(( Annotated Bibliography ))

pseudo-deviance and the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture: hogs, blogs, leathers, and lattes

William E. Thompson Texas A&M University—Commerce, Commerce, Texas, USA

This article explores the pseudo-deviant world of the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture, comparing and contrasting it to previous research on ‘‘outlaw bikers.’’ Using participant observation and ethnographic interviews, the author uses a symbolic interactionist perspective to describe and analyze how and why contemporary ‘‘bikers,’’ many of whom are well-educated middle- and upper middle-class professionals, use the symbols of outlaw bikers and earlier motorcycle gangs to perpetuate an image of pseudo-deviance in the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture. Although the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture is markedly different than the ‘‘outlaw biker’’ subculture of the past, many similar characteristics persist.

Less than seven percent of Americans ride motorcycles (American Motorcyclists Association 2007). Since the 1950s, the image of motorcycle riders has been shaped largely by the Hell’s Angels and other outlaw motorcycle gangs (see Thompson 1967; Barger et al. 2001; Barger 2005) or by media portrayals of renegade bikers such as characters played by Marlon Brando and James Dean. These rebellious bikers wore leather jackets, boots, and bandanas, displayed skulls and

Received 19 November 2007; accepted 22 January 2008. Address correspondence to William E. Thompson, P.O. Box 3011 Commerce, Texas,

75428-3011, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

Deviant Behavior, 30: 89�114, 2009 Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

ISSN: 0163-9625 print/1521-0456 online

DOI: 10.1080/01639620802050098

89

cross bones, iron crosses and swastikas, sported tattoos, drank heavily, cursed, and brawled with rival gangs, law enforce- ment, or anybody else who got in their way. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a different breed of biker emerged in the media and in real life, personified by Peter Fonda and Dennis Hopper in Easy Rider. These bikers were also rebels, and wore many of the same symbols as their earlier counter- parts, but also sported long hair, beards, and peace symbols, and were as likely to smoke marijuana and take LSD as to drink alcohol and smoke cigarettes. ‘‘Make love not war’’ served as their mantra, and fighting among these bikers was rare. Traditional ‘‘outlaw’’ bikers resented these ‘‘hippie’’ bikers, and the biker subculture became fragmented, although there still was a feeling of ‘‘brotherhood’’ among bikers that set them apart from those who traversed the highways on four or more wheels.

During the late 1970s and 1980s, the popularity of motor- cycles waned, and the only remaining American motorcycle manufacturer, Harley-Davidson, struggled to maintain sol- vency, as Japanese manufacturers captured the market with less expensive, faster, sleeker, and quieter motorcycles that appealed to less rebellious types and offered alternative trans- portation for middle-class people to and from work, or for weekend outings. They also began selling three-wheel and four-wheel all-terrain-vehicles (ATVs) that appealed to families and young children. Honda launched an advertising campaign with the slogan ‘‘You meet the nicest people on a Honda,’’ and the popular image of motorcycle riders changed from that of rebellious teenagers, hoodlums, and outlaws, to Mom, Dad, and the children out for a Sunday afternoon ride.

In the mid-1980s, motorcycle riding experienced a resurgence, with motorcycle registrations reaching over 5.4 million in 1985, fueled largely by middle-class Baby Boomers who accounted for the huge increase in sales (National Traffic Saftey Administration (NTSA) 1995; National Safety Council 2007). Through engineering and manufacturing changes and a massive advertising campaign, Harley-Davidson, once on the verge of bankruptcy, gained such popularity that dealers had difficulty filling orders. The average prices of their new models rivaled those of compact cars, and attracted a new breed of riders comprised of doctors, lawyers, dentists, college professors, and other professional people. Victory Motorcycles

90 W. E. Thompson

sprang up as American companions to Harley-Davidson, and talk of a rebirth of the famous Indian motorcycle flooded the motorcycle subculture. The Japanese manufacturers, quick to realize the resurgence of Harley-Davidson, began making Harley ‘‘clones’’—larger and louder bikes that were difficult to distinguish from the well-known popular ‘‘hog.’’ By 2007, motorcycle registrations reached an all-time high of over 6 million, with middle-class men aged 35 to 50 accounting for the largest number of sales, followed closely by middle- class women in the same age categories (National Safety Council 2007; Box 2007).

As the twenty-first century dawned, the world of motor- cycles and motorcyclists, like almost everything else, became dominated by the new technomedia, which included tele- vision, radio, magazines, and other older forms of media but added newer forms of media technology including cell phones, ipods, and most importantly, the World Wide Web (Thompson and Hickey 2008). Motorcycles are bought and sold on-line through e-bay and other methods. Chat rooms and message boards abound, and motorcycles, parts, and accessories are as likely to be purchased on-line as from a dealer. A 2006 movie, Wild Hogs, starred Tim Allen, John Travolta, Martin Lawrence, and William H. Macy as ‘‘new bikers’’ who encountered a band of ‘‘old bikers’’ while on a cross-country jaunt. Although the movie portrayed the conflict between ‘‘hard-core’’ bikers and the new suburban middle- class motorcycle riders, today, with the exception of the ‘‘one-percenters’’ (see glossary of special argot), these two groups share more in common than they do disparities, and it is common to see members from each segment together at rallies, restaurants, bars, or roadside stops, swapping stories and accessories as if they were long-time friends.

THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

Deviance has long been of interest to sociologists, but as Goode and Vail (2008:xi) noted, the bulk of research on deviance in the United States ’’. . . centers on the ‘big five’ sub- jects, the meat-and-potatoes, nuts-and-bolts of deviance: crime; alcoholism; illicit drug use; mental disorder; and sexual deviance. . . .’’ While the motorcycle subculture has included aspects of all five of those subjects, there is something else

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 91

about the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture that is attractive to sociolo- gists. Erving Goffman (1963) noted that most people labeled as deviant experience stigma, a trait that disqualifies them from full social acceptance. Given the negative social conse- quences of stigma, most people do everything in their power to avoid being stigmatized or discredited, often employing a variety of information control techniques such as conceal- ment of stigma symbols, passing, dividing the social world, mutual aid, covering, and disclosure. This begs the question, why then, would contemporary well-educated, middle-class, professionals1 not only intentionally, but proudly, display the stigma symbols of the motorcycle subculture, albeit tempo- rarily, labeling themselves as deviant?

Symbolic interactionism offers an explanation of the ‘‘new biker’s’’ willingness to voluntarily enter the world of deviance and stigma through definition of the situation, and insistence that as people interact, they continually define and redefine social situations and social reality (Thomas 1931; Mead 1934; Lemert 1967; Blumer 1969). Herman and Miall (1990:264) noted, ‘‘the possession of a discrediting attribute can be a positive experience dependent on actor definitions and actions.’’ Similarly, Gramling and Forsyth (1987) described how people can exploit stigma to their benefit in some social situations and under certain social conditions. Consequently, the new biker subculture redefines old stigma symbols into new status symbols. Thus, the new biker is not engaging in deviance at all, but is in fact posing as a deviant (pseudo-deviant) and experiences relatively little stigma, perhaps what could be labeled as pseudo-stigma. Thus, the new biker can appear to be a rebel and challenge the norms and values of middle-class America, while simultaneously conforming to norms and values related to capitalism, consu- merism, freedom, and individuality. This deviant=conformist spirit was captured in a 2007 television commercial that depicted an apparent outlaw-biker-type leaving a diner while a young waitress pursues him out the door begging

1The new biker subculture also includes blue-collar workers—plumbers, construction workers, truck drivers, and others, but observation and interaction with these riders indicate that they have much more in common with the new well-educated, middle-class profes- sionals who tend to dominate the new biker subculture and are the focus of this study, than they do the hard-core one-percenters of the past or present.

92 W. E. Thompson

him to take her with him. He pronounces, ‘‘No, I’m a loner, an island—I always fly solo.’’ Meanwhile he is surrounded by hundreds of people who are part of ‘‘the network’’ of his cell phone carrier. She looks at all of them and back at him, and he explains, ‘‘Well, except for my network—I like to check my e-mails and get GPS directions if I get lost.’’ This humorous, seemingly incongruous portrayal of the biker, may be a realistic depiction of the paradoxical nature of the new biker subculture. If the classic scene from Easy Rider where Peter Fonda’s character removes his Rolex watch and tosses it away to symbolize his new-found freedom were replayed in real life today, dozens of members of the new biker subculture would scramble from their bikes to recover such a valuable possession. In fact, many of today’s new bikers have small clocks mounted on their handlebars so that they always know the time, and so they can terminate their rides in time to go to work, attend a meeting, or ensure that they do not miss their favorite television program.

This research also applies Walter Miller’s (1958) theory of lower class focal concerns as a generating milieu for delinquency to the new biker subculture. J. Mark Watson (1980) concluded that ‘‘outlaw motorcyclists’’ were an out- growth of lower class cultural concerns: trouble, toughness, smartness, excitement, fate, and autonomy as outlined by Miller (1958). This study analyzes the extent to which the middle-class ‘‘new biker’’ subculture redefines and embraces and=or expresses those same values.

METHOD

The author owned and rode motorcycles from the ages of 14 to 21. Like many baby boomers, after a 30-year hiatus, he purchased a new motorcycle, attended a motorcycle safety training course, and joined the ranks of the new biker subcul- ture. Data for this descriptive study are derived from approxi- mately a year and a half of participant observation and information collected from ethnographic interviews with over 40 (44) motorcycle riders, both male (n¼36) and female (n¼8), ranging in age from 17 to 70. An interview schedule was developed and followed as a general guideline, but all interviews were conducted through casual conversations, and like any meaningful ethnographic study, questions

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 93

were added, modified, and=or deleted as individual cir- cumstances dictated. Although many of the fellow riders knew that the author was a sociology professor, only three specifically asked if the author was ‘‘conducting research.’’ In each case, when asked, the author responded in the affirmative, and each of the subjects agreed to participate fully. Otherwise, the author adopted the ‘‘don’t ask, don’t tell’’ approach, simply riding, talking, and interacting with other riders, but carefully noting meaningful symbols and patterns of behaviors, while being sure to ask questions pertinent to the research objectives. The author carried a small spiral notebook and pen or pencil, and when alone or unobserved by other riders made as detailed notes as possible. No tape recorders or electronic devices were used, and admittedly, the author relied on memory for parts of conversations and direct quotes. On some occa- sions, a friend and fellow rider or the author’s wife (especially with women bikers), served as a research team member who asked questions and helped the author remember specific responses.2 Additional selected infor- mation has been gleaned from on-line postings and polls of over 500 motorcyclists on motorcycle message boards.3

THE NEW BIKER SUBCULTURE

Simmons (1969) contends that most subcultures are infor- mal, uncrystallized, and unstable, and with a few notable exceptions, such as the Hell’s Angels,4 the commitment of the participants is relatively weak and half-hearted. The

2If substantial parts of conversations could not be recalled, or if there was disagreement as to what a respondent said, or a difference in interpretation as to what the respondent meant, that portion of the interview was deleted.

3The author is a member of a couple of on-line message boards for motorcycle riders with access to post entries, respond to other posts, and to conduct and=or participate in on-line polls with other members of those boards. Where these data are used in the article, their source is duly noted.

4Simmons was writing about subcultures in general, and was not specifically referring to motorcycle subcultures. If he had been, he might just as well have referred to the Bandidos, Outlaws, Pagans, or any of the other ‘‘one-percenter’’ or outlaw motorcycle clubs=gangs who show equal commitment to the biker subculture, and more importantly, to their particular motorcycle clubs.

94 W. E. Thompson

new biker subculture probably fits that description, but the financial expenditures linked to the purchase of today’s motorcycles, parts, modifications, and apparel, along with the high level of personal risk associated with riding motor- cycles, demands a certain level of commitment and creates a common bond among motorcycle riders, including even the occasional ‘‘weekend warriors.’’ As Lyng (2005:4) noted, ’’. . . risk-takers almost always recognize one another as brothers and sisters genetically linked by their desire to experience the uncertainties of the edge.’’

‘‘Brotherhood of Bikers’’

Albeit a sexist term, ‘‘brotherhood’’ is an appropriate description for the new biker subculture. Although more women are riding than ever before (see section on role of women), motorcycling is still predominantly a male enterprise, and the new biker subculture is a male- dominated world. Further, the term brotherhood implies a bond that goes beyond mere acquaintance or simply par- ticipating in the same activity. As one woman confided to the author at a rally, ‘‘I love these guys (as she gestured toward hundreds of bikers). I feel like they are my broth- ers, and they treat me like I’m one of them. One thing I know for sure, when I’m on the road, these guys have my back.’’

Longstanding ‘‘feuds’’ developed between Harley riders and those who ride Japanese bikes dating back to the late 1940s and early 1950s when World War II veterans returned home from war with Germany and Japan, and many of them took up motorcycle riding, in part, because it provided excitement for young men who had risked everything in war. Out of work, and fresh from the cama- raderie of the military, many of the young men hung around motorcycle garages and bars and formed motor- cycle clubs and gangs. These veterans were not about to ride German or Japanese motorcycles after having just fought a major world war against those countries. In his autobiography, Ralph ‘‘Sonny’’ Barger, founder of the Hell’s Angels, admits that many of the Japanese motor- cycles and the BMW were faster and more dependable, but the Hell’s Angels committed to riding Harley-Davidsons

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 95

because they were American made (Barger et al. 2001:53).5

Nevertheless, today in the new biker subculture, Harley- Davidsons, BMWs, Yamahas, Hondas, Suzukis, and other brands of motorcycles are almost indistinguishable, and riders of all makes and models share the road and perpetu- ate the spirit of brotherhood among bikers. For example, when the author stopped to refuel at a station along an interstate highway and encountered two couples on Har- ley-Davidsons and asked, ‘‘You guys aren’t the types who hate Honda riders are you?’’ Reminiscent of Watson’s (1980) finding that outlaw bikers never talk bad about another rider because he’s a brother, one of the men responded, ‘‘Hey, as long as you ride, that’s all that mat- ters,’’ as the other man nodded in agreement. Then, one of the women jokingly added, ‘‘You’re welcome to join us, but we do make the Japanese bikes ride in the back of the pack.’’ Throughout this research project, the author rode in groups, attended rallies, and visited biker shops and bars that included all makes and models of motor- cycles.

Still, just as Watson (1980) asserted about the outlaw bikers, nothing symbolizes the new biker subculture more than the Harley-Davidson motorcycle. The author encoun- tered one biker who was looking longingly at the new models at a Honda dealership. The man said, ‘‘I’ve ridden Hondas since the 1960 s and absolutely love ‘em—best bike ever made—but I finally broke down this summer and bought a Harley.’’ When asked why, he ducked his head and confessed, ‘‘Peer pressure—all my buddies ride Harleys, and we formed a little club and they made it part of the by-laws that we’ve gotta ride a Harley to be a mem- ber.’’ Then, he quickly added, ‘‘But hey, we still like all the brothers who ride and anybody can ride any kind of bike with us, they just can’t wear our colors.’’

5It is interesting that Harley-Davidson has developed almost a cult-like following based largely on the image created by its early association with the Hell’s Angels and other outlaw biker groups. Yet, the founder of the Hell’s Angels writes about Harleys: ‘‘It’s always been important for Hell’s Angels to ride American-made machines. In terms of pure workman- ship, personally I don’t like Harleys. I ride them because I’m in the club, and that’s the ima- ge . . . We really missed the boat not switching over to the Japanese models when they began building bigger bikes’’ (Barger 2005:53).

96 W. E. Thompson

Motorcyclists almost always acknowledge one another on the road. The so-called biker wave consists of extend- ing the left arm out from the body at waist level, usually showing two fingers (the index and middle finger like a horizontal peace sign). This gesture, like many other ele- ments of the biker subculture, has both symbolic and pragmatic elements. Symbolically, it is a very casual and nonchalant gesture befitting the ‘‘coolness’’ associated with riding a motorcycle. One can hardly imagine a biker raising and waving his hand like an excited school girl or a celebrity in a parade. Also, the specificity of the wave is only ‘‘known’’ by fellow riders, thus, if some- body in a car or truck waves to a cyclist in that manner, the rider immediately knows the person is a member of the ‘‘brotherhood.’’ Pragmatically, riding a motorcycle with two hands firmly on the handlebars is dangerous enough. Removing the right hand is impractical because it releases the throttle, and while removing the left hand is much safer because it does not affect the speed of the bike, any waving motion is likely to affect the rider’s balance.

Other evidence of the biker brotherhood can be found in the so-called biker code. There is an unwritten code among motorcyclists that you never leave another biker stranded. If motorcyclists see a biker on the side of the road, they generally stop to check on the rider’s well- being, help with repairs, provide a ride to the nearest ser- vice station, or at least offer to make a phone call or pro- vide other assistance. Often they will hang around until help arrives. As one rider told the author, ‘‘One thing I can always count on, is if my scoot goes down, there’s always a brother who will stop and help.’’ A female rider told the author,

It’s funny, but if I’m in my car and it breaks down, I immediately get on my cell phone and call my husband or Triple A. I actually hope that nobody stops and offers to help, because it scares me that they might be up to no good. But when I ride my bike, if it breaks down, I just wait for another biker to ride by. I know they will always stop, and I never fear for my safety. I just know that another biker would never hurt me.

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 97

As with any subculture, however, such blind trust may be misplaced.6 In at least one situation a friend of the author had a flat tire on the interstate. Over an hour and a half, at least a dozen motorcyclists rode past the stranded rider and waved, but none stopped or offered assistance. When the author related this experience to a motorcyclist at a rally who was touting the virtues of the ‘‘biker brotherhood,’’ the rider simply acknowledged, ‘‘Hey, there are assholes in every group, and just ‘cause their ridin’ a bike don’t change that—still, I ain’t never seen a rider pass a brother up, and I know I never would.’’

Today, more and more of the new bikers are members of Triple A, motorcycle clubs, riders’ associations, or have motorcycle insurance, which provide 24-hour roadside assistance and=or towing services. Most riders carry cell phones, and thus, brotherhood or not, help is never far away.

Formal Organizations

As with most subcultures, in addition to informal associa- tions, networks, and support groups, the new biker subcul- ture offers a host of formal organizations. Nationally, the largest motorcycling organization is the American Motorcyc- list Association (AMA), founded in 1924. The AMA has ‘‘an unparalleled history of pursuing, protecting and promoting the interests of the world’s largest and most dedicated group of motorcycle enthusiasts’’ (AMA 2007). The AMA focuses on motorcyclists’ rights through lobbying efforts and govern- ment relations work, and also sanctions road and off-road riding activities, as well as oversees professional and amateur racing events.

The Motorcycle Riders Foundation (MRF) serves as an aggressive, independent national advocate for the advance- ment of motorcycling and its associated lifestyle (MRF 2007). And the Motorcycle Safety Foundation (MSF) is an inter- nationally recognized non-profit foundation that provides leadership to the motorcycle safety community through its

6There is much variation in the norm of mutual assistance among riders of different types of motorcycles. These variations are often based less on make of motorcycle than on model or type. Those who ride cruisers and tour bikes often shun riders of sports bikes, and vice- versa. Also, it would be rare for a one-percenter or outlaw motorcyclist to stop and assist any one other than a fellow member of the same gang=club.

98 W. E. Thompson

expertise, tools, safety courses, and partnerships. The major message of the MSF (2007) is:

1. Get trained and licensed. 2. Wear protective gear—all the gear, all the time—includ-

ing a helmet manufactured to the standards set by the DOT.

3. Ride unimpaired by alcohol or other drugs. 4. Ride within your own skill limits. 5. Be a lifelong learner by taking refresher courses.

Hard-core bikers and the ‘‘one-percenters’’ may ignore these admonitions (Smith 2006), but participants in the new biker subculture are much more likely to adhere to them. In this study, almost three-fourths (32) of the bikers had taken a certified MSF safety course, and approximately one-half (23) of them reported that they routinely wear a DOT (Department of Transportation)—approved helmet when they ride. Twelve (27.3%) of the 44 admitted, how- ever, that they drank alcohol and rode on a fairly regular basis, and 36 (81.8%) said they had drunk at least one beer and ridden. These numbers are comparable to those found in on-line polls where out of 381 riders, 269 (70.6%) reported they had taken a certified MSF course, 255 (66.9%) said they wore a helmet at least some of the time, and 301 (79%) said they had ridden after consuming alcohol.

There are a number of other national, state, and local motorcycle organizations and almost every manufacturer offers an organization or ‘‘club’’ for its riders. These organi- zations promote solidarity and legitimacy for the new biker subculture that did not previously exist. They also sponsor websites, message boards, and chat rooms where riders can be updated on safety recalls, new models, rallies, and events, as well as communicate with one another, buy and sell motorcycles and accessories, or discuss a wide variety of topics both related and unrelated to the world of motor- cycles.

Message Boards and Chat Rooms

As with almost every aspect of American culture, the World Wide Web’s influence can be seen in the new biker subcul- ture. Old fashioned gang fights and ‘‘rumbles’’ of the 1950s

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 99

and 1960s have been replaced with Internet blogs, chat rooms, and message boards where Harley riders and riders of other brand motorcycles (especially Japanese bikes) chide, disparage, and ‘‘beat up’’ one another. The author is a mem- ber of a Honda rider’s association that sponsors 12 separate message boards just for riders of his particular make and model (VTX), 53 state or regional message boards, and one message board called ‘‘Harley vs. Honda,’’ which is solely devoted to posts comparing and contrasting the Honda VTX to Harley-Davidsons with entries ranging from jokes and good-natured ‘‘barbs,’’ to nasty jibes and all-out threats of physical bodily harm (which are prohibited by the board’s rules, but manage to make their way onto the board, never- theless).

Through these message boards and chat rooms, members become ‘‘acquainted,’’ and swap mechanical tips, discuss modifications and repairs to particular makes and models of motorcycles, announce upcoming rides, rallies, and events, and buy and sell motorcycles and parts. Additionally, the ‘‘brotherhood of bikers’’ comes to life on these boards as members post when fellow riders have been injured in acci- dents, had a bike stolen or damaged, or otherwise have suffered some personal hardship or tragedy. In these cases, it is common for fellow riders to donate money, send free replacement parts, or offer up prayers, condolences, and well wishes for their ‘‘brethren’’ who are experiencing diffi- cult times. Conversely, if a member posts that he or she has been cheated by a dealer, an on-line company, or a fellow member of the board, the information spreads like wildfire, prompting everything from chastisement and denounce- ments, to boycotts of companies and removal of member’s privileges to participate on the message board. The intensity of this type of networking in cyberspace can be found in a plea made by one member who was accused by another of not sending a part after the former had paid him the requested amount, and a rash of messages appeared condemning the seller:

Hey guys, it was not my fault. I shipped the part, but it must have got lost. You guys all know me. I would never cheat anybody. All I got is my integrity on this board and I ain’t about to sacrifice that for a lousy 35 bucks.

100 W. E. Thompson

Nevertheless, after several board members intervened, and several posts went back and forth in which the seller claimed he had sent the part by UPS but was not given a tracking number, the readers ‘‘ruled’’ that the seller must refund the buyer his $35 and make a public apology, or lose his posting and selling privileges on the board. Within 24 hours, a public apology appeared along with a statement that the money had been refunded. When the aggrieved party acknowledged that the money had been reinstated in his PayPal account, all was forgiven, and board members determined that justice had prevailed.

Meaningful Symbols

Watson (1980) noted that outlaw bikers adopt certain symbols, including extensive tattooing, beards, dirty jeans, earrings, skullcaps, boots, and cut-off jackets or vests with patches and pins attached—often with a club emblem or their ‘‘colors.’’ He contended the single most important sym- bol was the Harley-Davidson V-twin motorcycle. Today, in the ‘‘new biker’’ subculture if you replace ‘‘dirty jeans’’ with clean designer jeans, leather chaps, or expensive leather pants, and allow for a few ‘‘Harley clones’’ made by Victory, Honda, Yamaha, and Suzuki, the symbols are pretty much the same.

Tattoos

A study shows that between 12 and 20 million Americans, almost one-fourth of all those between ages 18 and 50, have tattoos (Bridges 2006), and that proportion is noticeably higher among motorcyclists. ‘‘Getting tattooed in a motor- cycle gang is considered good and conforms to the rules— of a motorcycle gang’’ (Goode and Vail 2008:xiii). It is not uncommon to find tattoo parlors located in the same build- ings, on the same property, or adjacent to motorcycle shops, biker garages, or biker bars. Of the 44 riders interviewed in this study, 19 sported readily visible tattoos and another 8 indicated they had tattoos hidden by their clothing. Some of the tattoos were motorcycle related (Harley-Davidson logos or other motorcycle insignias), but most ran the run- of-the-mill from the person’s initials, to popular designs such as roses, dragons, tribal designs, and Chinese characters that presumably stood for ‘‘freedom,’’ ‘‘peace,’’ or the rider’s

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 101

name. Four of the riders sported ‘‘family’’ tattoos with names of wife and=or children, and two men sported the breast cancer awareness ribbon, but not in its traditional color of pink. All but one of the women in the study had tattoos— the most popular being located on the lower back just above the buttocks, or near the ankle. At motorcycle shows and rallies, both men and women sport a wide range of colorful tattoos, and some tattoo artists set up a temporary shop wherever bikers gather in large numbers.

Facial Hair and Earrings

Beards are also common in the new biker subculture with a large portion of the men in this study (27=36) sporting facial hair. Many of the male riders wear an earring in the left ear- lobe, and some wear earrings in both ears. Additionally, when talking to riders up close, the author noticed that sev- eral of the men who did not wear earrings had tiny impres- sions in the left earlobe indicating that the ear had been pierced. In talking with male riders sporting earrings, the author found that in many cases, the riders’ ears had been pierced in the 1970s or 1980s and that today the only time the rider wore an earring was on weekends when riding his bike, attending rallies, or otherwise fraternizing in the biker subculture.

Leather Chaps/Pants Versus Dirty Jeans

Doctors, lawyers, college professors, and other white- collar professionals rarely don dirty jeans to do anything, much less ride their $10,000�$30,000 motorcycles. Jeans are often part of the new biker’s wardrobe, but they are as often as not covered with leather chaps, or replaced with leather pants, especially in cold weather. Leather serves both symbolic and pragmatic functions for the new biker. Symbo- lically, it is a visible link to previous biker subcultures and ‘‘personifies’’ the biker look. Pragmatically, however, as the old saying goes, ‘‘There are two kinds of bikers—those who have, and those who will.’’ Every motorcycle rider knows that they risk going down on a motorcycle, which even in a best-case scenario, means coming into contact with gravel, blacktop, concrete, or worse. ‘‘Road rash’’ is a reality, and bikers know that if they go down, any fabric is better than bare skin, denim is better than most other fabrics,

102 W. E. Thompson

and leather is much more protective than denim. Many riders wear as much leather as possible both for looks and safety. Thus, leather chaps, pants, boots, vests, jackets, gloves, and skullcaps are an essential part of most bikers’ wardrobes. Some pants and jackets are even fitted with rubber, plastic, or Kevlar inserts at vital areas such as knees, crotch, spine, elbows, and shoulders for additional protection should the rider be involved in an accident.

Skullcaps and Bandanas

More of the new bikers are likely to wear protective helmets than their predecessors, but skullcaps and banda- nas are still an important part of the new biker subculture. Rarely does one encounter a bareheaded rider on a motor- cycle. If not wearing a helmet, riders usually sport a leather skullcap or one made of brightly colored bandana material. Even those who wear helmets can be seen wearing banda- nas beneath them, or donning them when they remove the helmet at bike shows or rallies. Helmets, skullcaps, and bandanas tend to be either solid black, or brightly colored and adorned with iron crosses, flames, skulls, dragons, and other symbols suggesting a throwback to the outlaw motorcycle subculture.

Boots

High top leather boots are a mainstay of the new biker subculture and serve both symbolic and practical purposes. Boots look ‘‘tougher’’ than shoes, and they are. Just as leather pants and jackets provide added protection, so do boots that come above the ankle, especially those equipped with steel toes. Bikers shift with their left foot, which usually involves stepping down on, and hooking a toe under and pulling up on a gear shift lever. Bikers also often put their feet down, not only at stops, but sometimes at slow speeds. No shoe will stand up to that kind of wear, tear, and abuse.

Jackets and Vests

Other than a motorcycle, could any single item symbolize the biker subculture more than a leather jacket? In fact, leather jackets with wide lapels, zippered pockets, and belts at the waist are called ‘‘motorcycle jackets.’’ As with leather chaps, pants, and gloves, jackets and vests provide

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 103

protection if riders go down. Just as important, however, jackets and vests provide walking ‘‘billboards’’ for motorcy- clists. It is rare to see a new biker wearing a leather jacket or vest that is not adorned with at least one, and usually several, pins, patches, and insignias. The ‘‘old bikers’’ usually only wore their ‘‘colors’’—club insignias or gang logos as do today’s ‘‘one-percenters,’’ but the new bikers tend to adorn their leathers with stick pins and patches denoting motor- cycle shows or rallies attended, as well as patches bearing manufacturers’ logos or ‘‘bumper sticker’’ slogans such as: ‘‘loud pipes save lives,’’ ‘‘$15 thousand and 15 miles does not make you a biker,’’ and perennial favorite, ‘‘Ride to live—Live to Ride.’’ Other frequently seen patches denote local and regional riding clubs, MSF safety course com- pletion, and various religious riding groups, such as ‘‘Bikers for Christ,’’ and others.

Argot

Finally, as with any subculture, the new biker subculture has its own language, or special argot, that creates and main- tains boundary maintenance. Riders can talk for hours about bikes, modifications, shows, rallies, bars, and other motor- cycle-related topics that would provide little interest and even less information to cagers who would not know ape hangers from jug huggers (see glossary at end of article for specific examples). Moreover, individual clubs, message boards, and other factions within the subculture often have their own language, slang, and nomenclature.

Role of Women

In traditional biker culture, especially in outlaw motorcycle gangs, the role of women was clearly defined: although equally tough as the men, the equality stopped there. They were considered property to be used (for sexual and servant purposes), traded, and given or thrown away at the biker’s discretion (Thompson 1967; Watson 1980; Hopper and Moore 1990).

Despite decades of feminist progress, females still play many of the same roles in today’s new biker subculture. No motorcycle rally, large or small, would be complete without ‘‘biker babes,’’ bikini bike washes, and wet t-shirt contests. Female motorcycle apparel includes leather bras,

104 W. E. Thompson

leather bustiers, and sexy outfits accentuated by low-cut bodices, bare midriffs, and lots of lace and fringe. Biker babes and beer girls in halter tops and ‘‘Daisy Duke’’ shorts serve beer to bikers and pose for photos on motorcycles for tips. Motorcycle advertisements exploit women as sex objects and use blatant sexuality to recruit men into the biker subculture.

But today’s biker subculture also includes a number of wives and girlfriends who ride with their husbands or boy- friends, and like the new riders, are often well-educated professionals who adopt the pseudo-deviant persona on weekends and holidays. These women may drive Volvos with ‘‘Keep Abortion Legal’’ bumper stickers during the week, and might file a sexual harassment charge against a co-worker for telling a sexist joke or for passing along an off-color e-mail, but they seem to have no problem tipping the bikini-clad beer girls, or cheering on contest- ants in the wet t-shirt contest at a bike rally. Like their male counterparts, these apparent ‘‘posers’’ go a step further, fully adopting their pseudo-deviant role, if only temporarily.

Moreover, the new biker subculture includes a number of women who own and ride their own bikes. Women have been riding motorcycles for a very long time but the number of female motorcyclists has always been rela- tively small compared to that of male riders (Pierson 1998). In 1998, a little less than half a million women were included among the 5.7 million motorcyclists (approximately 9%), but five years later, that percentage had increased to approximately 10%—635,000 women out of 6.6 million riders—and in 2007, estimates put female riders at approximately 12% (Box 2007). An on- line poll in this study discovered that out of 225 parti- cipants, only 16 (7.1%) were female. As with male riders, the median age for female riders has increased over the past decades (approximately 42 years of age); nearly 60% of women riders are married, 28% have college or post-graduate degrees, and 35% are in professional or technical jobs=careers (Box 2007). In the past, women most often rode with male riders but today there are female motorcycle clubs and associations and some of these groups have their own rallies (Womenriders 2007).

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 105

Still, today’s new biker subculture is a male-dominated and macho domain. When the author was looking at motor- cycles for purchase, salesmen7 chided him when he looked at 750cc motorcycles (the largest motorcycle Honda made when he had last ridden), remarking that they were good ‘‘girls’ bikes’’ or ‘‘good bikes for the little lady,’’ but if the author wanted a ‘‘man’s starter bike,’’ he needed to look at the 1100cc or 1300cc models.

THE NEW BIKER SUBCULTURE AND ‘‘LOWER CLASS FOCAL CONCERNS’’

Watson (1980) concluded that ‘‘outlaw motorcyclists’’ were an outgrowth of lower class cultural concerns: trouble, toughness, smartness, excitement, fate, and autonomy as outlined by Miller (1958). One might be surprised at the extent to which members of the new biker subculture, com- prised primarily of well-educated, middle-class profes- sionals, also embrace these so-called lower class focal concerns.

Trouble

You would think that the last thing a contemporary middle class motorcyclist would want was trouble, and to some extent, you would be correct. Unlike the ‘‘old bikers’’ or the ‘‘one-percenters,’’ today’s new biker does not go on the lookout for trouble. Nevertheless, trouble often finds the motorcycle rider, and despite generally being ‘‘law abiding citizens,’’ some of the new bikers violate mandatory helmet laws, drink and ride their motorcycles, and it is rare to find a motorcycle rally where there are not some infractions of open container laws, marijuana possession statutes, or other violations of state and local laws and ordinances. Moreover, trash talking and gang fights are uncommon at biker shows and rallies, but they abound on Internet blogs, message boards, and other technomedia venues.

7Although women work in motorcycle dealerships processing sales agreements, titles, and arranging insurance, and perhaps in some regions of the country as sales people, the author has never encountered a female motorcycle salesperson.

106 W. E. Thompson

Toughness

It is hard to think of doctors, dentists, lawyers, and college professors who comprise a large segment of the new biker subculture as ‘‘tough,’’ but a certain amount of toughness is required to ride a motorcycle, and is highly valued by new bikers. The Iron Butt Association (IBA) calls itself the ‘‘World’s Toughest Motorcycle Association’’ and prides itself on long-distance rides, such as the SaddleSore 1000 (1,000 miles in 24 hours), BunBurner 1500 (1,500 miles in 24 or 36 hours), and the 50cc Quest, which goes coast-to-coast in 50 hours (IBA 2007). Anybody who has ridden a motor- cycle knows how tough an individual has to be to complete such long-distance rides.

Also, the inherent risks and danger in motorcycle riding demand a certain amount of both physical and mental tough- ness. Despite university degrees and social status, if a new biker is involved in an accident and goes sliding across the pavement, the dangers and the pain are just as real as they were for the old bikers and as they are for the one-percenters. While the new bikers may be more likely to wear helmets, leathers, and other protective apparel, the risks associated with riding are very real. The author is reminded of this every time he rides, but had it verbally driven home when he pulled into a filling station and encountered the driver of an 18-wheeler who was re-filling the underground gasoline tanks from his truck, who looked at him and his motorcycle and said, ‘‘Damn, you gotta be tough to ride one of those things.’’ This coming from a man who drives an 18-wheeler loaded with several thousand gallons of highly explosive fuel for a living.

Smartness

Miller (1958) contended that lower class boys rejected the middle-class definition of smartness in favor of a lower class version that valued ‘‘street smarts’’ over book learning and formal education. Watson (1980) concluded that bikers rejected smartness altogether, and often proudly referred to themselves as ‘‘dumb bikers,’’ whereas Quinn (2001) noted that outlaw motorcyclists valued knowledge of mechanics and the ability to work on engines. Today’s new bikers value all types of smartness. Most are well educated, many with

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 107

university and postgraduate degrees and=or professional certifications. Two of the most common admonitions heard when bikers part company are ‘‘ride safe’’ and ‘‘ride smart.’’ Internet forums often contain threads discussing how to avoid accidents and road hazards with most participants exhorting the importance of ‘‘being smart,’’ and a number of posted comments begin with the phrase, ‘‘A smart rider would . . . ’’

Excitement

One of the standard questions asked of each interviewee in this study was ‘‘Why do you ride?’’ Although there were numerous different specific responses to the query, answers could easily be grouped into one of three categories: fun, freedom, or excitement, with most bikers including elements of all three as part of their motivation. A typical response can be seen in that of a dentist who replied:

I ride because I love it. My job is so tedious and usually boring—no fun, no thrills, and very little freedom to be creative or express myself. Plus, I’m cooped up inside all day. Riding lets me get outside and do all that. Going from zero to 60 in a matter of just a few seconds with the wind in your face and nothing between you and nature is exhilarating. It’s the most fun and exciting thing I do, hands down.

Similarly, a physical therapist responded:

Why do I ride? The thrill, period. I know it’s dangerous and I work with people every day who have been in accidents or otherwise do not have full use of their bodies, so I realize the risks. But still, it is so exciting to be sitting on 50 or 60 horses of sheer power. It’s indescribable, and just incredible.

Fate

Middle-class professional people generally are ‘‘take charge’’ types who believe the outcome of situations are largely determined by their efforts and not by fate, chance, luck, or other mysterious forces. Yet, bikers, even the new ones, are notoriously superstitious, and just by virtue of riding a motor- cycle, are to some extent putting their destinies in the hands of fate. Whereas old time bikers were more likely to throw

108 W. E. Thompson

caution to the wind and believe that ‘‘when your time is up, your time is up,’’ today’s modern biker is far more likely to take a motorcycle safety course, wear a helmet and other pro- tective apparel, purchase insurance (both motorcycle and life), and do everything within his or her power to reduce the dangers of biking. Still, the vast majority of new bikers attach a ‘‘biker bell’’ to their motorcycle, which legend has it provides good luck to the rider. The bell is supposed to be attached to the lowest point of the bike in order to keep ‘‘road gremlins’’ from hopping up on the bike and causing problems for the motorcycle or rider. Supposedly, the bell provides twice as much luck to the rider if it is received as a gift as opposed to being purchased by the rider. Although most said they thought it was just a silly superstition, of the 44 riders in this study, 37 admitted they had a biker bell attached to their motorcycles, and 4 riders indicated they had more than one bell on their bike. When asked why they had the bell(s), most sheepishly replied, ‘‘I figure it can’t hurt.’’ A major insurance company that specializes in motorcycle policies appealed to this well-known biker superstition with a 2007 advertisement that said: ‘‘They’re out there. Gremlins looking to take a crack at what you love best: your motorcycle. Before the Gremlins get you, get___________insurance.’’

Autonomy

No single word epitomizes the new biker subculture more than the word freedom. Outlaw bikers, one-percenters, blue-collar riders, and middle-class professional riders alike, refer to automobiles as ‘‘cages.’’ A motorcycle represents freedom from that cage. In Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance, Pirsig (1974) described driving or riding in a car as a mediated experience, whereas riding a motorcycle puts a person in the environment as opposed to merely view- ing it through a pane of glass. Every rider knows what he means. When asked why he rides, one biker responded, ‘‘for the same reason a dog sticks his head out the window of a car.’’ Still another replied, ‘‘Are you kidding me? Why not? It’s such a sense of freedom.’’ Another who emphasized the autonomy, said, ‘‘When I’m riding, it’s just me, the bike, and the road.’’ Motorcycling represents and provides a sense of autonomy, even if only temporarily, that middle-class

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 109

baby boomers can find in very few, if any, other areas of their lives—freedom from the stress and responsibilities of their careers, families, mortgages, taxes, and civic duties—free- dom from their everyday lives.

CONCLUSION

The paradoxical nature of the new biker subculture is strik- ing. Its members are simultaneously deviants yet conformists, risk-takers yet safety conscious, individualists yet an integral part of society, feminists yet sex objects, loners yet part of a brotherhood, and they reflect a longstanding tradition while creating something new. The question was posed, why would contemporary well-educated, middle-class, pro- fessionals not only intentionally, but proudly, display the stigma symbols of the motorcycle subculture, consequently, at least temporarily, labeling themselves as deviant? The answers that emerge throughout every aspect of this research are both sociologically complex and yet remarkably simple.

One possible answer may be what some call the trend toward contemporary vulgarization of the middle class where highly educated middle-class Americans increasingly participate in so-called unsophisticated activities that used to be primarily the domain of the working or lower classes, such as boxing, hockey, NASCAR, professional wrestling, and perhaps riding motorcycles. Conversely, it could be argued that those activities, once inexpensive and requiring little formal education or training, have increasingly become more expensive, more technological, and hence, more appealing to educated members of the middle and upper middle classes.

Another sociological explanation can be found in the literature on edgework—engagement in risk-taking beha- viors such as skydiving, scuba diving, and other extreme sports, which could be expanded to cover motorcycle riding (Lyng 2005). Lyng (2005:5) indicated, ’’. . . risk-taking experi- ence can be understood as a radical form of escape from the institutional routines of contemporary life.’’ The new biker subculture is comprised largely of middle-aged men and women (mostly men) who have conformed to virtually all of the values, norms, and demands of their middle-class baby-boomer lifestyles. Education, careers, families, civic

110 W. E. Thompson

clubs, little league, and dance classes—they have raised children, cared for elderly parents, put kids through college, provided financial security for grandchildren—most have done it all. So, it is not difficult to understand why when the weekend rolls around, they don their leather vests, chaps, and gloves, straddle their ten thousand plus dollar motor- cycles, and take to the roads to hang out at biker bars, attend bike shows and rallies, or to just experience the freedom and relaxation that is a significant part of the new biker subcul- ture. As Lyng (2005:6) noted, according to ‘‘the ‘weekend warrior’ thesis . . . participants in [risk-taking] activities are seen as seeking a temporary escape from the stultifying conditions of work life and bureaucratic institutions.’’ This is especially true of the types of activities that can be the most consequential—those involving ‘‘the line between life and death’’ (Lyng 2005:4).

More simply, the attraction of the new biker subculture, especially among middle-aged, middle-class participants (the fastest growing segment of the biker subculture) may be related to the so-called mid-life crisis experienced by those entering their ‘‘forlorn forties’’ or ‘‘refreshed=resigned’’ fifties, looking for new meaning in life, excitement, and simply something different (Sheehy 1976, 1993). Yes, some people will ridicule them, others will roll up their car win- dows8 or try to avoid them as much as possible, and some will see them as deviants. Still others, however, will look at them with envy. The author has found it difficult to ride his motorcycle up to any filling station, convenience store, restaurant, or office building without being approached by at least one wide-eyed middle-aged male who fawns over the bike and either reminisces about riding a bike in his youth, or expresses his dream to ride one in the future.

GLOSSARY—SOME EXAMPLES OF SPECIAL ARGOT

Ape Hangers¼Raised handlebars that place the riders hands at shoulder height or higher.

8On one occasion, the author pulled into a shopping center parking lot to ask directions and pulled up to a woman who had just entered her car. When he pulled beside her and started to ask a question, she hurriedly rolled up her window, started her car, and backed out as quickly as possible.

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 111

Brain Bucket¼motorcycle helmet Cages, cagers¼cars, drivers in cars C.R.A.P.¼Stands for cheap rider and proud. A group of

motorcyclists who participate in an on-line message board that takes pride in innovative and inexpensive motorcycle modifications.

Crotch rocket¼ racing bike or street-model racing or sports bike, many capable of reaching speeds up to 150�200 miles per hour.

Cruiser¼motorcycle made for highway trips; usually equipped with windshield, saddlebags, and other amenities to make highway travel more comfortable.

Darksiders¼replace rear motorcycle tire with an auto- mobile tire

Jug Huggers¼A type of after-market exhaust pipes that make the motorcycle louder.

Metric¼ Japanese motorcycle (e.g., Honda, Yamaha, Kawasaki, Suzuki)

Mods¼any modifications made to the stock motorcycle (e.g., windshield, saddlebags, pipes, etc.)

Newbie¼somebody who has owned=ridden a motorcycle less than a year

One-Percenters¼After a 1947 fight between two rival motorcycle gangs at a rally in Hollister, California, the Amer- ican Motorcyclist Association declared that 99% of motorcy- clists were law-abiding citizens and that only 1% were outlaws. From that time on, hard-core bikers, especially members of gangs like the Hell’s Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws, and Pagans began referring to themselves as ‘‘one-percen- ters.’’ Many of the so-called one-percenters embrace the out- law moniker and image, whereas others contend that they are not ‘‘outlaws,’’ but are simply committed to riding motor- cycles as a ‘‘brotherhood’’ and lifestyle as opposed to just a weekend activity.

Rice Burners¼ Japanese motorcycles Road Rash¼ the bruises, scrapes, and burns that comes

from sliding across the pavement in a motorcycle accident. Stealers¼motorcycle dealers Super cruiser or Touring Bike¼ultimate highway motor-

cycle with windshield, farings, dashboard, radio, saddlebags, backrests, etc. (e.g., Honda Goldwing or Harley-Davidson Dyna Glyde or Ultra Classic)

112 W. E. Thompson

Weekend Warriors¼People who drive their automobiles, SUVs, or trucks to and from work and in most of their daily activities, and ride their motorcycles on weekends when the weather is nice. Sometimes called Rolex Riders, or Posers.

Wrench¼somebody with mechanical ability who loves to work on motorcycles

REFERENCES

American Motorcyclist Association. 2007. Available at (www. ama-cycle.org/).

Barger, Sonny. 2005. Freedom: Credos from the Road. New York: HarperCollins.

Barger, Sonny, Keith Zimmerman, and Kent Zimmerman. 2001. Hells Angel: The Life and Times of Sonny Barger and the Hell’s Angels Motorcycle Gang. New York: HarperCollins.

Blumer, Herbert. 1969. Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Box, Terry. 2007. ‘‘Biker Chic.’’ Dallas Morning News June 24:1D;6D. Bridges A. 2006. ‘‘Study: Body Art Going Mainstream.’’ Dallas Morning

News June 11:12A. Goffman, Erving. 1963. Stigma: Notes on the Mangaement of Spoiled

Identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Goode, Erich and D. Angus Vail (eds.). 2008. Extreme Deviance. Los

Angeles: Pine Forge Press. Gramling, Robert and Craig Forsyth. 1987. ‘‘Exploiting Stigma.’’ Socio-

logical Forum 2:401�415. Herman, Nancy J. and Charlene E. Miall. 1990. ‘‘The Positive Con-

sequences of Stigma: Two Case Studies in Mental and Physical Disability.’’ Qualitative Sociology 13(3):251�269.

Hopper, Columbus B. and Johnny Moore. 1990. ‘‘Women in Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs.’’ Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 18(4):363�387.

IBA. 2007. Available at (http:==www.ironbutt.com). Lemert, Edwin. 1967. Human Deviance, Social Problems and Social

Control. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Lyng, Stephen. 2005. Edgework: The Sociology of Risk-Taking.

New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis. Mead, George Herbert. 1934. Mind, Self, and Society. Chicago: Univer-

sity of Chicago press. Miller, Walter B. 1958. ‘‘Lower Class Culture as a Generating Milieu

for Gang Delinquency.’’ Journal of Social Issues 14:5�19. MRF. 2007. Available at (http:// www.MRF.org). MSF. 2007. Available at (http:// www.MSF-usa.org).

Pseudo-Deviance and the ‘‘New Biker’’ Subculture 113

National Safety Council. 2007. ‘‘Baby Boomers Drive Motorcycle Sales.’’ Traffic Safety 7 (August):1.

NTSA. 1995. Traffic Safety Facts 1995. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Transportation.

Pierson, Melissa Holbrook. 1998. The Perfect Vehicle: What It is About Motorcycles. New York: W.W. Norton and Company.

Pirsig, Robert M. 1974. Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance: An Inquiry into Values. New York: Bantam Books.

Quinn, James F. 2001. ‘‘Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws, and Pagans: The Evolution of Organized Crime Among the Big Four 1% Motorcycle Clubs.’’ Deviant Behavior 22(July�August):379�399.

Sheehy, Gail. 1976. Passages: Predictable Crises of Adult Life. New York: Bantam.

———. 1993. The Silent Passage: Menopause. New York: Pocket Books. Simmons, J. L. 1969. Deviants. Berkeley, CA: The Glendessary Press. Smith, Jordan. 2006. ‘‘The ’One-Percenters’.’’ The Austin Chronicle,

May 19. Available at (austinchronicle.com). Thomas, William I. 1931. The Unadjusted Girl. Boston: Little, Brown. Thompson, Hunter S. 1967. Hell’s Angels: A Strange and Terrible Saga.

New York: Random House. Thompson, William E. and Joseph V. Hickey. 2008. Society in Focus: An

Introduction to Sociology. (6th ed). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Watson J. Mark. 1980. ‘‘Outlaw Motorcyclists: An Outgrowth of Lower

Class Cultural Concerns. Deviant Behavior 2:71�76. Womenriders. 2007. Available at (http://motorcycles.about.com/cs/

womenriders).

WILLIAM E. THOMPSON is Professor of Sociology and Criminal Justice and Director of Mayo College at Texas A&M University—Commerce. He has authored and co-authored numerous journal articles and is co-author of Society in Focus: An Introduction to Sociology (6th ed.) and Juvenile Delinquency: A Sociological Approach (7th ed.). For fun, Thompson plays drums in a rock ’n roll band and rides his motorcycle.

114 W. E. Thompson