people with cognitive disabilities so that it is as “normal” as possible. The lives of people who have cognitive disabilities should be as similar to those of people in the “normal,” overall population as they can be.

Ethical Question 3.4

Should people with cognitive disabilities be mainstreamed (that is, be integrated into regular school classes) or be provided separate special education to meet their special needs? What are the pros and cons of each approach?

Social workers can perform many roles when working with people who have cognitive or other developmental disabilities. Social workers can function as enablers, helping people with cognitive disabilities and their families make decisions and solve problems. Social workers can be brokers, linking clients to the resources (for example, transportation, job placements, or group homes) they need in order to go about their daily lives. Educator is another major role. People who have cognitive disabilities may need information about employment, interpersonal relationships, and even personal hygiene. Social workers can also function as coordinators who oversee a range of support services that clients need.

Social workers can also fulfill roles within the macro system context. They can assume administrative functions as general managerswithin agencies providing services to clients and their families. In this capacity they can evaluate the effectiveness of the services provided. Are clients getting what they really need? Is service provision as efficient as possible? Finally, social workers can serve asinitiators, negotiators, and advocates. In communities and states where needed services are not readily available or are nonexistent, practitioners can work with organizational, community, and government macro systems to change policies so that clients can have access to what they need.

A learning disability is “a disorder in one or more of the basic psychological processes involved in understanding or using language ... which may manifest itself in an imperfect ability to listen, think, speak, read, write, spell, or do mathematical calculations” (McDonald-Wikler, 1987, p. 425). A learning disability is different from either cognitive disability or emotional disturbance. Rather, learning disabilities entail a breakdown in processing information. Difficulties involve either absorbing information in the first place or subsequently using this information to communicate. Both cognitive disabilities and learning disabilities are considered developmental disabilities. Spotlight 3.9 describes some other developmental disabilities.

This definition of learning disabilities is vague. The reason is that it encompasses a broad range of more specific types of learning difficulties. Four basic factors appear to characterize learning disabilities in general. First, there are distinct discrepancies between a child’s expected performance according to his or her IQ test results and actual performance. A child who has cognitive disabilities, on the other hand, will tend to function poorly across the board.

A second characteristic of learning disabilities is that some central nervous system dysfunction results in a problem in psychological processing. New developments in technology are providing the opportunity to investigate potential structural and functional differences in the brains of people with learning disabilities (Friend, 2008; Kibby & Hynd, 2001; Richards, 2001). Structure refers to differences in such aspects as the size of various parts of the brain. Function involves brain-wave activity. Hallahan and Kauffman (2006) summarize the current state of this research:

Taken as a whole, these studies are not definitive evidence of a neurological basis for all students identified as learning disabled. Some researchers have noted that, for the most part, the studies have been conducted on individuals with severe learning disabilities. The results, however, have turned many who were formerly skeptical into believers that central nervous system dysfunction may be the cause of many cases of learning disabilities. (p. 177)

Until definitive evidence is obtained and more specific relationships between learning disabilities, brain structure, and brain function are established, current thought continues to emphasize brain dysfunction or abnormal operation in the processing of thoughts.

A third characteristic of learning disabilities is that the child’s deficits will come together to form a convergence or focus in how information is processed. Therefore, problems in information processing tend to be concentrated in one of the abilities needed to develop competence in language or math. The condition is frequently manifested “in disorders of listening, thinking, talking, reading, writing, spelling, or arithmetic” (Lefrancois, 1999, p. 269).

A fourth characteristic of learning disabilities involves nonacceptance of other causes to explain the problem. There is no clearly identifiable reason why the deficient areas exist. For instance, the disability is not due to the child’s eyes not functioning properly or the child having cognitive disabilities.

Children with learning disabilities currently make up between 5 and 6 percent of schoolchildren ages 6 to 17 and more than half of all students identified as needing placement in special education classes (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006).

A number of possible processing problems that interfere with an individual’s ability to use language and reasoning result in a learning disability. One involves the inability to grasp the meanings of words or how words relate to each other in terms of grammatical position.

A second processing problem related to language acquisition and usage involves auditory processing difficulties. Some children have trouble paying attention to what is being said; the problem concerns being able to focus on the sounds most important in conveying meaning. Other children have trouble discriminating between one sound and another. For example, instead of hearing the word bed, a child may hear the word dead. The result is confusion for the child and difficulty in understanding and following instructions. Still other children have trouble recalling what has been said in the correct sequence. This also makes it difficult to follow instructions correctly. They cannot understand the proper order in which they are supposed to do things. These children have special difficulties in remembering content in a series format (for example, months of the year).

Cognitive disabilities and learning disabilities are among a number of developmental disabilities. These are conditions that produce “functional impairment as a result of disease, genetic disorder, or impaired growth pattern before adulthood” (Barker, 2003, p. 118). People with developmental disabilities are at risk of being oppressed, discriminated against, ignored, ridiculed, and denied equal rights.

All developmental disabilities have five aspects in common (McDonald-Wikler, 1987, p. 422). First, they all result from some specific mental and/or physical problem. Second, they appear before age 22. Third, the conditions are permanent. Fourth, they result in “substantial functional limitations” that occur in at least three areas of daily life (such as the ability to communicate with others, take care of oneself on a daily basis, or live independently). Fifth, developmental disabilities demonstrate the need for lifelong supplementary help and services.

Cognitive disabilities and learning disabilities are discussed in detail in this chapter. Other developmental disabilities include autism, cerebral palsy, orthopedic problems, hearing problems, and epilepsy.

Autism is a condition characterized by intense inner directedness. Autistic persons pay little or no attention to what occurs in the world outside themselves. Their behavior is often bizarre. Problems include inability to participate in normal communication with other people; indulgence in repetitive, self-stimulating movements of extremities; severe sensory distortions (such as feeling pain when being slightly touched); and lack of normal emotional reactions to others, including attachment.

Cerebral palsy is a disability involving problems in muscular control and coordination resulting from damage to the brain’s muscle-control centers before or during birth. Muscle movements are very stiff and difficult, jerky, or unbalanced. Depending on the extent of damage, “lack of balance, tremors, spasms, seizures, difficulty in walking, poor speech, poor control of face muscles, problems in seeing and hearing, and mental retardation” can result (McDonald-Wikler, 1987, p. 424).

Orthopedic problems are “physical conditions that interfere with the functioning of the bones, muscles, or joints” (McDonald-Wikler, 1987, p. 424). To be classed as developmental disabilities, they must be present from birth and affect at least three areas of basic life functioning. Examples include congenital malformations of the spine, bone deformities, and missing extremities such as arms or toes.

Hearing problems range from mild hearing losses to total deafness. They are considered developmental disabilities because of their impact on speech development and the ability to communicate.

Epilepsy (commonly referred to as seizure disorders) consists of various disorders marked by disturbed electrical rhythms of the central nervous system and manifested in convulsive attacks. Symptoms range from periods of unconsciousness resembling daydreaming to violent convulsions.

Concurrent disabilities are also common (DeWeaver, 1995). For example, a person with cognitive disabilities might also have a hearing impairment and a malformed spine.

Empowerment is essential for people with disabilities. Here, Gena Killinger, an athlete from Nebraska, raises her hand in victory after winning a 25-yard backstroke event in the 2006 Special Olympics held in Ames, Iowa.

The Ames Tribune, Andrew Rullestad/AP Photo

A third language processing problem is demonstrated by children who have trouble saying what they mean or would like to say. Sometimes this involves problems with grammar. Other children may have difficulty remembering the words they want to say. Still others have trouble telling a story so that it makes sense or describing an event or situation so that the listener can understand it.

Learning disabilities can also be involved in visual perception problems in which children have difficulty seeing things as they really are. Some children have problems understanding spatial relationships. They might see items or symbols reversed. They might also judge distances between one item and another inaccurately.

Still another processing problem demonstrated in some children with learning disabilities concerns memory and recall. Such children find it difficult to remember accurately what they have seen or heard. They commonly misspell words and forget where they placed objects.

The specific causes of learning disabilities in most children are unknown. Potential causes tend to fall into three categories (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006). The first involves genetic factors. There is a tendency for learning disabilities to be more common in some families. This may be due to heredity or to the family’s being exposed to some causative agent in the environment. Second, teratogens (substances such as drugs that can cause malformation in the fetus) may cause learning disabilities. Third, medical conditions such as premature birth or childhood AIDS may be directly related to the development of learning disabilities.

More extensive research concerning these possibilities is necessary to establish causes. The broad range of behaviors clustered under the title “learning disabilities” and their frequently vague descriptions make it difficult to pinpoint causal relationships.

It is often difficult to identify learning disabilities because the children in question function normally in other areas. The first clue is usually a problem in academic work. Other symptoms include a lack of attentiveness in classes; thoughtless, impulsive, overly active behavior; frequent mood shifts; difficulties in remembering symbols; lack of motor coordination in writing or play activities; apparent problems in speaking or listening; and other difficulties in completing academic work. These difficulties are often vague enough to raise questions about a child’s emotional health, family life, motivation to achieve, or intellectual level. Once a learning disability is suspected, assessment may involve standardized tests, such as achievement tests, as well as a range of other evaluative approaches, administered by teachers, that focus on individual work and progress.

Learning disabilities may psychologically affect children in several ways (APA, 2000; Friend, 2008; Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006). They include fear of failure, learned helplessness, and low self-esteem. Highlight 3.4 provides one case example of psychological effects.

Children with learning disabilities often become experts in failure. Through no fault of their own, they are unable to learn or do things the way other children can. Some children may fail in school or in sports so frequently that they no longer attempt new things. They begin to assume that no matter what they do, they will just fail anyway. This fear of failure often results in an almost complete avoidance of new experiences. Because the child refuses to take any new risks, potential progress is halted.

The learned helplessness reaction is another way of responding to a learning disability. Children may use the fact that they cannot do some things to get out of doing other things they are capable of doing. The vague and complicated nature of learning disabilities does not help this situation. For example, a mother may ask her daughter to do her homework. The daughter responds, “Gee, Mom, I don’t know how.” The daughter’s learning disability involves reading. Her homework is an arithmetic assignment that she has no more difficulty completing than her peers. However, because of her learning disability, the daughter is perceived as being helpless in her mother’s eyes. As a result, the mother does not make the daughter do her homework.

Stevie was 16. He couldn’t read or add numbers. As a matter of fact, he felt he couldn’t do anything right. Other people seemed to think he was dumb. He even had to go to a special school. He didn’t feel dumb, though. He couldn’t read, but he understood things. He could even find his way around his hometown of Milwaukee without being able to read one street sign.

His parents and his brothers and sisters had given up on trying to help him read. He knew they were tired of trying. But he never did anything right. Then they’d get mad, and he’d get mad right back. He’d go out and break some windows and shoplift. That’s why he had to go to a special school. People there weren’t retarded. They had what teachers and staff called “behavior problems.”

One time his teachers almost taught him to write his name. He must’ve practiced it a thousand times. After a couple of months he almost got it right. But he just forgot it again. He liked the staff at school. Sometimes they let him do jobs like washing the chalkboards or taking messages to the cook. He liked having responsibility. Nobody ever trusted him with jobs at home.

Stevie didn’t like to think about the future. The world looked pretty dim for someone who couldn’t read or write.

Another possible reaction of a child with learning disabilities is low self-esteem. These children are likely to see other children do things they cannot. Perhaps others make critical comments to them. Teachers and parents may show at least some impatience and frustration at the children’s inability to understand or perform in the areas affected by their learning disabilities. These children are likely to internalize their failures. The result may be that they feel inferior to others, and they may develop low self-esteem.

What are the long-term effects of learning disabilities? Some people with learning disabilities may continue to experience problems in work and social adjustment as adults. However, how people with learning disabilities are treated and accepted is critical in terms of their satisfaction and achievement as adults.

There are two dimensions to treatment for learning disabilities. One concerns the educational environment and planning. The second involves parents’ and others’ treatment of a person with learning disabilities in the home and other social settings.

Educational treatment for children with learning disabilities focuses on designing an individualized special education program for the child to emphasize strengths and minimize weaknesses. For a child with a visual perceptual disorder, emphasis might be placed on providing material that the child can hear rather than see. For example, instead of reading an assignment in a textbook, the child might be given a tape recording of the assignment. Another means of tailoring a special education program is breaking down tasks into smaller, more workable units so that children will more likely understand the process and achieve success.

Within the educational context, cognitive training and direct instruction are two major approaches to individualized instruction (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006, pp. 191–194). Cognitive training is a method that focuses on procedures to teach children with learning disabilities how to change their patterns of thinking by emphasizing three tactics: “(1) changing thought processes, (2) providing strategies for learning, and (3) teaching self-initiative” (p. 191). The emphasis is on changing thinking patterns rather than observable external behavior.

One specific cognitive training technique is self-instruction, the process of making “students aware of the various stages of problem-solving tasks while they are performing them and to bring behavior under verbal control” (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006, p. 192). Here, the idea is to develop the child’s ability to attend to a task by breaking it up into a series of steps, modeling the task for the child, and then carefully supervising until he or she learns the process. For example, a five-step procedure for learning how to solve math word problems entails “saying the problem out loud, looking for important words and circling them, drawing pictures to help explain what was happening, writing the math sentence, and writing the answer” (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006, p. 192).

A second major approach to individualized instruction is direct instruction. This method, usually used to improve math and reading skills, emphasizes drilling and practicing. Teachers instruct small groups of children with clearly specified lessons and provide them with immediate feedback, correcting wrong answers and praising right ones.

Outside the educational arena, children with learning disabilities need help within their family and other social settings. Some of the suggestions for helping children in educational settings also apply to many social contexts. For example, use of behavior modification techniques can help children change their behavior so that it is more socially appropriate. Also important in both educational and social environments is development of a positive self-concept. First, the positive things that children do should be emphasized. Problems are easy to see, but good behaviors and accomplishments often go unnoticed. Second, children should feel loved, not for their behavior, but rather for who they are. Third, confidence can be developed in children by giving them responsibility for things they are capable of accomplishing. Success at tasks helps them to develop faith in themselves. Fourth, comparisons to others and what they accomplish should be avoided. The child’s own accomplishments should be the focus of attention. Finally, structure in the form of clear guidelines for behavior is helpful. If the child knows what is acceptable and what is not, he or she is less likely to make mistakes. The child will also probably respond to the fact that someone cares enough to put forth the effort to provide structure.

Other forms of treatment are also used to enhance social functioning in families with a child who has learning disabilities (Friend, 2008). Educating both the child with a learning disability and those around that person can help all involved understand what the disability entails and modify their expectations accordingly. Individual and family counseling can improve communication and increase family members’ understanding of how others view the disability. It can also help them develop problem-solving strategies to improve a child’s behavior and cope with interpersonal irritations.

Major legislation has positively affected educational programming for people with learning disabilities in the past few decades (Mackelprang, 2008; McDonald-Wikler, 1987). The 1975 Education for All Handicapped Children Act (P.L. 94–142) mandated that all states provide educational opportunities for all children regardless of level of ability or disability. In accordance with this law, school systems have responded with the concept of inclusion. Through inclusion, students with disabilities are assimilated into regular classrooms with same-age peers, but also receive the special attention and help they need to maximize their performance. Children with learning disabilities and children with cognitive disabilities and other developmental disabilities are thus guaranteed the right to an education. States and communities are no longer able to ignore or reject children with learning disabilities. Excuses such as high costs or lack of existing facilities are no longer acceptable. This illustrates how legislation forces state, community, and organizational macro systems to respond to a social need.

One other condition merits attention because of its significance and prevalence for children of school age. It has been labeled, studied, and given much public attention. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), a psychiatric diagnosis, is a syndrome of learning and behavioral problems beginning in childhood that is characterized by a persistent pattern of inattention, excessive physical movement, and impulsivity that appears in at least two settings (including home, school, work, or social contexts). It is estimated that 3 to 7 percent of all schoolchildren have ADHD (APA, 2000).

The definition has several dimensions. First, a child manifests a pattern of ADHD symptoms before the age of 7, although the pattern may not be identified until much later. A second dimension of ADHD is that it occurs in multiple settings, not just in one context or with one person. It involves uncontrollable behavior that is not necessarily related to a particular context. Finally, three primary clusters of behavior characterize ADHD. The first is inattention. Behavioral symptoms include messy work, carelessly handled tasks, frequent preoccupation, easy distractibility, aversion to tasks that require attention and greater mental exertion, serious problems in organizing tasks and activities, and difficulties attending to ongoing conversations. The second cluster of behaviors concerns excessive physical movement that is difficult to control (hyperactivity). This involves almost constant action, squirming or being unable to sit down at all, demonstrating great difficulty in attending to quiet activities, and talking nonstop. The third batch of behaviors falls under the umbrella ofimpulsivity. This is characterized by extreme impatience, having great difficulty in waiting for one’s turn, and making frequent interruptions and intrusions.

ADHD has been treated for more than two decades by using drugs that “stimulate the parts of the brain that normally inhibit hyperactive and impulsive behavior” (for example, Ritalin) (Kail & Cavanaugh, 2007, p. 243). However, there are some concerns regarding the possibility of side effects such as irritability, appetite loss, or difficulties sleeping, in addition to the possibility of overmedication (Hallahan & Kauffman, 2006). Other treatment methods including family intervention and provision of special treatment to children along with drug therapy are also frequently used.

Additional techniques suggested to help children who have ADHD involve providing a highly structured classroom environment with minimal distracting stimuli. For example, the room might be soundproof, and students might work in enclosed cubicles devoid of distractions. The teacher encourages the students to focus only on the structured task at hand.

Behavior modification also offers techniques that are helpful for children with ADHD (Friend, 2008). Chapter 4 discusses behavior modification techniques with respect to effective parenting. For ADHD children, behavior modification focuses on specifying and reinforcing good behavior and decreasing poor behavior by monitoring and structuring each behavior’s consequences.

A major study sponsored by the National Institute of Mental Health and initiated in the 1990s was conducted to evaluate the effectiveness of both drug and psychosocial treatment (that is, psychologically and behaviorally oriented intervention with child and family) (Richters et al., 1995). Kail and Cavanaugh (2007) summarize the results:

Initial results show that medical treatment alone is the best way to treat hyperactivity per se. However, for a variety of other measures, including academic and social skills as well as parent-child relations, medication plus psychosocial treatment is slightly more effective than medication treatment alone. The ... [study] also makes it clear that medication is effective only when dosage is monitored carefully, with regular follow-up visits to a health care professional, and there is regular communication with schools regarding children’s functioning (Jensen et al., 2001). (p. 243)

Social work roles with respect to clients with both ADHD and learning disabilities are similar to those used with clients who have cognitive disabilities. Social workers function as brokers to help link clients with resources. Practitioners also function as advocates to effect positive change in macro systems that are not responsive to clients’ needs.

The following summarizes this chapter’s content in terms of the objectives presented at the beginning of the chapter.

A. Summarize prominent psychological theories concerning personality development, including psychodynamic, neo-Freudian psychoanalytic, behavioral, phenomenological, and feminist theories.

Major theories of personality development include psychodynamic, neo-Freudian psychoanalytic, behavioral, and phenomenological theories.

Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, the predominant psychodynamic theory, emphasizes concepts including the id, superego, ego, libido, fixation, defense mechanisms, Oedipus complex, and Electra complex. His proposed stages of psychosexual development are oral, anal, phallic, latency, and genital. Criticisms of psychoanalytic theory include a lack of supportive research, poor clarity of ideas, and failure to adequately address the status of women.

The neo-Freudian psychoanalytic theorists include Carl Jung, Erich Fromm, Alfred Adler, and Harry Stack Sullivan. Theoretical emphases include analytic psychology for Jung, a social context for Fromm, individual psychology for Adler, and individual personality development based on interpersonal relationships for Sullivan.

Behavioral theory, one of the most useful theories of human behavior, is discussed more thoroughly in Chapter 4.

The self theory of Carl Rogers is a phenomenological approach that emphasizes the ideas of self-concept, self-actualization, ideal self, incongruence between self and experience, the need for positive regard, and conditions of worth, among others.

Feminist theories are based on the concept of feminism and reflect a range of theories. Major underlying principles include the elimination of false dichotomies, rethinking knowledge, differences in male and female experiences throughout the life span, the end of patriarchy, empowerment, valuing process equally with product, the personal as political, unity and diversity, and consciousness raising. Diverse feminist theories include liberal feminism, cultural feminism, Marxist or socialist feminism, radical feminism, and postmodern feminism. People progress through several phases in the process of feminist identity development.

B. Suggest a procedure for evaluating theory and discuss some concepts useful in enhancing sensitivity to human diversity when doing so.

Determining theories’ relevance to social work involves evaluating the theory’s application to client situations, the research supporting the theory, the extent to which the theory coincides with social work values and ethics, and the existence and validity of other comparable theories.

It is important to be sensitive to diversity when examining psychological theories. Important concepts are the dual perspective, worldview, spirituality, and the strengths perspective.

C. Examine Piaget’s theory of cognitive development and Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory of cognitive development.

Piaget’s theory of cognitive development includes four stages: the sensorimotor period, the preoperational thought period, the period of concrete operations, and the period of formal operations. Important concepts include conservation, schema, adaptation, assimilation, accommodation, object permanence, representation, egocentrism, centration, irreversibility, classification, and seriation. Criticisms of Piaget’s theory include the fact that it was based on observations of his own children, its focus on the “average child,” consideration of limited dimensions of human development, and the premise that cognitive growth stops at adolescence.

Vygotsky’s theory of sociocultural cognitive development emphasizes how children develop differently depending on the social and cultural circumstances and expectations evident in their environment. Children learn as they interact with and observe others, framing their development with the use of language. North American culture emphasizes the development of independence whereas many other cultures encourage mutual dependence. Important concepts include the zone of proximal development, scaffolding, and private speech. Positive aspects of the theory include the appreciation of diversity and the potential for individuals to promote their own cognitive development. Criticisms include its neglect of aspects of learning other than verbal and its inattentiveness to the biological side of development.

D. Describe the concept of emotion and investigate the development of temperament and attachment.

People begin displaying their emotions and temperament in infancy. Early behaviors include crying, smiling, and laughing.

A major variable related to overall adjustment may be the “goodness” or “poorness” of fit between the individual and the impinging environment.

Cultural values affect the development of temperament.

Infants tend to pass through various stages as they form social and emotional attachments with adults. Secure attachment is the most common pattern of attachment.

Being in quality day care does not interfere with the attachment process between child and parents.

Cross-cultural differences in attachment exist.

E. Discuss self-concept and self-esteem.

One’s self-concept is the personal impression of one’s own unique attributes and traits, both positive and negative.

Self-esteem is a person’s judgment of his or her own value.

It is important to strengthen children’s self-concepts and enhance their self-esteem, especially for those children with exceptionally low self-esteem.

F. Examine the concepts of intelligence and intelligence testing, emphasizing the potential cultural and other biases involved.

Intelligence is the ability to understand, learn, and deal with new, unknown situations.

Cattell identifies two types of intelligence, fluid and crystallized.

Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence emphasizes componential, experiential, and contextual elements.

Intelligence tests include the Stanford-Binet IQ test and the Wechsler Intelligence Scale tests.

Giftedness involves analytic, synthetic, and practical abilities.

It is critical to be vigilant concerning the potential for cultural biases and other potential problems in IQ tests.

G. Explore cognitive disabilities (mental retardation), learning disabilities, and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, their effects on children, and current macro system responses.

Cognitive disability is a condition characterized by intellectual functioning that is significantly below average and accompanying deficits in adaptive functioning, both of which occur before age 18.

Support systems are important for people with cognitive disabilities.

Problem areas for people with cognitive disabilities include attention, memory, self-regulation, language development, academic achievement, social development, and motivation.

Macro system responses to cognitive disabilities include deinstitutionalization, community-based services, and the Americans with Disabilities Act.

Learning disabilities involve discrepancies between a child’s performance according to IQ testing and his or her actual performance, problems in psychological processing, a focus in how information is processed, and nonacceptance of other causes.

Specific causes of learning disabilities are as yet unknown.

Learning disabilities may psychologically affect children in several ways including fear of failure, learned helplessness, and low self-esteem.

Treatment approaches include cognitive training and direct instruction.

Both cognitive disabilities and learning disabilities are under the umbrella of developmental disabilities, along with a number of other conditions.

Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is a syndrome of learning and behavioral problems beginning in childhood that is characterized by a persistent pattern of inattention, excessive physical movement, and impulsivity that appears in at least two settings.