American Government

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Lesson 1, Part 1: Foundations of American Government

"Liberty, when it begins to take root, is a plant of rapid growth."

-George Washington

· The Declaration of Independence

· The U.S. Constitution and its Bill of Rights

· The Enlightenment and Political Philosophy

Expected Outcomes To understand the philosophical principles behind the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, and how these principles influence the structure and process of government.

Overview

The United States, as a nation, was born of the American Revolution of 1776. This revolution cut the political ties between England and its American colonies. Many "Americans" living in the colonies had complained about harsh British rule. King George of England had ruled over the colonies with a heavy hand, increasing taxes with the Stamp Act and the Sugar Act, for example. These abuses began to divide the "patriots" in favor of independence and the "loyalists" in favor of the English Crown.

Tensions between the American colonials and British soldiers boiled over in the Boston Massacre, when a mob harassed British soldiers, who then fired their muskets into the crowd, killing three, mortally wounding two others, and injuring six.

Another famous incident which helped inspire the American Revolution was the Boston Tea Party of 1773, launched as a protest to the British Tea Act. This Act gave the British East India Company a tea monopoly, shutting out American traders. Bostonians disguised themselves as Mohawk Indians, then boarded the British ships and dumped all 342 containers of tea into the harbor.

Two years later, in 1775, there were more serious conflicts between colonials and British troops: the Battles of Lexington and Concord, the prelude for a full conflict. The American Revolutionary War was long, bloody and ended with the French-assisted victory of the American Continental Army in Yorktown in 1781.

An understanding of American government and politics should consider two documents related to this war and its aftermath. The first is the Declaration of Independence, which launched the American Revolutionary War; and the second is the U.S. Constitution, which replaced the post-war Articles of Confederation and which remains the highest law of the land.

This lesson analyzes these documents, noting how they were part of a trans-Atlantic Enlightenment movement with emphasis on reason, freethinking, natural law, popular sovereignty, and human equality. Many of these ideas are visible in the Declaration of Independence, written by Thomas Jefferson. These ideas provided the ideological and philosophical framework for the American Revolution.

After the expulsion of the English monarchy, the Articles of Confederation - in effect from 1776 to 1787 - turned the former colonies into largely autonomous states with a weak federal government. However, many people thought that this decentralized system did not solve the problem of providing for a common defense or for integrating state economies. Some elites also hoped that a stronger central government could put down local insurrections with more effect, thereby protecting their property rights. These were just some of the concerns behind the crafting of the U.S. Constitution, inspired by the Federalist Papers and written by James Madison.

As the Constitution suggests, the United States was not established to be a "pure democracy" in which people rule themselves - some call this "mob rule" – but, rather a representative democracy or a "constitutional republic" characterized, in the United States, by the rule of law, separation of powers, checks and balances, civil liberties and a federalist division of power between national and state governments. These items will be explained in this lesson.

The Declaration of Independence The Declaration of Independence provided the ideological framework for the American Revolution of 1776, a war of independence against Britain that was eventually won by the United States.

The sentiment behind the Declaration of Independence was reflected by a Frenchman who served in George Washington's Continental Army as a general, Marquis de Lafayette.

"When the government violates the people's rights, insurrection is, for the people and for each portion of the people, the most sacred of the rights and the most indispensable of duties."

-General Marquis La Fayette

The Declaration of Independence was produced by the Second Continental Congress, on July 4, 1776, which formally declared that the Thirteen Colonies were independent of Great Britain. The text below is the actual text from the Declaration.

The Declaration of Independence of the Thirteen Colonies

In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. --That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. —Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by the Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

The signers of the Declaration represented the new states as follows:

New Hampshire

Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton

Massachusetts

John Hancock, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry

Rhode Island

Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery

Connecticut

Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott

New York

William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris

New Jersey

Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark

Pennsylvania

Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross

Delaware

Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas McKean

Maryland

Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrollton

Virginia

George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton

North Carolina

William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn

South Carolina

Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton

Georgia

Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton

This following phrase, found above, is vital to the Declaration:

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

The identification of unalienable rights is what turns people from "subjects" under governmental control to "citizens" who lend governments their authority. Thus, the natural law referred to by the Founders includes human equality and popular sovereignty.

Popular sovereignty means that the authority and justification to rule over a people emerges from the people themselves – rather than being imposed from the top down, which is the case in a monarchy or in an oligarchy. The central tenet is that legitimacy of rule or of law is based on the consent of the governed, and the thinkers who formalized this concept included Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau.

Popular sovereignty, an Enlightenment idea, is normally reflected by elections. Modern democracies are based on universal citizenship and enfranchisement for all adults, regardless of race, gender or other classifications.

By the way, many of these ideas about "natural law," the "consent of the governed" and "limited government" originated in back in England, with John Locke, who wrote the Second Treatise of Civil Government in 1689.

In the Declaration of Independence, there is a sense that people have an inherent right to overthrow a government – only, however, when the ruling authority became extremely offensive and intolerable. The Declaration of Independence reflects the belief shared by Thomas Jefferson and a few other Founding Fathers that political authority rested in the people, and that government depended upon the consent of the governed.

Thomas Jefferson

Thomas Jefferson was the principal author of the Declaration of Independence, the second Governor of Virginia and the 3rd President of the United States.

"We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

"Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between man and his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legislative powers of government reach actions only, and not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should 'make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,' thus building a wall of separation between church and State."

"I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies."

"When the people fear their government, there is tyranny; when the government fears the people, there is liberty."

Interestingly, the Declaration of Independence above also contains language used by modern Christians and secularists to advance their respective points of view. There is the reference "Nature's God" and to a "Creator," suggestive of Deist, monotheist or Christian beliefs. It is this Creator who imbued people with unalienable rights.

However, American revolutionaries also challenged the "Divine Right of Kings," which employed Biblical passages to suggest that monarchs have a higher mandate. As Romans 13:1-2 states:

"Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resisteth shall receive to themselves damnation."

From this perspective, the Declaration of Independence becomes a complex document. It recognized a Creator, but it also rejected the Biblical mandate and clerical authority. The American Revolution, therefore, appears to have been inspired both by Deist or Christian principles and, simultaneously, by secular and anti-clerical ones. This dual legacy is evident today with political controversies over school prayer and other issues.

The U.S. Constitution

The Constitutional Convention, 1789

There are two remarkable, little-known facts about the U.S. Constitution.

First, it is the world's oldest working constitution. Despite being a young society, the United States is the world's oldest continuing republic. Most of Europe, for example, underwent a complete political transformation after World War II, as did China and Japan and, in fact, the rest of the world. The U.S. continues to operate with a political system that was born in 1787.

Second, it is the world's shortest constitution. The U.S. Constitution has just 4,400 words (excluding amendments). Most countries have encyclopedic-style constitutions that work against the interests of clarity and accessibility.

It is essential to view the emergence of the U.S. Constitution as a solution to problems. The first 13 colonies, once independent, were very loosely bound together in the Articles of Confederation. The Articles of Confederation, a precursor to the Constitution, gave each state considerable power – even the power to print their own money, as shown below – but national government (or federal government) was too weak, many thought. A weak federal government would not be able to defend the nation against aggression or stimulate commerce or put down insurrections against the establishment, like Shay's rebellion, when small farmers and merchants revolted against foreclosures.

Shay's Rebellion, 1786

Shay's Rebellion was an armed uprising in Massachusetts in 1786. The rebels, led by Daniel Shays, were mostly small farmers angered by crushing debt, taxes and debtor's prisons. A private militia, organized by banks, eventually defeated the rebel force on February 3, 1787. Many of the men who signed the Constitution were wealthy and had a stake in protecting the established order; thus, they sought to imbue a national government with more power.

Indeed, it is also important to note that the Constitution would classify African Americans as just 3/5ths of a person, for census purposes, and it maintained the institution of slavery. In this sense, the Constitution reflects elitist rather than populist interests.

Paradoxically, this same Constitution – specifically its later amendments (like the 14th Amendment and its "Equal Protection Clause") - would eventually be used by African Americans and other oppressed minorities to secure civil rights and liberties. They would hold up the provisions of equality and insist that the political system live up to its stated principles.

In sum, the delegates at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia wanted the central government to become as powerful as governments in Paris or London. So, with this concern in mind, the framers of the Constitution – principally James Madison – set out to create a stronger federal government – but, not too strong.

James Madison, with other Founding Fathers, such as Alexander Hamilton, elaborated upon several concepts in order to craft the Federalist Papers and, eventually, the Constitution. However, there were many who wrote in opposition to the Federalist Papers, known as the Anti-Federalist Papers .

James Madison

James Madison was one of the three authors of the Federalist Papers (along with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay), which contained many of the ideas inspiring the U.S. Constitution. He played a leading role in drafting the Constitution and became the fourth President of the United States.

"The truth is that all men having power ought to be mistrusted."

"Since the general civilization of mankind, I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power than by violent and sudden usurpation."

"The accumulation of all powers legislative, executive and judicial in the same hands, whether of one, a few or many… may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny."

Alexander Hamilton

Alexander Hamilton was one of the three principal authors of the Federalist Papers, and served under President Washington as the nation's first Secretary of the Treasury. He also founded the Federalist Party.

"I have learned to hold popular opinion of no value."

"The voice of the people has been said to be the voice of God; and, however generally this maxim has been quoted and believed, it is not true to fact. The people are turbulent and changing, they seldom judge or determine right."

"In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men the great difficulty lies in this: You must first enable the government to control the governed, and in the next place, oblige it to control itself."

"Those who stand for nothing fall for anything."

"When the sword is once drawn, the passions of men observe no bounds of moderation."

A. Preventing Tyranny of the Majority

The main goal of the U.S. Constitution was to create a federal government that would be advantageous to the States and its people, but one that would not evolve strong central powers and become tyrannical.

The "paradox of democracy" is that it can produce a "tyranny of the majority" where majority rule threatens individual rights. Living up to one democratic value – the will of the majority – can actually undermine another value – the rights of the minority or individual. After all, if two men on a desert island vote to cannibalize the third, that would still be democracy.

Let's take another example. Suppose that, for some reason, society suddenly despised people with green eyes; that society marginalized green-eyed people as part of the "out group;" that people believed reports that green-eyed people were more likely to become criminals, etc… And let's suppose that 51% of the people voted to electronically monitor all green-eyed people with radio frequency bracelets, and to restrict their movement, and to tag them with longer mandatory sentences for minor crimes, etc… These new laws restricting green-eyed people would be "democratic." They would indeed reflect the will of the majority.

If this scenario sounds far fetched, it might be worth considering that Japanese-Americans (U.S. citizens who had never been to Japan) were rounded up and placed into detention centers during World War II. Most Americans supported the idea at the time, and the U.S. Supreme Court even found the detentions legal under Korematsu v. United States (1944)! In this case, the system of separation of powers and checks and balances on majority rule appeared to have failed, and by the 1990s the U.S. government officially apologized for the detentions and paid monetary reparations to some of the survivors.

Tyranny of the Majority?

Internment Camp for Japanese-Americans, WWII

James Madison believed that the Constitution should limit the powers of the majority. Specifically, he was concerned about the possibility that a majority would oppress a minority. He called this scenario the "Tyranny of the Majority."

B. Separation of Powers & Checks and Balances

What was Madison's solution? It was, in part, a system of "separation of powers." This meant that the power of government would rather be divided among three separate branches. That way, if a tyrannical faction wanted to capture government, they would have to seize control of all three branches. This would be difficult, though not impossible. The three branches are:

· Legislative (the Congress, described in Article I)

· Executive (the President, the Vice President, 15 Cabinet departments, and numerous boards, agencies, and commissions, described in Article II)

· Judicial (the Supreme Court, 96 District Courts, 12 Appeals Courts, and several special courts, described in Article III)

The powers, duties and responsibilities of each branch are described in Articles I, II and III of the Constitution.

The Constitution also outlines a system of "checks and balances," meaning that each branch of government can do something to limit the others. For example, the president can veto a bill emerging from Congress, but Congress can override that veto with 2/3rds majority vote in each of its two chambers (i.e., the House and Senate) within 10 days. This system of checks and balances is what actually helps keep the three branches separate. Congress

The Founding Fathers anticipated that Congress would become the most central and most vital branch. That's why its responsibilities are found in Article I of the Constitution.

"But it is not possible to give to each department an equal power of self-defense. In republican government, the legislative authority necessarily predominates."

James Madison

In fact, because Madison foresaw Congress as being a bit more central than the other branches of government, he proposed dividing it into two houses. This idea, described in The Federalist #51, emerged in the "Connecticut Compromise" at the Constitutional Convention.

This compromise resolved the tension between the "Virginia Plan," which favored a population-weighted representation in the proposed National Legislature, and the "New Jersey Plan," which proposed a single-chamber legislature in which each state, regardless of size, would have one vote, as under the Articles of Confederation.

The U.S. Constitution provides for a bicameral legislature. The upper chamber is the Senate. Each of the 50 states has two senators who serve renewable terms of 6 years. The lower chamber is the House of Representatives. Each of the 50 states has a different number of representatives, depending upon their relative population, and this is determined in the national census conducted every 10 years. Today, there are 435 representatives who serve renewable terms of 2 years, with California having the most.

Arguably, Congress was once the most powerful branch of government, but the Great Depression of the 1930s, World War II, the Cold War and the War on Terror have all served to concentrate power in the Executive Branch.

Article I, Section 8, lists the powers of Congress, and these are considerable, as they include the ability to pass any laws "necessary and proper" to fulfill its charge. Congress also has the power to declare war.

Finally, Congress is also empowered to override a presidential veto (with two-thirds of the vote within each chamber, within 10 days), and to impeach the president for "high crimes and misdemeanors." Furthermore, the Senate must confirm numerous Executive Branch appointments, including justices to the Supreme Court.

President

The Executive Branch, described in Article II, consists of the president, his cabinet and numerous agencies. Today, the president is entitled to serve only two full terms of four years each.

The president is elected, not by the popular vote, but by the electoral vote of the Electoral College, meaning that each state has a certain number of electors. Today, there are 535 electoral votes in play, and a candidate has to reach 270 to win the election. California is the most valuable state because it is the most populous; although John Kerry won California in 2004, he still lost the overall election.

The 2000 Presidential Election George W. Bush (Red) and Al Gore (Blue)

It is still possible for a candidate to lose the popular vote and win the electoral vote, as George W. Bush did in 2000. This is partly because states with small populations, such as Wyoming, hold 3 electoral votes, which is disproportionately high compared to the voting power of a person in a more populous state, such as California. These western and plains States have recently voted Republican. While this electoral system is unpopular with some Americans, it maintains a sense of "sovereignty" for each of the States, and has remained in place despite numerous efforts to remove it.

The president can veto legislation coming from Congress, and can also, through the Cabinet and bureaucracy, challenge congressional actions. The president also serves as Commander-in-Chief of the nation’s armed forces.

The first president of the United States was, of course, George Washington.

George Washington

George Washington was the Commander in Chief of American forces in the American Revolutionary War, and first president of the United States. In 1787, he presided over the Constitutional Convention that drafted the United States Constitution.

"Government is not reason; it is not eloquent; it is force. Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master."

"Guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism."

"Overgrown military establishments are under any form of government inauspicious to liberty, and are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty."

"As Mankind becomes more liberal, they will be more apt to allow that all those who conduct themselves as worthy members of the community are equally entitled to the protections of civil government. I hope ever to see America among the foremost nations of justice and liberality."

"If the freedom of speech is taken away then dumb and silent we may be led, like sheep to the slaughter."

"The time is near at hand which must determine whether Americans are to be free men or slaves."

Supreme Court

Finally, the judicial branch is concerned with settling disputes that reach it from the bottom up, through an appeals process, or with deciding more urgent cases that involved constitutional questions.

Over time, the Supreme Court has built upon a power inherent to it under the Constitution in Article III – the power of judicial review- to provide the "last word" on the most pressing constitutional questions. Basically, the responsibility of the Supreme Court is to decide whether or not a law or action is constitutional or unconstitutional.

The justices who form the majority opinion issue a written explanation, called the "opinion." Sometimes, a single justice will write this and the others sign their names; other times, the justices write separate concurrent opinions to explain their specific reasons for voting their way.

The justices who voted in the minority often issue a "dissent," either jointly or separately, explaining why they thought the decision was wrong.

Supreme Court justices often circulate informal drafts amongst each other to test out how and why the others will vote on a pending case – a case "on the docket."

Marbury v. Madison (1801), McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) and Gibbons v. Ogden (1824) enhanced the Supreme Court's power of judicial review. These cases are examined in a later unit.

The Supreme Court is not democratically elected, its justices being nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate. The number of justices was not set in the Constitution, but it has evolved into nine, with appointments lasting the term of a natural life or retirement.

As described above, each of the three branches of government has some power over the others. This prevents one branch from becoming too powerful and establishing a tyranny or dictatorship based on arbitrary government. Interestingly, the Supreme Court often has to rule on questions regarding checks and balances.

Bill of Rights

One of the distinguishing features of the U.S. Constitution is a Bill of Rights that was attached to the final document as a kind of guarantee that government would not acquire too much power over individuals. These amendments came into effect on December 15, 1791, when ratified by three-fourths of the States. The Bill of Rights plays a central role in American law, but it is also a symbol of the freedoms and culture of the nation, with such freedoms including the freedom of speech and the press, etc.

The Bill was influenced by George Mason's 1776 Virginia Declaration of Rights, the 1689 English Bill of Rights, works of the Age of Enlightenment pertaining to natural rights, and earlier English political documents such as the Magna Carta (1215). The Bill was largely a response to the Constitution's influential opponents, including prominent Founding Fathers, who argued that it failed to protect the basic principles of human liberty.

The United States Bill of Rights consists of the first ten amendments to the United States Constitution. Among the enumerated rights these amendments guarantee are the freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, the freedom of assembly, the free exercise of religion, the freedom to petition, the people's right to keep and bear arms, and the rights to be free of unreasonable search and seizure, cruel and unusual punishment, and compelled self-incrimination.

In addition, the Bill of Rights states that "the enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people," and reserves all powers not granted to the Federal government to the citizenry or States.

A Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson said it best:

"The very purpose of a Bill of Rights was to withdraw certain subjects from the vicissitudes of political controversy, to place them beyond the reach of majorities and officials and to establish them as legal principles to be applied by the courts. One's right to life, liberty, and property, to free speech, a free press, freedom of worship and assembly, and other fundamental rights may not be submitted to vote; they depend on the outcome of no elections."

There is one civil liberty the Founders thought was important enough to include in the actual main body of the Constitution: habeas corpus.

In legal terms, habeas corpus obliges a government to account for a person's detention. "Habeas corpus" is Latin for "you have the body." Kings and queens in England enjoyed the power to lock someone up in a dungeon and throw away the key, but not so easily after the Magna Carta of 1215.

After the American Revolution of 1776, the principle of habeas corpus was found in most State constitutions, and more importantly, it is found in the 1787 United States Constitution.

U.S. Constitution, Article I Section 9:

The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.

This course returns to this Bill of Rights frequently in the course, but it is reproduced here below. Please read/review the following document:

Bill of Rights

Amendment I

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

Amendment II

A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.

Amendment III

No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Amendment IV

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, hoU.S.es, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Amendment V

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Amendment VI

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

Amendment VII

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Amendment VIII

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Amendment IX

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Amendment X

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

The Enlightenment and Political Philosophy

The Declaration of Independence and the U.S. Constitution were not written in isolation; they were part of a much larger movement – political, philosophical, and intellectual – called the Enlightenment.

The Enlightenment, as mentioned earlier, emphasized reason, freethinking, natural law, popular sovereignty, and human rights. It challenged theocratic fundamentalism and hereditary aristocracy. The Enlightenment was an idealistic movement in that it believed in progress.

Benjamin Franklin is a good example of an Enlightenment-era Renaissance man.

Benjamin Franklin

Benjamin Franklin was an inventor, scientist, Renaissance man, Ambassador to France, and the only Founding Father who signed all three of the major documents of the founding of the United States: The Declaration of Independence, The Treaty of Paris and the United States Constitution.

"Any society that would give up a little liberty to gain a little security will deserve neither and lose both."

"A great empire, like a great cake, is most easily diminished at the edges."

"All wars are follies, very expensive and very mischievous ones."

"The Constitution only guarantees the American people the right to pursue happiness. You have to catch it yourself."

The Enlightenment was a trans-Atlantic movement, and many of the Founding Fathers were in communication with English and French reformers and revolutionaries in Europe.

In France, for example, a revolutionary ideology was taking hold, and "liberty, equality and fraternity" were viewed as natural and inevitable forces propelling humankind forward. Some of the French idealists crossed the ocean to participate in the American Revolution.

Thomas Paine

Thomas Paine was born in England and died in America. He was an intellectual, scholar, and Atlantic revolutionary. He wrote Rights of Man and Common Sense.

"Government, even in its best state, is but a necessary evil; in its worst state, an intolerable one."

"That government is best which governs least."

"Belief in a cruel God makes a cruel man."

"I believe in the equality of man; and I believe that religious duties consist in doing justice, loving mercy, and endeavoring to make our fellow-creatures happy."

"Moderation in temper is always a virtue; but moderation in principle is always a vice."

"My country is the world, and my religion is to do good."

"Reason obeys itself; and ignorance submits to whatever is dictated to it."

Jean-Jacques Rousseau

Jean-Jacques Rousseau was an Enlightenment philosopher and his ideas about popular sovereignty and social contracts influenced the French Revolution. He was friends with Diderot and contributed to the scientific project of the Encyclopedists. His remains are in the Pantheon, in Paris.

"Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains."

"To renounce liberty is to renounce being a man, to surrender the rights of humanity and even its duties. For he who renounces everything no indemnity is possible. Such a renunciation is incompatible with man's nature; to remove all liberty from his will is to remove all morality from his acts."

"The world of reality has its limits; the world of imagination is boundless."

Marquis de Lafayette

Marquis de Lafayette participated in both the French and American Revolutions. He served as a Major General in the Continental Army, under George Washington, his lifelong friend. Lafayette's battles included Brandywine, Barron Hill, Monmouth, and Yorktown.

Lafayette drafted the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. He argued for habeas corpus rights, religious tolerance, popular representation, jury trials, the emancipation of slaves, and freedom of the press.

"Humanity has won its battle. Liberty now has a country."

"If the liberties of the American people are ever destroyed, they will fall by the hands of the clergy."

"True republicanism is the sovereignty of the people... There are natural rights which an entire nation has no right to violate."

"When the government violates the people's rights, insurrection is, for the people and for each portion of the people, the most sacred of the rights and the most indispensable of duties."

Conclusion

Virtually all of the Founding Fathers believed in the general principles of Enlightenment. It is also possible to identify, even at this early stage, the antecedents of what modern Americans consider "conservative" and "liberal" political ideologies or cultures. Of course, the political parties representing liberal and conservative views have changed names over the centuries and even changed positions.

Modern American conservatism descends – in part – from the ideas of the Federalist Party, influential from the 1790s to the 1820s. The party was formed by Alexander Hamilton. The Federalists were nationalists who wanted a fiscally and militarily strong nation state; and they believed in the tried and tested over the new and unproven. Federalists also believed in rule by a well-educated elite, and thus appealed to merchants, bankers, lawyers, editors, landowners, and industrialists; one of John Jay's favorite maxims was, "The people who own the country ought to govern it." Its most powerful leader was Hamilton, and its hero was George Washington.

Modern American liberalism descends – in part – from the ideas of the Democratic-Republican Party, founded in the 1790s by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. In fact, this party was first named the "Republican" Party, but it is actually the ancestor of the modern Democratic Party. The populist-oriented Democratic-Republican Party promoted the primacy of the yeoman farmer over bankers, industrialists and merchants. It opposed such Federalist policies as high tariffs, a navy, military spending and a national bank.

Just as the Declaration of Independence contains both Deist and secular principles, so too does the Constitution contain both the conservative emphasis on traditional order, security and continuity and the liberal emphasis on personal freedom, egalitarianism and secularism.

This dual or complex characteristic of the Constitution allows for that document to be interpreted in competing ways – in terms of "original intent" by conservatives and "active liberty" by liberals. Indeed, there is not final interpretation regarding the Constitution, and rival perspectives compete to this day.

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Lesson 1, Part 2: Federalism

"I hold, that in contemplation of universal law,

And of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual."

-Abraham Lincoln

Expected Outcomes: To understand the constitutional distribution of power between federal and state governments, and to appreciate how this tension, built into the Constitution, manifests itself across important case studies.

Overview

Lesson 1 part one examined the separation of powers into three branches (legislative, executive and judicial). It also examined the system of "checks and balances" that keeps any one branch from gaining too much power - from becoming tyrannical.

Lesson 1 part 2, by contrast, examines the division of government between the "federal" government, also known as the national government, with its capital in Washington D.C., and the "state" governments, of which there are 50 today.

While the Articles of Confederation gave enormous powers to each of the original 13 states, the U.S. Constitution was written in order to distribute power between the federal government and the states. This system is known as "federalism."

Federalism

As mentioned above, "federalism" refers to the relative distribution of power between the national or federal government in Washington D.C. and each of the states.

The U.S. Constitution describes the powers that belong to the federal or national government. These "delegated powers" include the power to regulate inter-state commerce; the power make treaties with foreign nations; the power to raise armies, declare war, raise taxes, and so on.

Simultaneously, the Constitution describes the powers that belong to the state governments. These "reserved powers" are reserved to the states. It is also possible to speak of "concurrent powers," which are shared between the federal and state governments. Finally, it is possible to describe "powers denied" to both federal and state governments, like the power to abridge individual rights by restricting the right to vote.

In many ways, and by design, the Constitution contains a tension between national and state power. This tension, never fully resolved, has manifested itself in countless national-state controversies.

The Constitution provides the United States Congress with a great deal of authority in crafting the nation's laws, and this authority is seen, among other places, in the "necessary and proper clause" of Article I.

Article I, Section 8, "Clause" 18:

"The Congress shall have power …To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.

Furthermore, the Constitution gives the federal government in Washington D.C. "supremacy" over the states. As seen below, the "national supremacy clause" in Article VI of the Constitution asserts the supremacy of federal laws over state laws:

Article VI, Clause 2:

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any state to the Contrary notwithstanding.

The federal government has indeed flexed its constitutional muscles over the years. In fact, one of the major plot lines in the history of American federalism is the steady growth of the national federal government and the relative decline of state power and states' rights.

Some scholars even go so far as to insist that "federalism" is an antiquated concept and that what the U.S. actually has is a national "unitary" system. The states, these scholars complain, are left to decide only unimportant and mundane questions, such as whether or not motorcycle riders should wear helmets.

Clearly, the federal power of national government is increasing; state power is decreasing. Several historical events and trends contributed to this:

· Supreme Court decisions regarding commerce and taxation that elevated the power of federal government over states.

· The Civil War, which reinforced the primacy of the Union, increased the importance of federal government.

· The Great Depression, which required a national or federal effort to overcome and launched dozens of large bureaucracies.

The African-American Civil Rights Movement led to the federal government intervening at the state level (in universities and schools).

· Modern War. As a result of World War II, the Cold War and now the Global War on Terror, enormous amounts of political power gravitated to the White House and the Pentagon.

Still, the states have specific constitutional rights. States' rights are in fact built into the Constitution, as a kind of "default setting," as seen in the Tenth Amendment:

Amendment X:

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it by the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

Therefore, each of the 50 states has quite a bit of latitude in the American system, especially to address new and unforeseen issues, but none of them can constitutionally restrict an individual's rights and liberties as described by, for example, the Fourteenth Amendments, the latter of which is clear:

Amendment XIV:

… No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States…

As mentioned, the default setting of the U.S. Constitution is to allow states to address the issues and controversies that are not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution. This allows for some state-to-state policy innovation before the issue reaches the national stage, if it ever does.

What has been described above is the architecture of American federalism: The federal government is supreme, but state governments have a defined area of power - including those areas not defined by the constitution.

The remainder of Lesson 2 examines how this federal-state tension has played out in several important areas of public policy.

Case Studies

· Interstate Commerce

· Civil Rights

· Euthanasia

· Medical Marijuana

Interstate Commerce Interestingly, odd cases and sudden controversies have a way of setting precedent and changing the nature of the federal-state balance of power.

Consider, for example, the Supreme Court case of McCulloch v. Maryland (1819). In 1818, the state of Maryland passed legislation to impose taxes on a bank chartered by Congress, the Second Bank of the United States, partly inspired by Alexander Hamilton.

McCulloch v. Maryland (1819)

Facts of the Case

In 1816, Congress chartered The Second Bank of the United States. In 1818, the state of Maryland passed legislation to impose taxes on the bank. James W. McCulloch, the cashier of the Baltimore branch of the bank, refused to pay the tax.

Question

The case presented two questions: Did Congress have the authority to establish the bank? Did the Maryland law unconstitutionally interfere with congressional powers?

Conclusion

In a unanimous decision, the Court held that Congress had the power to incorporate the bank and that Maryland could not tax instruments of the national government employed in the execution of constitutional powers. Writing for the Court, Chief Justice Marshall noted that Congress possessed unenumerated powers not explicitly outlined in the Constitution. Marshall also held that while the states retained the power of taxation, "the constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof are supreme . . .they control the constitution and laws of the respective states, and cannot be controlled by them."

The OYEZ Project, McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. 316 (1819)

The decision was a victory for the federal government and a defeat for the states.

A similar outcome was achieved in the Supreme Court case Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), when Chief Justice John Marshall said that the federal commerce clause outranked a state law that had granted a monopoly to one group of people to run steamboats.

Steamboats and the Commerce Clause

Gibbons v. Ogden (1824)

Facts of the Case A New York state law gave two individuals the exclusive right to operate steamboats on waters within state jurisdiction. Laws like this one were duplicated elsewhere which led to friction as some states would require foreign (out-of-state) boats to pay substantial fees for navigation privileges. In this case a steamboat owner who did business between New York and New Jersey challenged the monopoly that New York had granted, which forced him to obtain a special operating permit from the state to navigate on its waters.

Question

Did the State of New York exercise authority in a realm reserved exclusively to Congress, namely, the regulation of interstate commerce?

Conclusion

The Supreme Court found that New York's licensing requirement for out-of-state operators was inconsistent with a congressional act regulating the coasting trade. The New York law was invalid by virtue of the Supremacy Clause. In his opinion, Chief Justice Marshall developed a clear definition of the word commerce, which included navigation on interstate waterways. He also gave meaning to the phrase "among the several states" in the Commerce Clause. Marshall's was one of the earliest and most influential opinions concerning this important clause. He concluded that regulation of navigation by steamboat operators and others for purposes of conducting interstate commerce was a power reserved to and exercised by the Congress.

The OYEZ Project, McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. 316 (1819)

The majority opinion said that the U.S. Constitution had a supremacy clause and a commerce clause that allowed the federal government to regulate interstate commerce (between two states). The Supreme Court extended this power to regulate commerce within the borders of a single state.

Before the decision, it was thought that the federal government had power over only interstate commerce. But the Court's opinion said that the commerce clause also applied here. Thus, the Supreme Court extended the definition of interstate commerce and cemented the power of the federal government over the states when laws conflicted.

Many of these same issues arose decades later when the Franklin Delano Roosevelt administration attempted to prohibit the use of child workers in the United States. Child Labor in America

Child labor was common at the turn of the century, but it was not without its critics. The Keating-Owen Child Labor Act of 1916 was an attempt to outlaw child labor for humanitarian reasons. The Act was vigorously backed by women's groups and progressives; it was opposed by industry and states' rights advocates. The Keating-Owen Child Labor Act states, in part:

The Keating-Owen Child Labor Act

"That no producer, manufacturer, or dealer shall ship or deliver for shipment in interstate or foreign commerce, any article or commodity the product of any mine or quarry situated in the United States, in which within thirty days prior to the time of the removal of such product there from children under the age of sixteen years have been employed or permitted to work, or any article or commodity the product of any mill, cannery, workshop, factory, or manufacturing establishment, situated in the United States…"

The act was struck down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court just two years later because it overstepped the purpose of the federal government's powers to regulate interstate commerce. It was up to the states, the argument ran, to prohibit child labor.

The Supreme Court found the Keating-Owen Child Labor Act to be unconstitutional in Hammer v. Dagenhart (1918):

Hammer v. Dagenhart (1918)

"The power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce does not extend to curbing the power of the states to regulate local trade."

A constitutional amendment was soon proposed to give Congress the power to regulate child labor, but it was stalled in the 1920s by an effective campaign to discredit it.

Federal protection of children would not be obtained until passage of the Fair Labor Standards Act in 1938, which was also challenged before the Supreme Court before emerging intact. In U. S. v. Darby (1941), the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Fair Labor Standards Act, and it is still in force today.

Justice Stone in U. S. v. Darby (1941)

"The power of Congress over interstate commerce is not confined to the regulation of commerce among the states. It extends to those activities intrastate which so affect interstate commerce or the exercise of the power of Congress over it as to make regulation of them appropriate means to the attainment of a legitimate end, the exercise of the granted power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce."

After World War II and continuing to present day, the Supreme Court still hears many cases involving inter-state commerce. While the basic parameters of the law are in place, individuals, corporations, state governments and the federal government often bring suits against one another, on constitutional grounds.

Civil Rights

The question of civil rights, particularly for African Americans, lies at the center of the debate over federalism.

After the Civil War, and using the amendment process, the U.S. federal government sought to set national standards for civil rights. The 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments were instrumental to this process in which the federal government trumped individual states, particularly in the South, which had historically oppressed African Americans.

The 13th Amendment is worded as follows:

Amendment XIII

Section 1

Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

Section 2

Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

The 14th Amendment is worded as follows, and its Section 1 contains the famous "Equal Protection Clause."

Amendment XIV

Section 1

All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 5

The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

The 15th Amendment is worded as follows:

Amendment XV

Section 1

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

Section 2

The Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

After the Civil War, the Supreme Court grappled with civil rights in a new constitutional framework. The decisions did not always favor African Americans.

Consider United States v. Cruikshank (1876), a case that arose out of the Colfax Massacre, when a group of white men (including members of the Ku Klux Klan) clashed with members of Louisiana's almost all-black state militia at the local courthouse. The Fourteenth Amendment was held by the Supreme Court of the United States to apply only to state actions, not private acts of violence.

United States v. Harris (1883) held that the Equal Protection Clause did not apply to an 1883 prison lynching since the Fourteenth Amendment applied only to states, not to individual criminal matters.

The Civil Rights Cases of 1883 allowed segregation by striking down the Civil Rights Act of 1875, a statute that prohibited racial discrimination in public accommodations. The Supreme Court held that the Equal Protection Clause applied only to acts done by states, not to those done by private individuals; because the Civil Rights Act of 1875 applied to private establishments, the Court said, it exceeded congressional power under section five of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Consider, too, the Supreme Court case of Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). That 1896 case concerned Homer Plessy, a light-skinned African American. Homer sat down in the "whites only" car of a Louisiana train, refused to move, and was arrested.

Plessy's defense rested on the unconstitutional infringement of the Equal Protection clauses in the 14th Amendment. But the Supreme Court, reluctant to go against the prevailing norms of the day, disagreed. The Court, employing an "original intent" of the Constitution argument, held that state law upholds racial segregation. The Court further said that separate facilities for races satisfied the 14th Amendment so long as they were equal. (The actual phrase "separate but equal" was not part of the opinion but it was implied).

Brown v. Board of Education (1954) broke with the history (or precedent) of the Supreme Court. This case drove to the central question: Does segregation in public schools violate the Equal Protection of the 14th Amendment?

The Supreme Court said that it did. The Court found that segregation in public education has a detrimental effect on minority children, making them feel inferior. The Court focused on the psychological impact of segregation. They also found that the idea of "separate but equal" was inherently wrong because, as Chief Justice Warren wrote: "Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal."

During the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, states' rights became strongly associated with Southern racial politics, with proponents of racial segregation and Jim Crow laws (which segregated the races) denouncing federal interference in these state-level policies. Over time, however, the Supreme Court and lower courts, pursuing what critics call "judicial activism," have forced states to conform to the provisions in the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments.

Abraham Lincoln

"That I am not a member of any Christian Church, is true; but I have never denied the truth of the Scriptures; and I have never spoken with intentional disrespect of religion in general, or any denomination of Christians in particular."

"I am not a Know-Nothing. That is certain. How could I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of negroes, be in favor of degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to me to be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring that "all men are created equal." We now practically read it "all men are created equal, except Negroes." When the Know-Nothings get control, it will read "all men are created equal, except Negroes and foreigners and Catholics. When it comes to this, I shall prefer emigrating to some country where they make no pretense of loving liberty - to Russia, for instance, where despotism can be taken pure and without the base alloy of hypocrisy."

"Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration."

Euthanasia

Euthanasia is another issue that raises questions over the balance between national and state power; it has become an issue that speaks to federalism. Euthanasia refers to assisted dying, mercy killing or, in legal terms, to "doctor-assisted suicide." Usually, euthanasia is relevant to patients with terminal cancer or to those in a persistent vegetative state (PVS). Euthanasia, then, is illegal in all 50 states. However, physician-assisted suicide (PAS) is legal in four states....

Dr. Kevorkian

In the U.S., the topic of euthanasia was brought to the forefront of politics by Dr. Kevorkian. He assisted in the deaths of more than 100 people in less than 10 years. Often, the State of Michigan tried to prosecute him for murder, but he managed to convince juries to let him go. In 1999, however, Dr. Kevorkian was convicted of administering a lethal injection to Thomas Youk.

Case: Washington v. Glucksburg (1997)

In Washington v. Glucksburg (1997), Dr. Harold Glucksberg and a nonprofit organization challenged the State of Washington's ban on physician assisted-suicide. Washington had criminalized the promotion of suicide attempts by those who knowingly cause or aid another person to attempt suicide. Glucksberg alleged that Washington's ban was unconstitutional. While the case was decided on the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process Clause, it has clear implications for personal privacy rights.

The Court held that the while individuals have a right to refuse artificially-induced life extension, that the right to assisted suicide is not a fundamental liberty.

Decision of the Court: 9 – 0

Opinion: Justice Rehnquist

More specifically, for over 700 years, the Anglo-American common-law tradition has punished or otherwise disapproved of both suicide and assisting suicide…

That suicide remained a grievous, though nonfelonious, wrong is confirmed by the fact that colonial and early state legislatures and courts did not retreat from prohibiting assisting suicide. Swift, in his early 19th-century treatise on the laws of Connecticut, stated that "[i]f one counsels another to commit suicide, and the other by reason of the advice kills himself, the advisor is guilty of murder as principal."

As the court below recognized, Washington's assisted suicide ban implicates a number of state interests…

First, Washington has an "unqualified interest in the preservation of human life."

Those who attempt suicide--terminally ill or not--often suffer from depression or other mental disorders…

The State's interest here goes beyond protecting the vulnerable from coercion; it extends to protecting disabled and terminally ill people from prejudice, negative and inaccurate stereotypes, and "societal indifference."…

Finally, the State may fear that permitting assisted suicide will start it down the path to voluntary and perhaps even involuntary euthanasia.

Conclusion Physician-assisted suicide has again reached the Supreme Court in Gonzales v. Oregon (2005). The case involves Oregon's "Death with Dignity Act" passed by the state legislature. It allows doctors to prescribe lethal doses of controlled drugs to terminally-ill patients. Under the law, a capable adult Oregon resident who has been diagnosed with a terminal illness by a physician may request in writing a prescription for a lethal dose of medication. The request must be confirmed by two witnesses, one of whom cannot be related to the patient, be entitled to any portion of the patient's estate, be the patient's physician, or be an employee of a health care facility caring for the patient.

More specifically, Oregon's Act includes the following:

State of Oregon's description of the Death with Dignity Act:

The law states that, in order to participate, a patient must be: 1) 18 years of age or older, 2) a resident of Oregon, 3) capable of making and communicating health care decisions for him/herself, and 4) diagnosed with a terminal illness that will lead to death within six (6) months. It is up to the attending physician to determine whether these criteria have been met.

Attorney General John Ashcroft (then Alberto Gonzalez) threatened to revoke the licenses of doctors involved. The State of Oregon then sued Ashcroft (then, Gonzalez). The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled for Oregon and against Gonzalez, saying that the Attorney General had no jurisdiction in the case. So, then the case went to the Supreme Court. It needs to be noted that the Controlled Substances Act (CSA) is a federal law that regulates the legal and illicit manufacture, distribution, and possession of drugs, a physician may prescribe controlled substances to patients only for a “legitimate medical purpose.”

In a 6-3 opinion delivered by Justice Anthony Kennedy, the Court held that Congress intended the CSA to prevent doctors only from engaging in illicit drug dealing, not to define general standards of state medical practice. Moreover, the CSA did not authorize Attorney General John Ashcroft to declare a medical practice authorized under state law to be illegitimate.

In Oregon at least, the Death with Dignity law was upheld. Oregon appeared to have circumvented the earlier ruling by emphasizing the voluntary and "self-administration" of lethal medications by people, with doctors playing a more minor role.

Medical Marijuana

Medical marijuana raises fascinating constitutional issues. But first, it is important to describe the use of marijuana for medical reasons. The debate below revolves around whether or not marijuana should be a legal remedy, one prescribed by doctors for their patients. This is to be distinguished from its recreational use, which since the 1960s has been common.

There is medical and scientific consensus that marijuana stimulates the appetite of AIDS patients; that it relieves pressure in the eyeball for glaucoma patients; and there is even growing consensus that marijuana can lowers a person's blood pressure over time.

Of course, it should be said that marijuana use has also been associated with long-term memory loss, confusion, paranoia and respiratory problems. Defenders of marijuana use claim that these problems have been traditionally exaggerated by alarmist propaganda such as the 1936 film Reefer Madness. For many patients of AIDS and glaucoma, however, the benefits appear to outweigh the costs – and many doctors agree.

Because of these reputed effects, 56% of California voters voted in favor of Proposition 215 (the Compassionate Use Act) in 1996, legalizing the use of marijuana. This is the core of the proposition:

Proposition 215: Text of Proposed Law

(A) To ensure that seriously ill Californians have the right to obtain and use marijuana for medical purposes where that medical use is deemed appropriate and has been recommended by a physician who has determined that the person's health would benefit from the use of marijuana in the treatment of cancer, anorexia, AIDS, chronic pain, spasticity, glaucoma, arthritis, migraine, or any other illness for which marijuana provides relief.

(B) To ensure that patients and their primary caregivers who obtain and use marijuana for medical purposes upon the recommendation of a physician are not subject to criminal prosecution or sanction.

However, Proposition 215, which passed in California, conflicted with the Federal Controlled Substances Act.

Naturally, court cases soon followed to test the legality of the California law. After all, the federal government began to arrest doctors who prescribed marijuana. The California based Ninth Circuit Court, however, ruled in favor of medical marijuana. This court found that the federal government's commerce clause power was weak, and that Congress lacked the power to enforce federal law in this medical sphere.

The Ninth Court cited US v. Lopez (1995), a Supreme Court case that restricted the federal government's right to control firearms at the state level. This same reasoning would prevent the federal government from interfering in medical marijuana laws at the same level. Medical marijuana activists accused conservatives of hypocrisy in their claim that states should be allowed to set their own laws regarding guns (and civil rights) but not when such state laws legalized marijuana (or same-sex marriage).

In Gonzalez v. Raich (2005), the Supreme Court ruled against the use of medical marijuana. Conservative judges who favored states' rights in other circumstances had to stake out a rather delicate position in order to rule against medical marijuana. After all, the states had traditionally regulated and licensed the practice of medicine, not the federal government.

The Court overturned California's medical marijuana laws not for moral reasons but because legal marijuana might impact the "interstate commerce" of a substance, some pointed out, that was supposed to have no interstate commerce. Whatever one's view of the decision, it was unusual that the Supreme Court took into account the commercial effects of an underground activity, that is, of commerce in a contraband substance.

Justice Stevens delivered the opinion:

The exemption for cultivation by patients and caregivers can only increase the supply of marijuana in the California market. The likelihood that all such production will promptly terminate when patients recover or will precisely match the patients' medical needs during their convalescence seems remote; whereas the danger that excesses will satisfy some of the admittedly enormous demand for recreational use seems obvious. Moreover, that the national and international narcotics trade has thrived in the face of vigorous criminal enforcement efforts suggests that no small number of unscrupulous people will make use of the California exemptions to serve their commercial ends whenever it is feasible to do so. Taking into account the fact that California is only one of at least nine States to have authorized the medical use of marijuana, a fact Justice O'Connor's dissent conveniently disregards in arguing that the demonstrated effect on commerce while admittedly "plausible" is ultimately "unsubstantiated," post, at 14, 16, Congress could have rationally concluded that the aggregate impact on the national market of all the transactions exempted from federal supervision is unquestionably substantial.

Not all justices agreed.

Justice O'Connor wrote a dissent:

We would do well to recall how James Madison, the father of the Constitution, described our system of joint sovereignty to the people of New York: "The powers delegated by the proposed constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite… The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State." The Federalist No. 45, pp. 292—293.

Relying on Congress' abstract assertions, the Court has endorsed making it a federal crime to grow small amounts of marijuana in one's own home for one's own medicinal use. This overreaching stifles an express choice by some States, concerned for the lives and liberties of their people, to regulate medical marijuana differently. If I were a California citizen, I would not have voted for the medical marijuana ballot initiative; if I were a California legislator I would not have supported the Compassionate Use Act. But, whatever the wisdom of California's experiment with medical marijuana, the federalism principles that have driven our Commerce Clause cases require that room for experiment be protected in this case. For these reasons I dissent. John Calvin Jones, J.D., in "The War on Drugs is Still Unconstitutional" found it amusing that medical marijuana was banned on the largely grounds that legalizing it would impact the price of regular marijuana.

John Calvin Jones

Note the parallel, as prostitution is banned, consensual sex can be criminalized, because the more often that people have sex for free – especially if they are married, the lower the price that prostitutes will charge.

The Supreme Court has indeed prohibited medical marijuana, but the enforcement of this decision remains problematic, as tens of millions of Americans continue to break the federal law. And, to make this issue even more controversial, both Washington and Colorado recently passed state initiatives legalizing personal recreational use of marijuana!

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