(( Annotated Bibliography ))
MeeM
william_2.pdf
Don’t Call Me ‘‘Biker Chick’’: Women Motorcyclists Redefining Deviant Identity
William E. Thompson
Texas A&M University–Commerce, Commerce, Texas, USA
The majority of literature on women who participate in the world of motorcycling focuses on females
associated with outlaw motorcycle clubs and hardcore bikers. Roles for those women tended to be
subservient and demeaning. Women are the fastest growing segment in today’s contemporary world
of middle- and upper-middle-class motorcycling, where they fulfill more meaningful roles whether
they are passengers or riders of their own bikes. This descriptive exploratory study utilizes a
symbolic interaction framework to analyze approximately four years of participant observation
and ethnographic interviews with some of these women. Findings indicate that female motorcyclists
manipulate several meaningful symbols in order to redefine what has largely been viewed as a devi-
ant identity. Riding motorcycles is what they do, not who they are. Women who ride feel a sense of
freedom, excitement, and empowerment as they maintain their femininity while participating in what
has traditionally been viewed as a masculine endeavor.
Ask any American to name three or four famous motorcyclists, and there is a good chance
they will mention Tom Cruise, Jay Leno, Evel Knievel, Gary Busey, or perhaps Malcolm
Forbes. If they are movie buffs, they may be more likely to name Marlon Brando, Steve
McQueen, Peter Fonda, or maybe John Travolta or Nicholas Cage. All of these high profile
men are associated with riding motorcycles either in films or in real life. Ask any American
to name even one famous female motorcycle rider, however, and there is a good chance you will
get a blank stare and a shrug of the shoulders (Boslaugh 2006). Despite their long-term connec-
tion to the world of motorcycling, women generally are not associated with the two-wheeled
subculture except in the most stereotypical roles. As one author noted, ‘‘Although times have
changed with more and more people taking up riding—including women—one thing that has remained implicit in motorcycling is the association it has with masculinity’’ (Ilyasova
2006:6). Female motorcyclists seem acutely ‘‘aware of social stereotypes that have depicted
them as ‘social outlaws,’ ‘gender traitors’ or ‘sexual deviants’ ’’ (Roster 2007:454).
This descriptive study focuses on today’s middle- and upper-middle-class female riders who
are part of what some call the ‘‘new biker subculture’’ (Thompson 2009), but might be more
accurately described as the contemporary motorcycling subculture or perhaps, even motorcycle scene, although sociologically speaking, the term subculture is appropriate. This study does not
Received 29 April 2010; accepted 31 August 2010.
Address correspondence to William E. Thompson, P.O. Box 3011, Commerce, TX 75428-3011, USA. E-mail:
Deviant Behavior, 33: 58–71, 2012
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 0163-9625 print / 1521-0456 online
DOI: 10.1080/01639625.2010.548292
include women who are in any way affiliated with one-percenter 1 clubs or their members, or
otherwise associated with what is often viewed as the hardcore biker subculture. Despite decades
of feminist progress in larger society, some females still play subordinate roles in today’s motor-
cycle subculture, although not nearly as degrading as those described in the studies on outlaw
bikers. Other women, however, are essentially full-fledged members of the motorcycling subcul-
ture, either routinely riding as passengers (referred to as two-uppers in this study) or riding their own motorcycles (female riders). This exploratory descriptive study focuses on these two categories of women with emphasis on those women who ride their own motorcycles.
WOMEN IN THE ‘‘BIKER’’ SUBCULTURE
The so-called ‘‘brotherhood’’ of bikers has always included women (Thompson, 2009). In tra-
ditional biker culture, especially in one-percenter outlaw motorcycle gangs, the role of women
was clearly defined: although equally tough as the men, the equality stopped there. They were
considered property to be used (for sexual and servant purposes), traded, and given or thrown
away at the biker’s discretion (Thompson 1967; Watson 1980; Hopper and Moore 1990).
Watson’s (1980:42) research found women to be viewed with contempt by most outlaw bikers
and regarded as ‘‘necessary nuisances.’’ He concluded that the women generally were just as
tough as the male bikers and usually referred to themselves as ‘‘old ladies.’’
James Quinn (1987; 2001; Quinn and Koch 2003) rode with an outlaw motorcycle club and
conducted research on several others. He identified three distinct roles for women in the biker
subculture: mamas, sweetbutts, and old ladies. Mamas were at the bottom of the food chain in biker clubs. They were considered to be the property of the club and in exchange for shelter,
protection, and transportation, were expected to serve any and all members’ needs— sexual and otherwise. Sweetbutts were generally younger than mamas, and were more likely to provide reg- ular sexual services to only one, or in some cases a few members, while providing a source of
income to both him=them and the club—usually through topless dancing, prostitution, and=or drugs. An old lady was the exclusive property of one club member—her old man. She might still be expected to provide a source of income to the club through dancing or prostitution,
but all members understood that she was ‘‘off limits’’ to everybody except her old man, unless
he decided to trade her off or sell her services.
Other studies on women in outlaw motorcycle clubs confirmed the same or similar roles as
described by Quinn, with a few minor differences and modifications. Some clubs also had
sheep—young women brought in by new initiates as a ‘‘gift to the club’’ (Hopper and Moore 1990). These young women, often strippers and=or prostitutes, were offered to all the members of the club during initiation, and many of them became sweetbutts after initiation. Betsy Guisto
(1997) offered a unique look at women in the one-percenter subculture as she conducted an
ethnography and wrote a doctoral dissertation on the subject while serving as an old lady to
1 After a 1947 fight between two rival motorcycle gangs at a rally in Hollister, California, the American Motorcyclist
Association declared that 99 percent of motorcyclists were law-abiding citizens and that only 1 percent were outlaws.
From that time on, hardcore bikers, especially members of motorcycle clubs like the Hell’s Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws,
Pagans, and others began referring to themselves as ‘‘one-percenters.’’ Many of the so-called one-percenters embrace the
outlaw moniker and image, whereas others contend that they are not ‘‘outlaws,’’ but are simply committed to riding
motorcycles as a ‘‘brotherhood’’ and lifestyle as opposed to just a weekend activity.
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT IDENTITY 59
an outlaw motorcyclist for approximately 20 years. Clearly, there is one consistency in all the
studies of women in the outlaw biker subculture: females play a subordinate and usually subser-
vient role, or as one author put it, they are ‘‘leather-clad sexualized accessories’’ (Boslaugh
2006:1).
Arthur Veno and Edward Winterhalder (2009) explore the ‘‘magnetic attraction of women to
bad boys and motorcycles’’ in their book Biker Chicks with that subtitle. Although their research provides the added dimension of interviews with women in the biker subculture (actually allow-
ing some of them to write their own story), it still focuses on women in and around the hardcore
outlaw biker subculture, somewhat ignoring middle- and upper-middle-class women who ride
motorcycles.
WOMEN IN THE CONTEMPORARY MOTORCYCLE SUBCULTURE
Much less research has been conducted on women in today’s contemporary motorcycle sub-
culture. Despite the fact that women have ridden motorcycles since they were invented, they
have always comprised a small minority of riders. Today, however, women are the fastest
growing segment among motorcycle riders, and depending on the data source, comprise some-
where between 10–12 percent of all riders and perhaps as high as 20 percent of purchasers of
new motorcycles and over half of all participants in motorcycle safety courses (Knol 2010;
Womenriders 2010).
Since the 1980s women have increasingly participated in male-dominated leisure activities
including rock climbing, mountain biking, cross-country skiing, white water rafting, skydiving,
scuba diving, and motorcycling (Martin et al. 2006; Roster 2007). When women participate in
these traditionally male-dominated and macho-oriented activities, they not only face all the
physical challenges and risks as men, but they also encounter the social risks that accompany
violation of cultural norms, gender role expectations and prevailing stereotypes (Roster 2007).
Contemporary women who ride differ dramatically from the women depicted in the hardcore
biker subculture, and may even constitute an emerging social movement (Meyer 2009). This
study looks at women in the contemporary motorcycle subculture and pursues the research ques-
tions: who are these women, what roles are available to them, why do they ride, and how do they
manage the deviance and potential stigma associated with motorcycling?
THEORETICAL ORIENTATION, METHODS, AND DATA
Couched within a symbolic interaction framework, data for this study are derived from approxi-
mately four years of participant observation and information derived from ethnographic inter-
views with over 200 male and female motorcyclists. The data on women motorcyclists was
attained through in-depth interviews with 23 female motorcycle riders ranging in age from 26
to 64 years. Interviews were conducted with another 24 women (19 to 72 years of age) who par-
ticipate in today’s motorcycling subculture as passengers who ride with their boyfriends or
husbands, and in one case, her female partner, but do not ride motorcycles solo. All but one
of the 47 women were white; the only exception described herself as ‘‘Texican,’’ indicating
Hispanic=Latina identity. Two were college students; all but four of the rest were college grad- uates. The majority of both groups of women were between the ages of 30 and 60 with an
60 W. E. THOMPSON
estimated mean age in the early to mid 40 s. 2 An interview schedule was developed and followed
as a general guideline to insure that all women were asked the same standardized set of ques-
tions. 3 Consistent with long established ethnographic interviewing techniques, all interviews
were conducted in a conversational manner, and like any meaningful ethnographic study, ques-
tions were added, modified, and=or deleted as individual circumstances dictated (Spradley 1979). The author interviewed each of the women in this study. Following the general guidelines
of ‘‘team’’ field research discussed by Douglass (1976), the author’s wife, who often rides as a
passenger, and daughter, who rides her own motorcycle, were present for some of the interviews
and even occasionally assisted in interviewing some of the women. This was especially helpful
in situations where it was awkward for the author to approach a female rider, or when women
riders seemed somewhat reluctant to ‘‘open up’’ to a male but were more comfortable talking to
another women, or in cases where the author wanted to double-check the reliability or validity of
some of the responses. 4
The author carried a small spiral notebook and pen or pencil, and when alone or unobserved
by other riders made as detailed fieldnotes as possible. In keeping with longstanding accepted
qualitative research practices, no tape recorders, electronic devices, or other obtrusive measures
were used (Webb et al. 1966; Berg 2009). Where direct quotes are used, the author tried to use
the words of the interviewees verbatim, but admittedly had to rely on memory to some extent.
Care was taken, however, not to significantly paraphrase or in any way alter the substance or
meaning of quotes from participants. If there was a discrepancy in recalling conversations
and the author’s notes, the information was omitted from the study. Similarly, in interviews wit-
nessed or conducted by the author’s wife or daughter, if there were any disagreements about
answers, comments, or other information, the data were not used. In order to ascertain a larger
number of opinions on one particular issue, sexism in the motorcycle subculture, an online poll
was used, and is duly noted where those data are cited.
A variety of female roles can be found in the contemporary world of motorcycling, some
of which parallel the roles afforded women in the hardcore biker subculture, especially at large
rallies such as Sturgis, Daytona, Fayetteville, Austin, and others. Still other roles fulfilled by
women, such as bikini-clad bike washers, wet t-shirt contestants, and ‘‘biker babes’’ who serve
beer or act as models for various vendors, are also subservient and somewhat demeaning. Never-
theless, in the contemporary motorcycle subculture, more and more women participate in
meaningful roles that violate many gender stereotypes and challenge dominant gender roles.
2 The women participants were not directly asked their age, but some voluntarily disclosed that information. Age also
was determined in some cases by asking how long somebody had been riding and then asking when they started—a more
subtle way to ask their age without them realizing it. In other cases age was ‘‘guesstimated’’ by appearance, number of
years of riding experience, age of spouse or boyfriend, or other related information. 3 Interview schedule available from the author on request.
4 The author’s daughter minored in sociology and has been formally trained in sociological research methods.
Although the author’s wife has not had any formal training in research methods, she has conducted ethnographic inter-
views several times over the past 30 years as part of various research projects and has become a very skilled interviewer.
The presence of the author’s wife or daughter during some of the interviews proved invaluable in several ways: making it
easier for the author to approach a woman at a motorcycle rally (which can potentially be intimidating or even danger-
ous); contributing to making the interviewees more comfortable; and checking reliability and validity of responses and
accurate recording of field notes.
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT IDENTITY 61
To paraphrase a popular advertising slogan, contemporary women who ride ‘‘two-up’’ or ride
their own motorcycles today are not ‘‘your father’s ‘biker chicks.’ ’’
TWO-UPPERS
Today’s motorcycle subculture includes a number of wives and girlfriends who ride two-up with
their husbands or boyfriends (or, in some cases, girlfriends). Women who ride on the backs of
motorcycles are special people. As a motorcycle rider, the author is very uncomfortable riding as
a passenger on the back of a motorcycle and a number of other riders have told the author they
feel the same way. Maybe it is about being in control, perhaps it is a matter of trust, or maybe
those who have ridden motorcycles are more acutely aware of the inherent risks involved in
being a passenger on a motorcycle. Another factor may be that men find riding on the back
of a motorcycling somewhat emasculating. Whatever the reasons, riding on the back of a motor-
cycle requires a tremendous amount of trust, devotion, courage, and submission. Still, it would
not be wise to refer to these women as riding in the ‘‘bitch seat’’ as hardcore male bikers often
call it. Riding a motorcycle is dangerous. As a rider, you must be constantly alert and vigilant,
watching for debris on the roadway, animals, people, and vehicles that might dart into your path,
articles being thrown from vehicles or blowing out of the backs of trucks, and the biggest threat:
cars and trucks whose drivers either do not see you or do not respect that you have as much right
to be on the road as do they. Riding on the back of a motorcycle can be even more dangerous. 5
The two-upper faces all the same risks as the rider, but additionally, must rely solely on the rid- ing skills and the judgment of the person sitting in front of her to keep her from harm. The
author’s wife’s view is:
I feel totally safe riding with you. I know you’re a good rider and I know that you are going to be
extra careful with me on the back. I totally trust you, so I can just sit back, relax, and enjoy the ride.
The author’s daughter expresses a similar sentiment, saying that despite the fact that she would
rather be riding her own motorcycle, she has no reluctance to ride behind her father. She is less
comfortable as a passenger, however, and is extremely uncomfortable riding behind other
people. On several occasions she has said, ‘‘You are my father and I have total trust in you.’’
She knows the author would never take any unnecessary chances with her aboard. Interviews
with other two-uppers indicate similar feelings. One woman in her early 70s who has ridden with
her 78-year-old husband for over 50 years, may have said it best: ‘‘He ain’t killed me yet.’’
Later, in a more serious tone, she said,
We started riding when we were just kids in our 20s. I didn’t know any women that rode motorcycles
then, and I had no interest in riding on the front of one or riding by myself. It just seemed natural to
climb on behind . . . [her husband’s name] and just hang on. If I trusted him enough to marry him, I trusted him enough to ride a motorcycle with him.
Perhaps one of the more interesting and grim comments about riding two-up as a couple came
from a young wife and mother in her early 30s who said,
5 Only 3 percent of motorcycle drivers killed in 2009 crashes were women, while 91 percent of passengers who died
were women (Insurance Institute for Highway Safety 2009).
62 W. E. THOMPSON
I used to ride on the back all the time, but since the children came along I’m not too big on it any-
more. We bought me my own bike and we prefer riding separately. We figure it is less likely for both
of us to be critically injured on separate bikes. Of course, if one of us gets hurt badly, the other one
will have to store their [sic] bike until the kids grow up.
As Martin and associates (2006:181) note, ‘‘the move from pillion seat to the front seat of
a motorcycle results in a quantum leap in status for a woman in a biker subculture.’’ Moreover,
Roster’s (2007) research indicates that this increase in status is accompanied not only by
increased feelings of freedom and exhilaration, but also a sense of empowerment. Findings
from this study are consistent with both of those studies’ assertions. As one woman revealed
to the author,
I used to think riding on the back of a motorcycle was one of the coolest feelings a person could
have. Then I moved up to the front seat. Wow! What a difference! The wind in my face . . . I can see everything, and I’m actually in control of the bike. Me. What a feeling!
FEMALE RIDERS
In the distant past, women often took the handlebars of motorcycles, but since the 1950s and
‘60 s have primarily ridden on the backs of motorcycles driven by men. Today’s contemporary
motorcycle subculture, however, includes a large number of women who own and ride their own
motorcycles. As previously noted, women have been riding motorcycles for a very long time but
the number of female motorcyclists has always been relatively small compared to that of male
riders (Pierson 1998). In 1998, a little less than half a million women, or approximately 9 percent
of all riders were included among the 5.7 million motorcyclists (Williams 1998), but five years
later, that percentage increased to approximately 10 percent—635,000 women out of 6.6 million riders—and in 2007, estimates put female riders at approximately 10–12 percent (Motorcycle Industry Council 2007; Box 2007). 2010 estimates mirrored that same 10–12 percent estimate
(Knol 2010; Womenriders 2010). An unscientific online poll conducted in 2009 as part of this
study discovered that out of 225 respondents, only 16 (7.1 percent) were female, but it is difficult
to conclude whether that figure is an accurate reflection of the percentage of women who ride, or
merely more reflective of those who participate in the particular online forum in which the poll
was conducted. As with male riders, the median age for female riders has increased over the past
decades (approximately 42 years of age); nearly 60 percent of women riders are married, 28 per-
cent have college or post-graduate degrees, and 35 percent are in professional or technical
jobs=careers (Box 2007; Womenriders 2010). These demographics are very consistent with those of the women in this research study, with the exception that a larger percentage of women
in this study were college educated.
Despite the increasing number of women riders, today’s motorcycle subculture is still a
male-dominated and somewhat macho domain. When the author was looking at motorcycles
for purchase after a 30þ year hiatus, salesmen6 chided him when he looked at 750cc motorcycles (the largest motorcycle Honda made when the author had last ridden). They
6 Although women work in motorcycle dealerships processing sales agreements, titles, and arranging insurance, and
perhaps in some regions of the country as sales people, the author has never encountered a female motorcycle
salesperson.
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT IDENTITY 63
remarked that the 750s were good ‘‘girls’ bikes’’ or ‘‘good bikes for the little lady,’’ but if the
author wanted a ‘‘man’s starter bike,’’ he needed to look at the 1100cc, 1300cc, or even larger
models. At a Harley dealership when asking about a new Sportster, which is usually considered
an ‘‘entry-level’’ bike, the salesman asked, ‘‘You interested in the woman’s version (883) or the
men’s model (1200)?’’
Nevertheless, the sexism that permeates the motorcycle subculture has not dissuaded women
from being full participants. A fairly typical female rider told me,
I used to only ride on the back of my husband’s motorcycle, I guess because I grew up always hear-
ing that riding motorcycles was for men only. But I never could understand the male-only thing— guess it was just the way I look at things. I enjoy riding my own bike and love to see other women
riding.
Most women in today’s motorcycle subculture are very confident and independent, and as one
woman rider commented to me, ‘‘I can tolerate a lot of the macho nonsense that goes on at these
events, because I love the whole motorcycle experience, but ‘‘Don’t call me ‘biker chick.’ ’’
Another female rider probably in her late 50s or early 60s responded to my wife’s question
as to whether she considered herself a ‘‘biker,’’
I don’t know what I am—biker, motorcyclist, or whatever. As far as I’m concerned I’m just a wife and grandmother who rides motorcycles. I’ll say this though, I’m not a ‘‘chick,’’ or anybody’s ‘‘old lady.’’
Another female rider told the author, ‘‘I don’t consider myself a ‘biker’—I’m a 30-year-old school teacher who happens to ride a motorcycle.’’ Perhaps these two responses, and several simi-
lar ones from other women riders provide valuable insight into the ‘‘new breed’’ of both male and
female motorcyclists. They are not posers or wannabes as so often suggested in biker literature, because riding a motorcycle is not a master status (Hughes and MacGill 1952) for them. Riding motorcycles is what they do, not who they are. Rather, like most Americans, their strongest sense of identity is related to their age, race, sex, family roles, and their occupation. Consequently, rid-
ing a motorcycle is only one of many social statuses and roles women riders fulfill. Conversely,
‘‘Biker’’ implies commitment to a lifestyle, and is much more likely to be viewed as a master status accompanied by role engulfment (Lemert 1951) by those who fit into that category.
The author always asks women at rallies what they think of the male-dominated and sexist
environment that permeates such events, and a typical response can be summarized by one
woman’s response, ‘‘It’s no big deal, I’ve seen and dealt with a lot worse.’’ Another indicated,
I’m a teacher and my husband is an architectural engineer. Sometimes we’re both appalled at what
we see and hear at biker events, but overall, it’s a whole new world for us, and we have met the most
interesting and nicest people on motorcycles. Maybe it’s like everything else, you have to take the
bad with the good. For us, it’s well worth it.
Despite the oft-repeated notion of a ‘‘biker brotherhood,’’ most women interviewed in this study
indicated that they felt comfortable and reasonably accepted participating in a predominantly
male activity. One woman confided to the author at a rally,
I love these guys (as she gestured toward hundreds of motorcyclists). I feel like they are my brothers,
and they treat me like I’m one of them. One thing I know for sure, when I’m on the road, these guys
have my back.
64 W. E. THOMPSON
Another female rider told the author,
It’s funny, but if I’m in my car and it breaks down, I immediately get on my cell phone and call my
husband or Triple A. I actually hope that nobody stops and offers to help, because it scares me that
they might be up to no good. But when I ride my bike, if it breaks down, I just wait for another biker
to ride by. I know they will always stop, and I never fear for my safety. I just know that another biker
would never hurt me.
In order to get a larger response and perhaps wider view of the sexism that permeates predomi-
nantly male activities like motorcycling, the author conducted an online poll on one of the
motorcycle forums to which he belongs. 7 The poll question was placed under the heading:
‘‘For Women Riders Only,’’ and stated: ‘‘Just Curious about how women motorcycle riders feel
about being part of a male-dominated activity. Do you feel fully accepted as a female rider?’’
Only 47 people responded to the poll. That would not be a disappointing number except for
the fact that 41 of those were men and a total of only 6 women responded. Although that per- centage may be fairly representative of the ratio of men to women riders, since the poll question
was clearly addressed to ‘‘women riders only,’’ it may speak volumes that almost 90 percent of
the respondents (87.2%) were men! Responses from men included ‘‘I see more and more women riding these days, and that’s fine with me.’’ Another said, ‘‘Why wouldn’t women feel
accepted?—it’s a free world, they have as much right to ride as men do.’’ More typical responses from men, however, reflected tolerance more than acceptance, and hinted at sexism. For
example, ‘‘I don’t have any problem with women riding, as long as they know what they’re
doing,’’ which implies that he believes women often may not. Another said, ‘‘I like the fact that
more women ride, especially if they’re good looking.’’ Perhaps the most telling response: ‘‘Who
cares if they feel accepted or not? If they choose to ride, that’s their business, but it’s not called a
‘brotherhood’ for nothing.’’
The six women who responded all indicated that they enjoyed riding and had never experi-
enced any serious forms of harassment, hazing, or overt discrimination. Yet, each indicated that
they were very much aware that motorcycling was considered a ‘‘man’s world,’’ and that a cer-
tain amount of sexism was to be expected. One woman responded,
Hey, I knew when I started riding that some of the men wouldn’t like it, but who cares? It’s my bike
and I have as much right to the highways as anybody else. Overall, I’ve not had any problems. Of
course, I usually ride with my husband, and not too many guys are going to give me any trouble as
long as he’s around.
Another female rider indicated, ‘‘I notice there aren’t too many women on this forum and that’s
too bad, because I know there are a lot of women out there who ride.’’ Perhaps the most straight-
forward response and one that may represent the sentiments of today’s modern female motor-
cycle rider more than some of the others since the final three female respondents all indicated
7 This online poll was conducted within a forum established for riders of one particular brand of motorcycles (Honda)
and cannot be considered either scientific or representative of motorcycle riders in general. Riders of other brands of
motorcycles belong to the forum, however, and although there may be no objective data to indicate that Honda riders
are less sexist than riders of other brands of motorcycles, participant observation reveals that riders of Japanese and
German motorcycles seem less concerned about maintaining the ‘‘macho’’ image associated with the Harley-Davidson
subculture.
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT IDENTITY 65
agreement: ‘‘Brotherhood, schmotherhood [sic], I ride a motorcycle and love it. Most guys seem
okay with that. For the ones who aren’t—fuck ‘em!’’8
A 63-year-old woman in Texas who had ridden motorcycles since she was 15 said she had
joined a local chapter of Women in the Wind (an organization for women riders) several years
earlier, but did not maintain her membership, since she preferred to ride with her husband. When
a freshman in high school, her mother taught her to ride an old Harley-Davidson motorcycle as
well as how to change the oil, adjust the belt, and fix a flat tire. She commented,
I thought it was perfectly normal for women to ride their own bikes since my mother had ridden a
Harley all my life. I didn’t ever question it, until when I was about 20, my boyfriend said that girls
don’t ride motorcycles—they belong on the back. I ditched him ‘cause I figured he was too old-fashioned for me. Since then, I’ve learned that most men feel that way. I’m not sure why. Maybe
it threatens them, seeing a woman riding, I don’t know. I heard a comment at this very rally that
really burns me up. I overheard a woman talking to her husband say, ‘‘Look at all the women riding
motorcycles. Why don’t you teach me to ride?’’ His response: ‘‘Honey, all them [sic] women are
lesbians.’’
Most of the women who ride their own motorcycles interviewed in this study started out riding
two-up with their husbands or boyfriends and then made the transition to riding alone. Only one
of the women riders was openly homosexual, but she too, had originally started riding with a
boyfriend. The straight women seem to be simultaneously amused and irritated by the stereotype
that all, or even most women bikers are gay. Although motorcycle attire tends to be masculine in
appearance, most women riders in this study ‘‘feminized’’ their appearance in noticeable ways.
Some wore pink leather jackets instead of the traditional black, and one even wore pink leather
chaps. Others wore leather jackets in white, blue, or black adorned with floral patterns, butter-
flies, and other decorations such as rhinestones or fringe that identified them as women’s attire.
All but one of the women riders wore helmets, but only two of those were black. Most wore
white, silver, or black helmets with colorful graphics, some obviously chosen to match or comp-
lement the color of the motorcycle. Often, ponytails, long hair, or various types of visible
jewelry also served to identify the riders as women. Consistent with other research, many of
the women riders in this study seem to ‘‘go out of their way to accessorize and feminize their
appearances in order to communicate unambiguous femininity and heterosexuality’’ (Martin
et al. 2006:190). Even the motorcycles the women ride hint at femininity.
Whereas the majority of men ride Harley-Davidson motorcycles that have been boldly linked
to a macho image, only one woman in this study rode a Harley-Davidson, and it was the smallest
Sportster model offered (883), and was blue in color. The other women rode Japanese model
(metric) bikes—Hondas, Yamahas, Kawasakis, and Suzukis—in that order. Only one of the women rode a black motorcycle, and it had red pinstriping on the gas tank and fenders. The other
women’s bikes were either white, silver, or red, or had two-tone paint jobs. Most of the women’s
motorcycles in this study were between 650cc and 900cc in size, although one woman rode an
1100cc motorcycle that was identical to her husband’s bike, except that his was black in color
and her bike was silver with maroon trim. Although the author has observed women riding large
8 Shortly after this response was posted, the poll was removed from the forum by the site administrator since profanity
is forbidden. The poll had been up for over three days by this time, however, and most posted threads ‘‘run their course’’
within 2–3 days with those who are interested usually responding within the first 24 hours.
66 W. E. THOMPSON
and powerful motorcycles of all makes and models, the majority of women seem to ride smaller
motorcycles and be less concerned about the macho-image of the motorcycle than their male
counterparts. Pragmatic reasons for the smaller motorcycle may be that because it weighs less,
women believe it ‘‘fits’’ them better and is easier to control—although most riders discover that heavier bikes provide a much smoother ride and are much easier to control once moving.
Symbolically, the smaller motorcycles may seem more ‘‘appropriate’’ for women riders, and
manufacturers now openly aim specific models at the emerging female market.
WHY DO WOMEN RIDE?
Women’s motivations for riding seem very similar to those of men. According to Veno and
Winterhalder (2009:62), ‘‘Biker chicks certainly are women who choose to live an unconven-
tional lifestyle . . . there are attractions to the motorcycle, the adrenaline high obtained by riding and, for many, the sisterhood of riding motorcycles collectively.’’ But, as one of the women in
this study succinctly put it, ‘‘don’t call me ‘biker chick’ ’’—a sentiment seemingly reflective of today’s female riders. Again, the concept of lifestyle versus a leisure-time activity may differ-
entiate today’s contemporary motorcyclists who ride for leisure and recreation from the hardcore
bikers, both male and female, who become engulfed in the biker or one of the ‘‘biker chick’’ roles.
It seems that many of the same attributes that lure men into riding are also appealing to
women riders: sense of freedom, fun, excitement, stress reduction, and risk-taking (Thompson
2009). The women in this study over and again expressed one or more of those motivations.
But, there seem to be additional incentives for women. As one female rider told Veno and
Winterhalder (2009:143–144):
From my observations, it seems that women riders are of the mindset that there’s more to life out
there and they want to experience it. It’s a sensation of freedom, independence and, for many, rebel-
lion from the stereotypical molds women are supposed to embrace.
The ‘‘brotherhood’’ among new bikers clearly includes women. Men in this study overwhelm-
ingly indicated that they like for their wives or girlfriends to ride with them either two-up or on
their own bikes. Although clearly in a minority, the women in the new motorcycle subculture
seem to sense this inclusiveness. ‘‘There’s camaraderie among cyclists that you just don’t find
with automobile drivers’’ one woman told the author. Another echoed, ‘‘there’s definitely a
biker brotherhood and I feel like I’m part of it . . .’’ then after a slight pause, she added, ‘‘but there’s a sisterhood in biking like no other.’’
If the motorcycle has always represented a symbol of rebellion for men, that is even more true
for women. ‘‘Participating in the sport of motorcycling requires women to conquer the odds and
engage in activities that can be viewed as a form of resistance against gender-related obstacles at
physical, social, and cultural levels’’ (Roster 2007:447). A woman rider interviewed by Veno
and Winterhalder (2009:106) indicated that, as a baby boomer, she grew up in an era of Leave it to Beaver and The Donna Reed Show, and for her, ‘‘the motorcycle is an icon of rebellion and freedom from those traditional stifling values.’’ Women riders in this study expressed similar
attitudes. ‘‘Nobody expects a woman to ride her own bike’’ one female attorney who rides told
the author, ‘‘and I like to do the unexpected.’’ Another woman rider told the author’s wife ‘‘I’m
62 years old, a mother and a grandmother, and I’ll be damned if I’m going to let anybody tell me
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT IDENTITY 67
I can’t ride a motorcycle if I want to.’’ Another said, ‘‘When I moved from the back of my hus-
band’s bike to riding my own, it was like I entered another world.’’ This and other statements are
quite consistent with previous findings that ‘‘for women who start out as passengers on men’s
motorcycles a major motivation for riding one’s own bike can be the desire to take more direct
control . . .’’ (Martin et al. 2006:185). Much like discussions with male riders, the word ‘‘freedom’’ came up time and again in con-
versations about why women ride. ‘‘I’ve never felt so free,’’ said one female rider. ‘‘Riding is
freedom personified’’ said another. When asked ‘‘freedom from what?’’ she responded, ‘‘free-
dom from everything . . . freedom to be me.’’ When the author asked one woman rider her pri- mary motivation for riding, she simply turned, lifted up her t-shirt, and revealed a one-word
tattoo in red, white, and blue ink across her lower back that read: FREEDOM.
The thrill and excitement of riding is also a prime motivator. One woman indicated, ‘‘It’s the
most exhilarating thing I do.’’ ‘‘It’s a rush’’ said another. ‘‘Most fun I’ve ever had with my
clothes on’’ chimed in another female rider. When her husband looked over at her with raised
eyebrows, she added ‘‘or off, for that matter’’ with a laugh. Several of the women spoke of the
thrill of riding a powerful machine and feeling totally in control of it. One woman summarized
this feeling by comparing it to driving a car.
In my car, I feel like I’m not doing much of anything. It’s so highly technical and controlled by
computers. I don’t have any idea how anything works. It’s so space-age. I sit in climate-controlled
comfort, push a few buttons, put on the cruise control, pop in a CD, and talk on my cell phone. It’s
like being at home. Now, my bike is something totally different. It’s a machine. I start it, I control it,
it responds to even my slightest movement. I shift the gears, I downshift, I brake . . . . It’s exciting. I feel the air, the dust, the dirt, and although I don’t care much for them, even the bugs and the rain.
Riding a motorcycle makes me feel alive.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Media portrayals, stereotypical images, and hardcore outlaw bikers have contributed to a deviant
image of motorcyclists. Women associated with motorcycling have been portrayed even more
negatively. The increasing popularity of motorcycles and the large number of both male and
female middle- and upper-middle-class professionals joining the ranks of motorcycle riders have
somewhat dispelled the outlaw image. Nevertheless, women who actively participate in the
motorcycle subculture either as passengers or riders are still regarded as somewhat deviant by
the general public. Two-uppers who ride on the back of their husbands’ or boyfriends’ bikes
are still somewhat conforming to traditional gender roles in that being a passenger is a subordi-
nate role to being a rider. These women often accentuate their femininity with colorful and femi-
nine attire, but try to avoid the stereotypical ‘‘look’’ of women associated with the hardcore
biker subculture, and do nothing to imply that they are somebody’s ‘‘property.’’ More impor-
tantly, even if outward appearances may suggest that they are part of the hardcore biker subcul-
ture, riding on the back of a motorcycle is neither a master status nor a substantial component of their social or personal identity. It is just one of the things they do.
Consistent with previous research, data from this study indicate that most of today’s women
riders entered the motorcycle subculture riding on the back of their boyfriends’ or husbands’
68 W. E. THOMPSON
bikes, a role more consistent with traditional gender expectations. Many, who enjoyed riding and
participating in motorcycle-related activities, however, decided to purchase and ride their own
motorcycles—shedding traditional gender roles for what is often considered a masculine endea- vor, and more appropriate for men. Consequently, women who ride their own bikes might be
considered ‘‘double deviants,’’ and often attract and must deal with a lot of unwanted attention, even among other motorcyclists. Female motorcyclists both consciously and subconsciously
engage in symbolically redefining a deviant identity every time they ride. They too manipulate
meaningful symbols such as wardrobe, jewelry, and even the types and colors of motorcycles
they ride in order to feminize their appearance yet simultaneously express their independence.
Importantly, they are not posers or wannabes, because riding a motorcycle is not a master status for them. Rather, like most Americans, their strongest sense of identity is related to their age,
race, sex, and more importantly, their occupation and other social roles they fulfill such as wife,
mother, or grandmother. ‘‘I’m a 62-year-old mother and grandmother who rides . . .’’ ‘‘I’m a 30-year-old school teacher who rides . . .’’ Time and again comments suggest that riding a motorcycle is only one of many statuses and roles occupied by women motorcyclists. Con-
versely, ‘‘Biker’’ implies commitment to a lifestyle, and is much more likely to be viewed as
a master status accompanied by role engulfment by those who fit into that category. ‘‘Biker chick’’ carries an even more negative connotation, and is hardly descriptive of today’s female
motorcyclists.
Women who ride their own motorcycles indicate that they experience an increased sense of
freedom and exhilaration when in the rider’s seat as opposed to riding on the back. Moreover,
they experience a greater degree of control and a sense of empowerment. Although women’s
motivations for riding are quite similar to men’s, violation of stereotypical gender roles and
the sense of empowerment are two contributing factors unique to women riders. A spokes-
woman for the motorcycle industry commented, ‘‘Women feel so much more empowered today
than they did 10 years ago and motorcycling today is more fashionable and hip than ever’’ (Box
2007:D1). Roster (2007) couched these feelings within the liberal feminist perspective and
labeled it ‘‘Girl Power.’’ She discovered that ‘‘female riders equated knowledge and skill train-
ing with power’’ and that riding their own motorcycles helped women resist ‘‘gender labels’’
and ‘‘. . . embrace a whole new philosophy of femininity that included women acting tough, bold, and aggressive, and at the same time, sexy in an inclusive way that did not define sexuality
in stereotypical heterosexual or homosexual terms’’ (Roster 2007:455; 458). None of the part-
icipants in this study used the specific term ‘‘Girl Power,’’ but many of their comments reflect
a feeling of confidence and empowerment that embody the general concept.
While part of motorcycle riding’s appeal to men may include reinforcing their masculinity
through risk-taking behavior (Ling 2005; Thompson 2009), women seem to simultaneously
express independence and empowerment while redefining their femininity through taking those
same risks (life and limb), as well as the additional risks of invading a ‘‘hyper-masculine’’
environment and violating traditional gender roles. Time will tell if the number and percentage
of women riders will continue to increase, or if this trend is a temporary phenomenon. If
women’s gains in other previously predominantly male activities and environments (work,
sports, politics, etc.) are any indication, sociological trends and patterns suggest the former is
far more likely than the latter. Future research should include larger and more diverse samples
to see if the findings of this study can be generalized to women who participate in today’s
contemporary motorcycle subculture.
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT IDENTITY 69
Women riding motorcycles may be perceived by some as a deviant identity, but those who
engage in the activity redefine it as a symbol of independence, self-reliance, and both personal
and social power. By doing so, women riders not only join the ‘‘brotherhood’’ of motorcyclists,
but have created a growing ‘‘sisterhood’’ that provides role models for girls and young women
who dare to be different.
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WILLIAM E. THOMPSON was born and raised in Tulsa, Oklahoma, and was the first mem- ber of his family to receive a high school diploma. He received his bachelor’s degree from
Northeastern State University, a master’s degree from Missouri State University, and a Ph.D.
from Oklahoma State University. Professor Thompson has authored more than 30 articles in pro-
fessional journals, including several reprinted in sociology textbooks and anthologies. He has
co-authored an introductory sociology textbook in its 7th edition and a Juvenile Delinquency
textbook in its 8th edition. He also has co-edited an anthology in Juvenile Delinquency and
is the author of The Glass House, a nonfiction account of his mother’s 2-year battle with cancer and the lessons about life and living learned from her death and dying. Professor Thompson
began his college teaching career at the University of Tulsa. He spent the next 10 years at
Emporia State University and is currently a professor of sociology and criminal justice at Texas
A&M University–Commerce. Dr. Thompson has won numerous teaching awards. For fun and
relaxation he enjoys playing the drums and riding his motorcycle.
WOMEN MOTORCYCLISTS REDEFINING DEVIANT IDENTITY 71
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