Exploring the Concept of “Profession” for Organizational Communication Research Institutional Influences in a Veterinary Organization John C. Lammers Mattea A. Garcia University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Recent scholarship has argued that the concept of profession is undertheorized and accepted uncritically. The authors address this issue by summarizing the characteristics of professions and articulating professions as institutionalized occupations. Their study of a veterinary call center suggests that profession influences the workplace through (a) knowledge providing, seeking, and shar- ing; (b) self-management of behavior, emotions, and productivity; (c) internal sources of motivation; (d) a service orientation; (e) the invocation of field stan- dards; and (f) participation in a knowledge community beyond the workplace. Although these features may be distinguishable analytically, they are unified in the experience of work. Moreover, the close match in this case between the service orientations of the profession and of the organization strengthened the workers’ commitment and thus the legitimacy of the organization.

Keywords: institutional theory; organizational theory; professions

The concept of profession has appeared with increasing frequency inrecent organizational communication scholarship (Ashcraft & Allen, 2003; Cheney & Ashcraft, 2007; Real & Putnam, 2005). In treating the pro- fessional as a specific type of organizational member, communication

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Authors’ Note: The authors would like to thank all the veterinary professionals whose participation made this project possible. They are also grateful to Karen Lee Ashcraft, James Barker, and the anonymous reviewers for supportive, helpful, and detailed comments on earlier versions of this article.

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scholars join a long tradition of sociological and management studies, from Parsons’s (1951) structural-functional study of physicians through Pratt, Rockmann, and Kaufmann’s (2006) study of medical residents’ identity con- structions. Considerable effort has also gone into specifying the particular features of an occupation that might classify it as a profession (Abbott, 1988). In addition, both management and organizational communication researchers have raised questions about professional control of work (Barley, 1996; Lammers & Duggan, 2002; Real & Putnam, 2005). Although the earliest work on professions (Hughes, 1965; Moore, 1970; Parsons, 1951) sought the distinctive features of professions that played a role in social structures, more recent work has focused on identity (Kuhn & Nelson, 2002; C. R. Scott, 1997). However, scholars tend to hold common assumptions about the mean- ing of profession (Cheney & Ashcraft, 2007) that center uncritically on the accepted norms of American work (it is good to be professional) and of cur- rent scholarship (the professional as the mainstream worker; Ashcraft & Allen, 2003). Thus, despite renewed attention to profession, the concept has not been explicated in organizational communication terms, nor has it been an explicit focus of organizational communication research.

From our point of view, the meaning of profession in an organizational context raises as yet unanswered empirical questions about how it is mani- fested, experienced, negotiated, or managed. As a starting point, we observe that a profession is literally external to an organization in which a “profes- sional” works. Whether it is the physician, attorney, or teacher, the training, certification, licensure, and governance of the profession occurs beyond the control and jurisdiction of the hospital, law firm, or school. We therefore apply an institutional perspective by asking how profession, an institutional- ized occupation (Abbott, 1988), works as an extraorganizational influence in the work place. Features of the institutional theory of organizational communication apply well to profession. Institutions are “constellations of established practices guided by formalized, rational beliefs that transcend particular organizations and situations” (Lammers & Barbour, 2006, p. 364). Similarly, professions as occupations are characterized by formalized beliefs that specify and emerge from established practices transcending particular workplaces (Abbott, 1988).

An institutional focus on profession will assist researchers in understand- ing how forces external to the organization pervade nominal boundaries and activities (Heaton & Taylor, 2002). Professionals are said to gain influence and contribute to organizations using shared interpretations of the means and ends of work (Kennedy, 1990), making professions inherently communica- tive phenomena. Moreover, an empirically developed understanding of the

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meaning of profession helps us apply consistent ideas to how people “respond in daily interaction across various contexts to institutionalized expectations for professional demeanor” (Cheney & Ashcraft, 2007, p. 161).

We turn first to the past and contemporary literatures in organizational studies and organizational communication to find common themes in the definitions and uses of the term profession. In these efforts, we aim to be self-consciously methodical in sorting definitional elements that might serve further investigation and analysis. Based on our observation that the current organizational communication literature does not fully explore the concept of profession and its communicative implications, we specify the following research question: How does an institutionalized occupation work as an extraorganizational influence in the workplace? To address this question, we examine an organization in which the majority of employees (perhaps unselfconsciously) claim a profession: veterinarians. From this case, we draw conclusions about the meaning of profession and contrast these observations with the themes from the literature. A reflective critique of our approach and suggestions for future research conclude our article.

The Meaning of Profession

In reviewing the research on professions, we find that the concept is multifaceted, that organizational scholars have neglected its communicative aspects, and that communication scholars have taken the distinctiveness of professions for granted. We first consider characterizations of the term in the specialized literature on professions and then in recent management and communication studies. The word stems from the Latin professio and the verb profiteor, meaning to declare openly (Kimball, 1992). Kimball (1992) noted that profession was originally used in reference to a declaration or vow, particularly a religious one. Later, the term signified the group that was making the vow, such as the clergy; eventually it was associated with occupations more generally, and finally specifically prestigious or learned occupations (Freidson, 1986; Kimball, 1992). More than 50 years of research and theorizing have expanded this original understanding of pro- fession to include the characteristics discussed below.

Characteristics of Professions

Emotional neutrality. In the earliest writings in the sociology of profes- sions, affective neutrality was seen as a key feature of professional conduct

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(Barber, 1965; Parsons, 1951). Indeed, Kramer and Hess (2002) found that the expression of emotions was frequently viewed as antithetical to profes- sional behavior. When workers were asked what they viewed as appropriate emotional displays in the workplace, “the most common rule given was to express emotions professionally [which entailed] having control over one’s emotion displays and maintaining a ‘businesslike’ atmosphere” (p. 72).

A body of knowledge. Command of abstract knowledge is most com- monly cited as necessary for an occupation’s designation as a profession (Abbott, 1988; Carr-Saunders, 1966; Cruess, Johnston, & Cruess, 2004). Members of a profession are said to have a monopoly over the creation of and access to its body of specialized, esoteric knowledge (Abbott, 1988; Goode, 1966; Hughes, 1965). Professions’ members utilize knowledge in service and, as a community, continuously expand and develop that knowl- edge (Moore, 1970), which is often based on systematic theory unique to each discipline (E. Greenwood, 1966).

Formal standards of conduct. Professionalized occupations also gener- ate ongoing formalized (i.e., written) standards of ethical conduct and prac- tice (Carr-Saunders, 1966; Goode, 1966; Moore, 1970). Displaying a commitment to “competence, integrity and morality, altruism, and the pro- motion of the public good within [the profession’s] domain” (Cruess et al., 2004, p. 74), members are expected by each other and the public to accept and uphold the norms and standards of the profession, including commit- ment to clients and peers, competence, deference to peers via consultation and referral (Goode, 1966; E. Greenwood, 1966; Russo, 1998), self-control of behavior, and emotional neutrality (Barber, 1965; E. Greenwood, 1966).

Service orientation. Several scholars have noted that members of a pro- fession are committed to placing their clients’ interests above their own (Barber, 1965; Cruess et al., 2004; Starbuck, 1992). Although a number of scholars have called this issue into question (Larson, 1977; Sharma, 1997), the general orientation toward service has survived as a defining feature of professional conduct. A service orientation means that knowledge is used and produced to benefit the specific needs of the profession’s clients. Although the earliest professions, the clergy, law, and medicine, were clearly service occupations, today service and knowledge work are so wide- spread that this feature no longer distinguishes the professionalized from other occupations.

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Social status. Members of a profession gain prestige or status through mastery of knowledge, maintenance of standards, and commitment to service (Moore, 1970; Real & Putnam, 2005). Public opinion of the pro- fession gives it power and status (Abbott, 1988; Goode, 1966; Starr, 1982). Furthermore, this status provides that only other members of the profession can rightly judge the competence, performance, and value of a profession and its members (Menand, 2001; Moore, 1970; Wallace, 1995).

Training and education. The knowledge to which a profession lays claim is achieved, preserved, and increased by the extensive education and training of the profession’s members. Members of a profession have typi- cally completed formal higher education requirements and have received specialized training in the skills and knowledge of the field (Carr-Saunders, 1966; Freidson, 1986; Goode, 1966).

Self-control. Professionals also have a certain amount of autonomy in the conduct of their work as well as in regulating what training and education is required of members, which members have access to membership, and the formal requirements and standards members can institute. Therefore, members of a profession expect latitude to practice without much direct supervision or evaluation (Cruess et al., 2004; Starbuck, 1992). Moore (1970) argued that as specialization, education, and training increase, so too does the amount of autonomy professions have and can offer to their members. Thus, supervision in traditional organizations may collide with a professional’s desire for or expectation of autonomy (Moore, 1970; W. R. Scott, 1966).

Social control. Although professionals can practice their crafts autonomously, their autonomy is restrained. Members of a profession answer to their peers and the profession’s clientele (Cruess et al., 2004; MacIver, 1966; Moore, 1970). Members are bound to the client via the social contract between the profession and society (Goode, 1966). Professionals expect collegial enforcement of standards (Starbuck, 1992; Wallace, 1995). As a part of this enforcement, a member of a profession will consult with a fellow member on client issues and may refer his or her client to a more expert colleague (Freidson, 1986; Moore, 1970).

Formal associations. Freidson (1986) noted that as occupational groups try to gain status, they develop formal associations to protect performance standards, enforce codes of ethics, control criteria for access into the occupa- tion, distinguish the occupation as a profession, and maintain its prestigious

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status (Carr-Saunders, 1966; E. Greenwood, 1966; Moore, 1970). A formal association also allows for clearer distinctions between in-groups and out- groups, what counts as a profession, and who can rightfully be a member (Hughes, 1965). The association helps convince the community of clients to uphold the monopoly the profession has over its craft. An association also creates and maintains certification and licensing requirements for entry into and practice of the profession and serves as a place for members to meet and communicate (E. Greenwood, 1966; Russo, 1998). Starr recounted how U.S. medicine’s gradual articulation of professional control in state and federal legislature resulted in what he termed its sovereignty over the medical craft of healing (Starr, 1982).

Professional identity. Recent management research on the professions (Albert, Ashforth, & Dutton, 2000; Dukerich, Golden, & Shortell, 2002; Dutton, Dukerich, & Harquail, 1994; Johnson, Morgeson, Ilgen, Meyer, & Lloyd, 2006; van Knippenberg & van Schie, 2000) as well as organizational communication scholarship (Jorgenson, 2002; Kuhn & Nelson, 2002; Morgan et al., 2004; Olufowote, 2006; Russo, 1998; C. R. Scott, 2001; Tracy & Scott, 2006; Vaast, 2004) has sought to understand organizational and pro- fessional identity and identification processes. Some have observed that organizational identification may be less likely for professionals (Brown, Dacin, Pratt, & Whetten, 2006; Mael & Ashforth, 1992; Roberts, 2005). Ashforth and Mael (1989) warned that “a lack of congruence between the goals or expectations of the nested groups may impede joint identification” (p. 29). Members may then disidentify or become ambivalent regarding the organization (Pratt, 2000).

Organizing and narrowing the literature just reviewed, the concept profes- sion is used traditionally to indicate an occupation the conduct of which is characterized by emotional neutrality, command over a body of knowledge, formal standards of conduct, a service orientation, elevated social status, extended training and education, self- and social control, and the establish- ment of formal associations. In addition, professions are recognized as important targets or sources of identity for their incumbents, and this identity may obstruct organizational attachment. Although this is not an exhaustive list of features (e.g., some authors emphasize that profession is achieved rather than ascribed; see Parsons, 1951), most authors refer either explicitly or implicitly to these elements in referring to profession or in distinguishing professions from other occupations. Next, we suggest that an institutional approach may help clarify the meaning of profession in organization.

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The Profession as an Institution

Following the definitional elements provided by the literature reviewed above, we view profession as an institutionalized occupation (Abbott, 1988). The literature on organizational–institutional theory and analysis is bur- geoning (for recent reviews, see R. Greenwood, Oliver, Sahlin, & Suddaby, 2008), but we can summarize the concept for our purposes briefly. Institutions are composed of “cognitive, normative, and regulative structures” (W. R. Scott, 1995, p. 33) that operate at a local level through discursive micro practices that use or create such structures (Barley, 2008; Deetz, 1992). Moreover, institutions have a taken-for-granted, transparent quality (Sahlin & Wedlin, 2008) that becomes habitualized in an established and expected way (Barley, 2008). Finally, institutions have a self-reproducing character (R. Greenwood et al., 2008; Jepperson, 1991) that transcends particular organizations and situations (Lammers & Barbour, 2006). Taken together, these features of institutions are said to provide meaning and stability to social life (Djelic & Quack, 2008).

Studying professions as institutions facilitates examination of a micro– macro link between discursive practices within an organization and lar- ger-scale structures beyond nominal organizational boundaries (Phillips, Lawrence, & Hardy, 2004). Inasmuch as professions are characterized (at a minimum) by established knowledge claims, rule-like standards, autonomous action, and participation in associations external to work organizations, they are indeed institutions manifested both within and across specific organiza- tions. Studying profession as an institution thus offers the opportunity to observe how institutions penetrate organizations.

We now turn to veterinary medicine, an occupation that fits the definitional elements of profession as reviewed above. Veterinarians comprise an ideal occupation for studying profession. As a scientific discipline, veterinary med- icine shares many of the features of human medicine, including a similarly long training period, a high degree of specialization, and an esoteric body of knowledge. Johnson et al. (2006) found that veterinarians in nonveterinary medicine organizations such as government offices identified more with the profession and their workgroups than with their employers, especially com- pared to veterinarians in veterinary organizations. However, Johnson and col- leagues used a survey method to establish the degree of identification and did not directly observe the veterinarians in their work. Thus, the question that guided our research is, “How does profession, as an institutionalized occupa- tion, work as an extraorganizational influence in the workplace?”

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Research Site and Method

The research reported here is a part of a larger study conducted over an 18-month period at a veterinary call center in a small U.S. city. The call center employs approximately 25 veterinarians and veterinary toxicologists as well as 25 veterinary assistants and a varying number of veterinary students. In addition, the center employs six knowledge management spe- cialists who maintain the comprehensive animal toxicology digital data- bases used by the call staff and another four people who manage public relations and corporate client relations. The organization is managed by a five-person operations team and is owned and partially subsidized by a national animal advocacy organization. The center, which has no direct on- site services, is available by telephone 24 hr a day, 365 days a year to answer queries about animal toxicology from the public at large as well as members of the veterinary, public health, and law enforcement communi- ties. The majority of calls come from the lay public about household pet poisoning, followed by calls from veterinarians and other organizations. More details about the organization are reported below.

We entered this project with the hope of learning how professional workers were managed and how profession manifested itself for workers. Influenced primarily by an institutional perspective and the literature reviewed above, we accepted professional as a normative rather than a tech- nical category, a term some workers used to describe themselves; for us, it generally meant highly trained workers who had some control over their work and claimed membership in a profession. We chose veterinarians because of their accessibility and similarity to physicians. The research problem that guided us was to assess communication between managerial and professional staff. One of us had studied physicians and wondered if issues such as autonomy, control, and status would be apparent among vet- erinarians, who have similar levels of training and licensure. We aimed both to understand more fully the communication between professional and managerial staff and to assist the organization in attaining its goals of effec- tively serving animals’ health and safety. Our time in the organization illu- minated issues we had not previously considered, thus the results we report here. Our initial research team included five people, three of whom partici- pated in the analysis of the data reported here.

We first encountered the organization at an informational meeting of the operations staff, combined with a tour of the facility. In addition to meetings, we also collected survey data from the entire membership of the organization via a Web-based questionnaire. Our survey included questions regarding

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workers’ satisfaction and perceptions of the organization’s climate as well as workers’ identification with the organization, their profession, and the parent organization. In a meeting presenting these data to the operations team (and later the entire staff), we realized that the reports of satisfaction and identifi- cation were tied to the ongoing experience of work and were more fully man- ifested in discourse about working in the organization. Therefore, we sought and obtained permission to collect additional qualitative data by making observations of the call center, collecting additional interviews, and sitting in on weekly operations meetings over the course of a year. Human participant protocols were followed to protect the confidentiality and privacy of the research participants. We obtained informed consent from all participants for all observations, interviews, and surveys. In this article, the identities of par- ticipants are masked, and the organization is referred to as the Pet Hot Line (PHL), a pseudonym.

We conducted two online surveys of all PHL employees in the organiza- tion approximately 14 months apart (results of the surveys are reported in a separate paper). In addition, 20 interviews were conducted with managers, veterinarians, knowledge management staff, toxicologists, and veterinary assistants. In excess of 75 hr of observations, including clients’ telephone calls, most weekly management operations meetings over a 1-year period, quality assurance meetings, and all-staff meetings, was logged. Field notes from observations and interviews and audio transcripts were combined to address the research question posed above. In our observations, thoroughness and repetition guided our data collection, whereas our interviews were guided by an open-question protocol (available from the authors on request). The interview transcripts and observations notes totaled 210 pages, including an additional 90 pages of organizational documents and meeting agendas.

Three researchers were involved in analyzing the data reported here. In our initial analysis of the field data, the three researchers read all of the field notes, transcripts, and documents and individually sorted the texts into the- matic groups using the grounded theory method of constant comparison in a search for themes and affinities in the data (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; M. Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Specifically, each researcher separately read the corpus of research materials, sorted the texts into themes on note cards, and reported the themes in several group meetings, as suggested by A. Strauss (1987) and by Lindlof (1995). Researchers then shared their themes and reviewed each other’s notes. After long discussions of the themes each had identified (and without reference to the literature on professions at this time), researchers created a list of themes and agreed on coding the categories. Using an approach similar to Morgan et al. (2004) and Ashcraft (2005) and

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following additional reviews of the data to look for sufficient evidence, we identified six themes as having arisen from the data, which we explore in the next section.1

Communicating Profession at Work

Analysis of our field notes and interview transcripts yielded six themes that we understand to be facets or characteristics of communicating pro- fession at PHL. These are (a) knowledge providing, seeking, and sharing; (b) self-management of behavior, emotions, and productivity; (c) internal sources of motivation; (d) a service orientation; (e) the invocation of field standards; and (f) participation in a knowledge community beyond the work- place. As analysts, we see these as analytical categories apparent in our data. They are not jobs or features of work for the workers themselves. Rather, they are intertwined aspects of daily work for the workers at PHL. Therefore, in the narrative that follows, we seek to give the reader a sense of what work at the PHL is like through an elucidation of these facets or categories. In doing so, we strive for openness (Constas, 1992) in our presentation so that the reader may understand both our subject and our own viewpoints. As analysts of social settings with very little familiarity with veterinary toxicology or call centers, we were at once excited and impressed by the access our participants offered us, and we were at first overwhelmed by the world of the call center. Although any presentation order of our data would necessarily be arbitrary, we begin our narrative with a description of the work environment’s physical features and then move on to discussing the work itself as a way of illustrat- ing the dimensions of communicating profession.

Physical Setting and Work Routine

The PHL office is located in a commercial district of a small U.S. city. As a 24-hr facility, it is protected by a security system and, in addition to administrative offices, includes a kitchen and an exercise area. The call staff members work in a maze of personally designated cubicles. PHL has a per- missive pet policy, so there are dog bowls and beds in and around the cubi- cles and hamsters or fish on several desks. There is a feeling of home in this workspace, and yet the mission of the organization is not unnoticed. Shelves above the desks are filled with veterinary and toxicology references texts. Each cubicle has a networked computer and two or three monitors, allowing staff members to keep several windows and programs open at one

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time. Staff members wear headsets and enter information into a customized database while speaking to callers. The database screen has fields in which to enter pet owners’ contact information, basic pet information (type, size, and age of the animal), and credit card numbers or other payment particu- lars (see below). Details regarding exposure, symptoms, and treatment rec- ommendations are entered into pull down menus. A separate dialogue box is used to record case histories, the general content of the call, recommenda- tions given, and any follow-up steps the call staff must make regarding the case. Additional monitors display online databases regarding exposures, symptoms, treatments, and dosage calculations. A window showing the number of calls waiting, where the calls originate from (corporate clients, a toll-free number, internal calls, and a 900 number), and the priority of the calls is constantly visible. Another window shows the status of each call staff member: taking a call, on a case looking up information, completing infor- mation entry into the database, or taking a break (more on this below). The phone system automatically routes calls to the next available staff member; a red light flashes on his or her phone when a caller is waiting on the line.

Because the call center is staffed 24 hr a day, 7-hr shifts are staggered throughout the day. More call staff members are present during the busier periods. At least one board-certified toxicologist and multiple veterinarians and veterinary assistants are always on duty. Although veterinary assistants typically initially take calls, it is common for veterinarians and toxicologists to be the first to answer calls when volume of calls exceeds available staff.

Clients call in through one of several lines, first hearing a recorded mes- sage describing the service and informing callers that a fee will be charged either to a credit card or to their phone bill (follow-up calls related to the case are provided at no additional charge). Typically within 2 min, a staff member picks up the call and begins introductions. Veterinarians and toxi- cologists often introduce themselves as “doctor.” Technicians and assistants offer full names. The staff member asks the caller what he or she needs and reminds the caller that a fee will be charged at the end of the call. Occasionally, a caller may object or refuse to pay, and the call is terminated. At the staff person’s discretion, however, he or she may provide informa- tion at no charge. If the caller accepts the fee, the staff member gathers information about the animal involved, including age, sex, weight, name, species, and general health. Callers are then asked to provide detailed infor- mation regarding the animal’s exposure to a toxin, such as time of exposure and visible symptoms. Staff members may place the caller on hold to cal- culate dosage, research toxins or treatments, or determine if another call staff member could better serve the caller. The staff member then gives

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directions (which may include the admonition to take the animal to a vet- erinary office) or refers the client to another staff member, usually a veteri- narian or toxicologist. When call volume is high, as many as 700 calls may be received in a single day. High-volume days result in callers remaining on hold a longer-than-average length of time or disconnecting. Because the success of the organization (and the number of animals helped) depends on the number of calls billed and clients assisted, call staff members frequently find themselves furiously trying to answer as many calls as possible. A sense of quiet urgency pervades the call center because many calls, whether from pet owners or other veterinarians seeking expert advice, concern very sick animals that are frequently at risk of death.

Knowledge Providing, Seeking, and Sharing

The most obvious activity in the call center on a routine basis is knowl- edge providing, seeking, and sharing. Although distinctions could be made among advice, knowledge, information, and expertise, we found workers using these materials implicitly in consulting various sources, including each other, to find what the client needs. Thus, we use information and knowledge interchangeably here. The expert knowledge of veterinary science on which call staff relied was both formally and informally shared. Calls frequently required reference to the local database, the publicly acces- sible Veterinary Information Network (VIN), or other sources for informa- tion, such as reference books, if the staff member was not familiar with toxins involved in a particular case. Some consultation topics were very common, such as those involving dogs eating certain brands of ant bait or pain medicine. But all calls required entering the clinical details of the con- sultation into the local database and added to knowledge of the more than 1,000,000 calls that the PHL had received as of the time of our study.

In addition, however, a substantial amount of face-to-face knowledge sharing occurred during each shift (similar observations were made by Pentland, 1992). Both veterinarians and toxicologists reported seeking advice from others an average of 3 times per shift while giving advice an average of 10 times per shift. Veterinary assistants reported seeking advice an average of 20 times per shift and giving advice 5 times per shift. Observations of advice giving and seeking confirmed that although toxi- cologists’ and veterinarians’ advice was sought more often than veterinar- ian technicians’ advice, much depended on the topic, the staff members available on a shift, and the experience and tenure of the individual staff. A veterinarian might seek advice from a veterinary technician on a topic

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about which the technician had developed expertise. When asked about the extent of seeking information from others, one veterinarian responded,

Absolutely! Everybody does [seek advice]. Even our medical director [asks for advice]. I mean, the other day [the medical director] came to me and asked for my opinion. I mean, we have to. This is not a one-person job, and some cases are very difficult.

This veterinarian also explained how working alongside other veterinarians and experts was seen as a benefit:

One of the benefits of us being here together versus sitting at home in your pajamas and having a modem or whatever, is that you can go and speak to someone else and say, “Hey I’m thinking about doing this with this case, what do you think?” or “I have this case and here’s what’s going on and I don’t know what to do, what do you think?”

Our observations also bore this out. In a typical instance of advice seeking, a veterinary technician threw her hands up in the air, leaned back in her chair, and said, in response to no answers from the caller, “Help me here!” Then she said to the observer, “I need a vet to consult with because this one is [pause] not fun.” Thus, the sharing of knowledge at work had both a strictly functional as well as an emotional component (see below).

Information-sharing behavior was so customary that even our observers found themselves being instructed and consulted by the staff members they were observing, as this excerpt from the field notes shows:

“I am getting lucky today. It’s an easy one.” Looks back to smile at me. Shows me the calculator and asks me what I think it means. I tell her it looks to be a low enough exposure for such a big dog it probably won’t have much effect. She nods and smiled. She seems to be trying to educate me. Telling me what drugs do what and have what active ingredients. Asking me ques- tions about what I think a dog would suffer from having eaten “X”. This is not the first vet to feel the need to tell me about the drugs encountered and why they gave the advice they did.

A similar incident occurred in another observation: “As I sit down to begin observation of calls, she says ‘I don’t know how much you’d like to know about medicine but . . .’ and proceeds to tell me about suet soap.” Thus, both the formal mechanism for seeking and storing knowledge, as well as the informal sharing, were a part of every-day life at the PHL.

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Self-Management of Behavior, Emotion, and Productivity

Another leading feature of work at the PHL was self-management. At first, this appeared to be a function of the absence of supervision. We found it difficult, however, to separate self- management of work (i.e., the conduct of tasks) from interactive behaviors with coworkers and clients as well as the use of time and displays of emotion. Although our observations of self- management could be described as autonomy, our observations revealed more complicated and elaborate self-management that included behaviors (both physical and communicative), emotional displays (or lack thereof), and pacing of work. That is, emotional reactions or displays were inti- mately tied to the tasks and interactions displayed on the job.

In observing that the routine basis for interaction in the call center was knowledge sharing and seeking, we also observed that the call staff conducted themselves autonomously as they went about their work; there was virtually no personal supervision of work activities. As one veterinarian put it,

My thought has always been, “I’m no one’s mother here,” so I don’t need to know how long doctor so and so or whoever else has been on a call. I assume that everyone’s working as hard as they possibly can and doing their absolute best, and if they’re not, in some ways, I don’t want to know about it.

Thus, there was a general recognition that everyone was hard at work. But when the pace of calls picked up, the emotional content of the work also increased. For example, one researcher witnessed a call in which two fer- rets had mysteriously died, and the veterinarian on the case was trying to save a third ferret. Despite the obviously emotional content of the call and the frantic voice of the caller, the veterinarian kept her composure. Rarely did researchers witness much emotional display.

Frustrations could, however, turn toward management in much more obvious ways. The call staff monitoring system sometimes rubbed staff members the wrong way: “A frustration I think for some people, and for me as well, is that our every move is scrutinized.” This veterinarian was refer- ring to the system used to inform others about who was available for a con- sult or a new call and, if not available, where the staff member was; breaks, including bathroom breaks, were posted. The veterinarian went on,

Like I say, it’s one of those things where it’s sort of a little bit insulting, in that I guess my perspective always has been, we’re a professional commu- nity, we’re professionals, and so it seems a little bit sad and pathetic in a way that you have to basically put yourself on a certain number break as far as to

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just go to whatever it is that you need to do. . . . It makes you feel kind of like a factory worker as far as you have to punch [a number on a monitor], again, for professionals and for folks who definitely aren’t used to doing that it’s sort of more like a factory job as far as for every minute you’re late it gets noted. . . . It’s just . . . it’s a little bit definitely nonprofessional. . . . I think having your movements watched so closely it’s sort of like the big brother thing a little bit.

In this case, emotion created by the content of the work is more readily self- managed than emotion caused by disagreements over the treatment of pro- fessionals doing their work. Concerns about supervision and the blinking light were common. At an every-member meeting, there was group acknowl- edgement of the torment of knowing that more calls were frequently waiting. And during one observation, a veterinarian pointed to the frustration of the blinking light: “‘Stress of the blinking light shows up and you can’t get away from it.’ Vet Tech behind me chuckles and agrees.” In this instance, the vet- erinarian can articulate the emotion but displays little affect in doing so, and another call staff member laughs in agreement as if responding to an inside joke. Still, researchers did not witness much in the way of physically mani- fested stress. Personal conduct in the call center was virtually always busi- ness-like and reserved.

On a daily basis, call staff tacitly experienced autonomy, and it was dis- cussed explicitly in operations meetings. Although operations meetings were conducted with collegiality and politeness, productivity was a key tension between call staff leaders and other managers. Discussions in several opera- tions meetings revolved around the productivity of the call staff. Numbers of calls handled per staff member, numbers of calls closed, and numbers of calls billed were regularly points of concern. For example, when call staff leaders requested that PHL hire additional veterinarians to ease the call staff’s work- load, other managers expressed concern about the revenues brought in by the average-performing veterinarian and the cost to pay a veterinarian. When the staff representatives argued that rising call volume and productivity would eventually pay for the cost of new staff members, other managers argued, “The numbers don’t support that, and we have to use the numbers to plan,” to which one of the staff replied, “We’ve used numbers alright, we make people crazy with numbers.” This comment reflected the concern, shared among the call staff, that each individual call and each individual client (i.e., animal) was unique and therefore could not be neatly unitized and counted.2 The variety of calls, in turn, contributed to the staff’s belief in the need for autonomy, which was the central issue of contention between the call staff and the management.

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In another meeting, one of the call center leaders took offense at the evaluation of calls per shift. After some heated words, polite discussion continued. When asked about the incident in a later interview, the staff member said, “It doesn’t help to get overly emotional at a time like that.” Emotional outbursts were extremely rare in the staff meetings; in the only two overt instances in over a year of meetings observed, both concerned productivity and autonomy of the call staff. The tension around autonomy and productivity, however, challenged the ability of call staff to remain unemotional (Ashcraft & Allen, 2003; Kramer & Hess, 2002).

The most profound management of accountability we observed was through the built-in system that monitored call waiting times, calls taken per hour, and calls billed each shift for each staff member. Highly produc- tive and effective staff members were rewarded with employee-of-the- month awards, whereas less productive members were often assigned to the Quality Assurance (QA) committee. Regular QA meetings were conducted in which recordings of calls were played and analyzed by a committee. Results of the committee’s assessments were always provided to the staff member whose calls were monitored. In addition, it was the practice of the committee chair to recruit members of the call staff who needed assistance to learn how calls could be managed more effectively and quickly. Although it could have been viewed as close supervision, it was instead accepted as an opportunity for self-improvement. Attitudes toward the QA committee were generally positive. As one veterinarian put it, “I think that from experience people who aren’t pulling their weight don’t like it. . . . It’s not like micro-managing because it’s not like micro-management really, it’s just making sure what needs to happen is happening.”

There was no simple way to disentangle productivity, behavior, and emo- tion as matters of self-management. The blinking light was frequently viewed as an intrusive reminder of something the staff already knew—that there was more work to do. Perhaps one reason why the light bothered some people was that they already had their own reasons for working at the center and did not “need” to be reminded. Perhaps too it challenged their emotional composure; they already worked hard, and the reminder of more people in need might have been too much. Perhaps the stress arose not only from management remind- ing them of needing to take calls but also from their own service orientation.

Internal Sources of Motivation

Related to the self-management of behavior and emotion, we observed that staff members also brought their own motivations to the work of the

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call center. In some ways, this depended on their previous career paths. For example, several veterinarians came to the PHL because of the stresses of private practice. Though they found private practice frustrating and diffi- cult, they remained devoted to the field and motivated to contribute to it. A private veterinary practice holds the rewards of treating animals in a hands- on way but also entails running a business. One veterinarian recalled “the drama of a small practice . . . the economically challenged patients that could not afford treatment for the animals.” In contrast, she said, “This center is full of people willing to help. They are all nice.” Another veteri- narian recalled the personal cost of the long hours of private practice:

Most, I shouldn’t say most, a lot of times in private practice you’re on call. I didn’t enjoy that part of private practice, so that’s a very nice thing as far as to come here and be able to do what you’ve been trained to do, but then also to have a life outside of veterinarian medicine, and I think for a lot of veterinar- ians in private practice your veterinarian life and your regular life come crash- ing together in ways that you don’t always necessarily anticipate as far as—I think when you’re going through school you’re trying so hard to get through school, you kind of don’t really think about what it’s going to be like when you get out and you just want to get through school, and then you just can’t wait to go get practicing, and then you get practicing, and then you want to have a little bit of time off, then sometimes it doesn’t always work that way.

Another commonly reported source of motivation was the opportunity to participate in veterinary science: “I like learning toxicology and writing. . . . If I stay here, I’ll get boarded,” referring to the opportunity to study, sit for, and pass her toxicology board examinations. This veterinarian’s enthusiasm for the work was evident as she wrapped up a case, entering information in the database, and said that she would “finish the case and get right back out there.”

Yet another source of motivation was a genuine affection for interacting with clients and helping animals. When asked about charging for call services, one of the veterinary technicians told us she sometimes gives advice to the people who can’t pay and then in a moment of self-reflection, or perhaps confession, said, “’Cause it makes me feel good.” This staff member had always wanted to work with animals but

didn’t really like school . . . didn’t really want to do 4 years of undergrad plus 4 years of vet school. So, after 1 year of college, I transferred to [the local community college’s] vet tech program. I found out about this place through [the community college].

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One more shared source of motivation we observed was a belief in doing good work. This applied both to those who were frequently recognized as competent, productive experts and to those never recognized as “the employee of the month.”

I’m definitely not one of the fastest call people here, but I don’t want to be. I mean that’s not my goal. My goal for me is to do good work and to be happy with the work that I do and to do a good job with my cases. Like I say, I’m sort of a firm believer in the more information in the case the better so that you can have a better feeling for not just the exposure but how the call went, and I feel like the more information that you have the better off you are.

This veterinarian’s comments illustrated for us how the business of formal knowledge sharing (the somewhat repetitive and tedious task of entering information into a file) was accomplished through the motivation to do good veterinary medicine.

Service Orientation

We observed that the PHL’s service orientation as an organizational mission and the professional service orientation coincided. Most of what PHL call staff tried to do, from the hotline to client relations, was to pro- vide scientific, knowledge-based service. For example, in staff meetings, high standards of service were discussed as a hallmark of the organization. The PHL has only one competitor that offers a similar service for a lower price per call. Discussions often reflected the concern that callers might not know that the other service did not have a toxicologist on duty around the clock, which PHL staff regarded as a mark of their distinction. Several other smaller competing call centers were dedicated to particular compa- nies’ product lines. When one pet product company wanted to contract for PHL’s services at a substantially lower rate of remuneration per call, the operations team quickly determined that they would rather have the PHL known for high-quality service than low prices and declined the contract. Similarly, the primary marketing devices used by the PHL are displays in veterinary offices and veterinary medical journals. One long-running adver- tisement showed a group of miniaturized veterinary toxicologists sitting next to medications on a shelf with the caption, “It’s like having a toxicol- ogist on your shelf.” We suspect that the extent of similarity between the service orientations of the professionals and the organization may be some- what unusual, a point to which we return in our discussion.3

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Much of what was observed regarding a service orientation was inextri- cably linked with internal sources of motivation. One veterinarian said, “You really feel like you’re making a difference” and noted that several staff members volunteered in the local community for animal welfare. Another staff member noted, “I feel like I’m helping animals. I feel like I am helping people. I’m working with people that like animals. I like the culture.” She later noted that when someone cannot pay, the call staff feels torn because “you want to take care of that animal.” The call staff saw help- ing people and animals as their primary goal, a goal shared by the field of veterinary medicine and by the organization. This commitment to service not only kept the call staff motivated (an internal source of motivation) but also contributed to tensions with management when the call staff felt they were straying from that service orientation (billing callers or sacrificing quality for quantity). Once again, the internal and shared sources of moti- vation were linked to each other and also to the management of emotion.

Field Standards

Although written codes and formal standards exist, staff members almost never referred to standards directly. For example, both observations and comments in interviews revealed that doing a good job in serving animals and their human “parents” was motivated by individual workers’ values, regardless of their level of training. It seemed that the mutual awareness of shared high standards and devotion to animals were themselves sources of motivation: “It’s a really good group of veterinarians, they’re very knowl- edgeable. They are always willing to help. I mean, this is certainly stimulat- ing emotionally and professionally” (a veterinarian). This in turn was associated with an effort to do a good job: “[I always try to] complete a good history for the case in the database because the other vets would look at it and it’s not helpful just to see ‘ate chocolate’ [in the clinical record].”

The standards that staff members upheld as a matter of course were also reflected by an awareness and appreciation of formal measures of quality. One of the shared goals of many of the veterinarians at the center was to study for and pass toxicology board exams. As one veterinarian explained, “There’s 11 people [in the United States] eligible to take the Veterinarian Toxicology Boards this fall, and 7 of them are coming from here and 1 of them trained here—8 out of 11. So it’s pretty cool.”

This kind of response reveals a certain pride in the organization and also a close appreciation for advancing the field via the organization. However, the shared standards of performance also came up against management’s

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efforts to take (and bill) as many calls as possible. This resulted in stress, on which several interviewees commented. For example, one veterinarian said,

I mean I personally am not willing to sacrifice the quality of my case for time no matter what. I just don’t. Number one, I don’t think that’s the way to be. Number two, I think that it could potentially be dangerous for not only the pet but also for my license, or for our center. I just think that if you’re rushed too much then if you do potentially compromise quality significantly then it could turn around and defeat everything that you’re trying to achieve.

This veterinarian echoed the concern of many on the call staff who expressed worries about being rushed. Some would use a book or a piece of paper to cover the telephone’s blinking light that signaled waiting callers. Again, we see devotion to the job at hand and an expectation to be allowed to self- manage. In some respects, it seemed that there were parallel efforts by both managers and the professional leaders to sustain standards. In staff meetings, some of the managers who were also call staff veterinarians frequently tried to protect the call staff’s time and autonomy. From the managerial perspec- tive, the standards of quality services were accepted as the responsibility of the call staff, whereas productivity standards were managers’ key concern.

Standards also showed up by way of professional status. In meetings, professional status was often acknowledged by referring to veterinarians and toxicologists as “doctor,” even when the referenced person was not present. A certain status derives from the title given as a certified, licensed member of the profession. Aside from this formalism, it appeared that employment at the PHL conferred status on all employees. As one veterinary technician reported, “I am exceedingly proud of the PHL. . . . I feel like the PHL is really a beacon.” A member of the administration voiced a similar sentiment: “I mean I just love what I do here. . . . I like what we stand for as an orga- nization.” Thus, it appears that a sense of status was derived from associa- tion with the organization. For example, a veterinarian reported the following: “There’s something substantial about being involved with animal welfare and working with people who care about that. . . . Just yesterday one of the veterinarians [on the phone] told me, ‘I love you!’” Once again, the high standards of conduct are linked to internal sources of motivation as well as the emotional experience of working for the PHL.

Participating in and Making a Contribution Beyond the Workplace

Aside from the student interns who assisted primarily in the busy sum- mer months, people were hired at the PHL based on training they had

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already received. The organization has a liberal policy toward continuing education and is generally responsive to staff members’ requests for train- ing on subjects as mundane as time management and as sophisticated as forensics and bioterrorism. Working at the PHL provided some veterinary staff members with an opportunity to prepare for the board examinations. The aforementioned staff member who pointed with pride to the number of staff preparing to take boards testified to this practice. The center’s proxi- mity to a school of veterinary medicine also meant that there was a steady stream of training opportunities and requests.

A key means of participation in the profession beyond the PHL was preparing for toxicology board exams, described above. In addition, staff members also frequently voiced requests for time to conduct research and expressed pleasure when time was available. For example, one veterinary technician reported,

I have the opportunity to write, so I do that. I write at least four, five, or six articles a year that are published in veterinary technician journals. I feel like I’m providing continuing education for the vet med community.

Another veterinarian pointed out the published work the PHL did regarding certain flowers or foods and the consequences of cats or dogs eating them: “That was us!” The vet noted that this kind of information was discovered through the call center’s database and retrospective research. The word gets spread via posters (many of which hang from the sides of cubicles at the PHL) and other veterinary newsletters and Web sites.

Although mention was made during operations meetings of attendance at annual professional meetings, the reports among staff in the call center referred to both formal and informal ties developed from working at the PHL. For example, one veterinarian reported, “The people that you talk to, espe- cially the other veterinarians around the country; you get to know some of them . . . [also] a number of the people [here] are actually VIN consultants.” Members of the call staff frequently accessed the VIN both to seek advice and to give advice. Staying active in the veterinary medicine community was both important to PHL employees and encouraged by PHL management.

Discussion and Conclusion

The original question that guided our project was, “How does profes- sion, as an institutionalized occupation, work as an extraorganizational

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influence in the workplace?” We studied a workplace that provides expert veterinary advice. Our observations resulted in the identification of six facets of veterinary information practice at the PHL: self-management of behavior, emotions, and productivity; internal sources of motivation; a service orienta- tion; the invocation of field standards; expertise and knowledge sharing and seeking; and participation in a community beyond the workplace. In this con- cluding discussion, we acknowledge limitations of the present study, com- pare our observations with the traditional characteristics of profession culled from the management literature, and reflect on the meaning of these findings for an institutional theory of organizational communication.

Limitations of the Study

Our case study has several limiting features. Our observations yielded a set of categories that may be different from what others might find in the same data. However, we did endeavor to be thorough and systematic in our coding, and our results map fairly well onto the common characteristics established in the literature. A second limitation could be the tautological problem of studying professions in which professionals have already self- identified. Although we were careful not to use the word profession in our interview schedule, we were not surprised to hear our interviewees use the term to describe their circumstances, as other researchers have also reported (Kramer & Hess, 2002). Another constraint is the lack of a comparative case in the present study. PHL is rather small and quite possibly unique. Although students, technicians, doctors, and toxicologists could be seen as representing levels of professionalism, the numbers in the present case are too small to generalize to other veterinary organizations, and the evidence leads us to conclude that educational levels of expertise were frequently conditioned by specialty area and experience. It might help to identify addi- tional workplaces that employ large numbers of professionals, such as med- ical practices or law or engineering firms, to study the extent to which the features of profession observed at PHL are shared by other organizations or whether other unique features appear in other workplaces.

Traditional Versus Enacted Characteristics of Profession

The characteristics of profession identified in the literature review (emo- tional neutrality, expert knowledge, formal standards, service orientation, elevated social status, extended training and education, self and social control, and the establishment of formal associations) roughly match our

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observations. Of course, we did not seek in the design of our study to validate these characteristics, so some, such as social control, remain implied. But the most significant difference between a list of distinct characteristics of profes- sion and our observations was that we found each of these facets to be inextri- cably intertwined and implicated in each other. We found it difficult to describe one aspect (e.g., emotion) without implicating autonomy or accountability.

Moreover, we found some fine distinctions in our observations compared to categorical features of professions. For example, rather than observing emo- tional neutrality, we observed emotion management. That is, our participants were not simply emotionally neutral toward their work but worked to control their emotions toward clients, other workers, and their managers. In addition, the management of emotion was tied to the work itself; analytically, it made no sense to separate emotion from doing the work or from the stress of sus- taining productivity. Similarly, the pride associated with doing the work was a positive emotion inextricably linked to activities and associations. Aside from the polite use of titles, we found that status too was associated with the work itself and extended to membership in the organization and recognition in the field beyond the organization. Thus, the features of profession may be analyt- ically distinguishable, but all are rooted in the experience of work.

Implications for Institutional Theory

An institutional approach argues that stable constellations of behaviors and beliefs pervade organizations (Lammers & Barbour, 2006). In the case of the PHL, we found an organization whose success may be tied to (a) its nearly perfect alignment with the goals of the profession of veterinary toxi- cology and (b) its practice of employing people whose aspirations and beliefs guide them to master that practice. So far, the organization has survived in part because it has the protection of a parent organization, and it enjoys a market position that allows it to charge handsome fees for its services. Within that rather luxurious niche, however, it also depends on the commitment and motivation of a group of workers whose loyalty to PHL reflects in part their commitments to a science and practice well beyond the boundaries of PHL.

Regarding the emphasis of institutional theory on factors external to an organization, the professional workers at PHL offer evidence of extraorga- nizational influences, including the use of outside toxicology databases, personal sources of motivation, support for field standards, and participa- tion in a wider knowledge community. In this respect, an institutional approach offers something more material than the symbolic aspects of com- munication criticized by Cheney and Ashcraft (2007). In recognizing that

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professional workers literally bring to organizational settings their own expert knowledge, their own standards, and their own sources of motiva- tion, an institutional approach suggests ways that what is outside the orga- nization influences what is within in a daily, practical way.

The institutional approach also enables what Latour (2005) referred to as a “sociology of associations” (p. 9), identifying the links between actors and other actors as well as between actors and objects that have agency. In the case of the professionals at PHL, such an approach helps one appreci- ate the agency of the local database, the phone warning system, the staff work status system, the organization itself, and the field of veterinary med- icine as a “macroactor” (Taylor & Van Every, 2000, p. 160).

In a more traditional institutional sense, however, profession is also a source of legitimacy for the organization, and individuals’ identity claims in profession bolster the strength and survival of the organization itself. Moreover, we found that in the case of PHL, profession operated as an unob- trusive, concertive control mechanism (Barker, 1993; Tompkins & Cheney, 1985), generated prior to members joining the organization and practiced and reinforced within the organization. Thus, the professional worker comes to the organization already socialized into the work (Hess, 1993; Jablin, 1987) and in doing the work influences the organization. Indeed, although pro- fessional control has been contrasted with managerial control (W. R. Scott, 1965), in this case we find profession as an institutional form of control that influences both workers and managers. Profession as an institution works as an influence on the organizational members’ expectations of each other, their behaviors, their work conditions, and their emotions. Therefore, rather than viewing profession as one of several alternative identity targets analogous to work group or organizational identity as it has been envisioned in recent orga- nizational communication research, it is more accurately viewed as an iden- tity that transcends and influences work group or organizational identity.

Finally, just as Weick (1979, 1995) encouraged a shift in attention from organization to organizing, we suggest a similar shift in attention from pro- fession to professing. In other words, what difference does it make that some people in a work place, in the midst of organizing, also profess? Based on our observations, professing means seeking, giving, and sharing knowledge in a way that is determined in large part by membership in a col- lectivity that transcends particular organizations’ boundaries. This collec- tivity, the profession, encourages and relies on self-management. Thus, profession is different from both the organization and other occupations. To the extent that profession can be seen in the communicative practices that

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are found in, but nonetheless transcend, local organization, we see support for further study of organizations’ institutional environments.

Notes

1. There were several changes underway at the call center during the period of our study. First, the operations team was seeking to raise the productivity of the call center so that it would either recover all its costs or make a net contribution to its parent national organization. Thus, call center productivity was a frequent issue in staff meetings. Second, the IT staff in the organization wanted to develop new product lines that could increase their usefulness to the organization. This contributed to some tension among workers. Our attention was focused pri- marily, however, on the workers staffing the call center’s telephones.

2. This belief was actually shared by the IT staff, who had been requested to develop a triage system of call classification. As of the end of our study, they had protested that the vari- ety of calls made the problem too complex for the resources that were available.

3. We did observe conflict in the organization between the IT staff and others concerning professionalism. In this case, the mission of the organization was not coterminous with the IT mission, despite its functional relevance in organizing, maintaining, storing, and enabling the rapid retrieval of complex knowledge. In fact, the IT staff saw the professional autonomy of the veterinary call staff as a bit of a myth, as the call staff, in the eyes of the IT people, were actually dependent on the IT staff for technical support. This is an important topic that we will take up in a subsequent paper.

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John C. Lammers (PhD, University of California, Davis, 1983) is an associate professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA. His research focuses on the application of institutional theory to communication in organizations.

Mattea A. Garcia is a doctoral student in the Department of Communication at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA. Her research focuses on professions and organiza- tional rhetoric.

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