History journal assignment for Witness

The Race of the Century: 1895 Chicago Author(s): Cord Scott Source: Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-), Vol. 96, No. 1 (Spring, 2003), pp. 37-48 Published by: Illinois State Historical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40193610 . Accessed: 21/03/2011 14:51

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ishs. .

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Illinois State Historical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-).

http://www.jstor.org

The Race of the Century- 1895 Chicago Cord Scott

The twenty-eighth of November 1895 was the worst possible day for an automobile race. On this Thanksgiving Day the city of Chicago had been hit with an early season blizzard and the roads were covered in snow and slush, and the "motocycle" (as the automobile was popularly called at the time) was considered by the city's newspapers to be nothing more than an aberration. It was predicted to be a passing fad, unlike the other new form of transportation, the bicycle. However, the automobile race that was to take place that day would cause residents to change their attitudes. The race would establish the automobile as the transportation technology of the future, and Chicago's connections to the automobile. In addition, this "Race of the Century" and the drivers who participated in it would help to estab- lish the ties between the car and masculinity, social class, and the city. The race and, in a larger sense, the automobile, would fundamentally change life in Chicago.1

One might first ask why Chicago was chosen for the Race of the Century rather than the larger cities of New York, Philadelphia, or San Francisco. There were many logical reasons for choosing Chicago. First and foremost, throughout it history, Chicago had served as a hub for trans- portation. Since 1849 Chicago had been a central crossover point for the rail and river shipping lines throughout the country.2 This gave the drivers in the 1895 race the opportunity to ship their cars to Chicago via rail or ship, assemble and test them, and then officially enter the car into the race with- out much fuss or extra bother. Furthermore, Chicago's ample and well-kept city street network allowed the racing cars to be run on relatively smooth cobblestones.3 This would allow drivers (in theory) to race at higher speeds with minimal risk of damage to the suspension system of the cars, or to the wheels, which were made of solid rubber in most cases. Some of the driv- ers, however, used pneumatic tires, which later proved to be of substantial advantage on the day of the race.4

The second reason for Chicago being chosen for the Race of the Century was its ties to the World's Columbian Exposition of 1893. The Columbian Exposition highlighted several new forms of transportation that would gradually eliminate the horse as the chief form of propulsion in America and around the world. The idea of eliminating the horse was an attractive one to most residents since every horse deposited about thirty pounds of manure each day on the city's streets. In addition to the waste issue, the city faced another problem when the animals died. The horses were used to pull heavy wagons for the disposal of garbage and to deliver

37

supplies and were used to haul buggies for private use. It was not uncom- mon for overworked horses to drop dead in the streets. The carcasses then had to be hauled off by other horses before they caused hygiene and odor problems. Housing the animals also created a problem. The presence of tens of thousands of horses in 1890s Chicago posed a logistical nightmare in a city that was already facing a housing shortage for its burgeoning human population.5

New forms of transportation that the Columbian Exposition brought included cable cars, the new "El" (elevated trains), and electric trol- leys. All of these public transportation systems would help the city as a whole and their promises brought people to the Exposition, especially to the Transportation Hall at Jackson Park. Inside the building (and its annexes) the exhibits were divided into railroads, marine transportation, and vehicles for work and pleasure. It was in this last division that people took notice of the "horseless carriage." But what really drew people to the hall were the displays of the bicycle, the transportation craze of the 1880s.6 Many people at the fair saw the bicycle as the personal transportation vehicle of the future. It did not pollute as the horse did, it allowed for exercise and per- sonal fitness, which was important during a time when personal hygiene and strength were obsessing many in the nation and, most important, it caused enthusiasts to pressure legislators to support the construction of paved roads. Bicyclists claimed that most city streets were in terrible con- dition, especially those roads made of dirt, which would turn into mud whenever it rained. They argued that the roads needed to be paved to allow for smoother, better transportation. This in turn would benefit the whole economy.7 The bicycle was a featured system of transportion in the exhibits at the Columbian Exposition, and the police in both New York and Chicago discussed it as a possible vehicle for use by law enforcement.8

The third reason for Chicago hosting the Race of the Century regards the sponsorship of the event. The race was the brainchild of H. A. Kohlstaat, a Chicago booster who had made his fortune in the restaurant industry during the 1870s. He eventually made enough money to buy a controlling interest in the Chicago Times-Herald. In 1893 he was responsible for drumming up support for the transportation exhibits at the Columbian Exposition when they were initially not well attended. He learned that, in 1894, Count LaBose and several French newspapers (such as La Petit Journal) had sponsored an automobile race of from Paris to Rouen. Kohlstaat seized upon this idea and announced in July 1895 that the Times-Herald would sponsor a race that would allow horseless carriage drivers to race from Chicago to Milwaukee. The race would be held on 2 November 1895 and prize money totaling five thousand dollars would be offered.9 It was Kohlstaat's vision and enthusiasm that brought the race to the citizens of Chicago and the Midwest.

38

Driver Frank Duryea (clean shaven, with baseball hat), along with umpire on the day of the Thanksgiving Day race. Duryea's quick think- ing and nimble repair work allowed him to win the race.

Courtesy of Chicago Historical Society.

The fourth reason for choosing Chicago for the Race of the Century was the promise that large crowds would witness the race and, most impor- tant to Kohlstaat, buy the Times-Herald to read about the exploits of the jaun- ty men and their machines. Close to one hundred teams expressed interest in the 2 November race; however, when the deadline for entries approached, many did not register. In fact, the original date of the race had to be pushed back three weeks, to 28 November, because of the lack of drivers.10 Many of those who originally expressed an interest in participating were not able to meet the deadline because their newly-designed cars had to be handmade and were not ready to race by early November. The entrant cars also had to pass a preliminary test of road-worthiness inside a building owned by Kohlstaat. Those cars that did not pass the inspection were not allowed to run.11 This further cut down the number of cars actually running

39

in the race. On 2 November only two cars were fully ready to race. The Times-Herald noted, on that day, organizers ran a "special exhibition race" but pushed the larger one to 28 November. The city's other newspapers, such as the Chicago Tribune, made a mockery of the 2 November "race" and Kohlstaafs attempt to cover his unmet promises. The Tribune stated that only five hundred spectators turned out at Jackson Park to witness the beginning of the race. The reporter derisively noted that Kohlstaat was 499,500 shy of the 500,000 spectators predicted by the Times-Herald. And most of the "spectators were actually commuters on their way to work, who soon disappeared."12 The paper then went on to describe how the vehicles of the future could not make it up a small incline, which allowed the course to cross over the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad tracks. The autos had to be pushed over the hump by several people. It was further commented that, as the reporters followed the cars on a tandem bicycle, they had to apply their brakes so as not to overtake the cars, which averaged just six miles per hour.13 In the end, the Gottlieb Benz-built car driven by Oscar Mueller of Decatur, Illinois, won the exhibition race on 2 November. The other contestant in the first race, J. Frank Duryea, did not finish, because his car developed a steering problem.14 While the two drivers were given accolades by the Times-Herald and were derided by the Tribune and the Chicago Inter-Ocean,15 no one could dispute the fact that they represented a certain entrepreneurial spirit that permeated the late nineteenth century. The drivers and their designers and judges, all came from decidedly specialized backgrounds and could certainly be called "artisans." Their specialization of workmanship and the fact that they necessarily needed money to purchase such playthings as racing autos would lead one to assume that the early racing car drivers would have come from the ranks of the wealthy.

In fact, the vast majority of people in the United States and in Europe saw the first automobiles as little more than interesting toys for the rich. The automobile needed all sorts of extra items that the other forms of transportation of the day did not.16 In contrast to the horse and the auto- mobile, the bicycle had become a new economical form of transportation for "the masses." The bicycle did not need to be fed or stabled or watered like a horse. It just needed lubrication for the chain, repairs if the balloon-style tires developed leaks, and a flat surface on which to run. The bicycle was also a convenient way to get around the streets of a city and provided an acceptable form of socialization for both men and women during the other- wise restrictive Victorian era. The bicycle also had its own form of socializ- ing and sports. By 1895, bicycling clubs throughout the United States were sponsoring races, as well as dances, football leagues, and other events.17 The automobile, on the other hand, required rubber tires, gasoline, water (for the

40

cooling system), and most importantly, the knowledge of what to do to keep the car operational. In addition, an automobile cost a good deal more than a bicycle: nearly five hundred dollars in 1895 as opposed to just one hun- dred dollars.18 The actual cost of the automobile was probably higher, as very few cars actually existed, and available parts were either hand crafted or small in quantity. By the time the production of automobiles came about, only the rich could afford one. The prohibitive expense of the early auto- mobiles was due to the hand-assembled, craftsman-like production. It is interesting to note, therefore, that the participants in Chicago's 1895 Race of the Century had working-class backgrounds. The race actually allowed the designers and drivers to cross social classes.

The driver who won the exhibition race of 2 November, Oscar Mueller, was a prime example of a hybrid man who worked with his hands, yet had enough money to invest in a car. He drove a Benz-built car that had been made in, and imported from, Germany. However, Mueller had made such extensive modifications to the car that he considered it his own design. The judges for the race noted this, and the car was listed as a Mueller-Benz on the official race entry.19 Mueller had to have been mechanically inclined. The other drivers showed similar social patterns.

J. Frank Duryea, along with his brother Charles, developed racing automobiles and had a similar background to Mueller. Both brothers start- ed off in a coach and sedan business in the late 1880s and eventually went in to the development and construction of working automobiles. By the early 1890s, the brothers took divergent paths, however. Charles settled in Peoria, Illinois, while Frank started on his construction of an engine, clutch, and gears assembly that found their way into the car that he would eventu- ally race in Chicago. When Frank arrived in Chicago for the race he began testing the car; he eventually altered the engine from a two-stroke to a four- stroke engine. This allowed the car to produce more speed, as well as run much more smoothly.20 During both races, the Duryea car experienced part failures. This meant that, because the automobile had been hand-made, new parts had to be fabricated during the race. These repairs to the car would hinder Duryea during the 2 November race; he hit a horse team, damaged the steering, and was forced out of the race, making Mueller the sole contestant and winner of the exhibition.21

Duryea's repair of a broken steering arm while crossing the Rush Street Bridge during the official race on 28 November was an example of how adaptable and mechanically-minded these racers had to be. He stopped, ran to a blacksmith shop, reformed and repaired the arm, and re- assembled the car in order to continue the race. He also had to forge a new igniter for the car. Toward the last quarter of the race, the igniter on the engine started to fail, causing the car to lose power. Duryea drove at slow

41

speed until he found a tinsmith's shop, where he stopped. The smith was not in the shop, so Duryea drove to the smith's house, roused him, took him back to the tinsmith's shop, forged a new igniter, and was back on the course in fifty-five minutes.22 While this variation from the course should have technically disqualified Duryea, it definitely showed his determination and ability to adapt.

Another man who was directly involved with the race and who showed an entrepreneurial spirit was Charles King. King served as a judge aboard the Mueller car during the 28 November race.23 He was originally a pneumatic toolmaker and had received a medal for his exhibition at the Columbian Exposition in 1893. He was also involved in designing and building engines for boats as well as for cars. King initially planned to enter a car in the Race of the Century, but his design was not ready in time. He was later responsible for developing several different items for automobiles, including improved engines. He was eventually able to complete the con- struction of his own racing car and was driving it in Detroit the next year.24 King was recognized as an influential figure in the field of automobile con- struction and was asked to be an umpire for the 28 November race aboard the Mueller-Benz car. Following a rather bizarre incident, in which Mueller passed out while driving, King pushed Mueller aside, and proceeded to pilot the car, and finished the race.25 King also had a background as an artisan; he helped Henry Ford with engine designs before forming the King Motorcar Corporation. As with the other designers /drivers /engineers, King's vehicles featured marked improvements over previous designs, and included left hand steering, center control gearshifts, and improved lamps for driving at night. All of these inventions added to the function of the car, but also required that the inventor get his hands dirty.

Several of the cars, while not finishing the race, were design inno- vations. Many of the cars built for the race utilized propulsion systems that have become desirable in the early twenty-first century because of their pos- itive environmental qualities. One of the cars was steam powered, and was built by A.C. Ames of Chicago's south side. The car used two bicycle frames and a sleigh body for its chassis, with the engine toward the rear of the car. It was an interesting design and was technically an entrant in the race. However, it was really only displayed because its steam engine limited its travel to a few hundred feet.26 Two of the cars used an electric power plant. One was the Sturges Electric Car, built and driven by Harold Sturges on Thanksgiving Day. The power from the batteries was sufficient to propel the car at low speeds, but, because of the heavy snow and ill-plowed streets, the car only ran from Jackson Park to Lincoln Park, where the batteries final- ly failed.27 Henry Morris and Pedro Salom built the other electrically pow- ered car. The Electrobat, as it was called, was built in Philadelphia. It

42

also had propulsion problems because of the weather conditions. It finally ran out of power near the Rush Street Bridge. The car made an impression on the judges of the race, however, and was awarded the Times-Herald Gold Medal Award for general efficiency. This angered several other racers, as the Electrobat neither finished the race, nor went as far as the Sturges.28 The umpire aboard the Electrobat was Hiram Maxim. Maxim was the creator of the Maxim gun, one of the first functional machine guns of the nineteenth century.29 Another judge for the race was Henry Timkin, who later went on to great fame in the field of transportation for his invention of enclosed ball bearings.

In the gasoline-powered division, many of the builder /drivers had Chicago connections, and utilized the Chicago bicycle designs to help increase the performance of their cars. The automobile driven by Max Hertel, which had the smallest displacement engine of all the cars, did not perform well enough to even start the race on 28 November. E. J. Pennington's car was, much like many of the others in the race, based on two bicycle frames welded together, but his auto was most important for its innovative tires, which were of the balloon type. This was in stark contrast to the solid rubber tires used by most of the contestants. In fact, several of the racers, King included, noted that Pennington's balloon tires gave both a smoother ride and a better handling performance in the snow.30

G. W. Lewis, an inventor from Chicago, had a car that featured a front deflector /dash board, which prevented some street debris from hitting the driver. It was unfortunate that his car was unable to compete on race day because of mechanical difficulties. The last notable designer /driver was Elwood Haynes of The Haynes-Appleton Car Company. Haynes start- ed the Thanksgiving Day race driving a car of his own design. However, it was damaged and he had to withdraw before the finish. Before the race, Haynes's car had been pulled over by a Chicago policeman who chased him down on a bicycle. The incident occurred before the 28 November race and was most likely a publicity stunt. Haynes later became a prominent mem- ber of the Chicago Automobile Association.31

Some of the drivers in the race, of course, were not the designers or the builders of their automobiles but were wealthy sportsmen who purchased their cars for the fun and leisure associated with the racing. However, even they had to have some mechanical abilities because, when their cars broke down, they would often have to make on-the-spot repairs. Like the bicycle before it, the automobile became associated with a sporting and leisure culture. But, also like the bicycle, the automobile's reputation suffered from a rough beginning. The original bicycles were unwieldy because of their huge front tires. With the invention of the British safety bike (which had the same size tire front and back, as well as a chain propulsion

43

system) in the 1880s, the bicycling craze exploded. Bicycling soon grew into an acceptable social pursuit for both men and women. For some men, however, the overall appeal of the bicycle was in its potential for racing. In Chicago, some five hundred bicycle clubs had formed by the mid 1890s, with primary race days on Sunday. Racing bicycles became a status symbol for the middle and upper classes.32 It was a logical transition for bicycle enthusiasts to transfer their interests to automobiles.

Bicycle and automobile racing also gave some men the thrill of being pitted in a battle against the forces of nature and against other men. Early racing cars were entirely open to the elements. The drivers, therefore, had to take special precautions (such as wearing specialized clothing). Surviving such hardships allowed drivers to show the world that nothing could get in their way of finishing the race and reaching their goals. Each of the drivers in the Thanksgiving Day race, even those who did not finish (and only two actually did so), had proved themselves by taking on the ele- ments for at least eight hours with little food, no rest, no heat, and in cold, snowy, blustery winds. It was probably a good thing that the course had been shortened from the originally proposed Chicago-Milwaukee run; the 28 November race course only went from Chicago to Evanston and back to Chicago (a total of fifty-three miles). The Times-Herald, as well as many of the drivers, noted that even "King Winter" could not stop them on that day.33 This battle against the elements also worked against the racers, however. Only about sixty spectators showed up in Jackson Park for the start of the race. The Times-Herald was no doubt disappointed at the turnout. The poor turnout was due not only to the adverse weather conditions; many who might have enjoyed the race were in Lincoln Park partaking in another spec- tator sport and passion of the day: football. The University of Michigan and The University of Chicago were in a heated rivalry at the time, and their game drew approximately ten thousand spectators, who eventually rioted when the University of Michigan won over the hometown team.34

Many of the race's few spectators were probably attracted by the prospect of danger or, even death. Most of the cars in the race did not have brakes. This was not a concern for most, however, since the cars were trav- eling at such low speeds (the average speed was around six miles per hour; most people can walk at a speed of four miles per hour). But it was still dif- ficult for the cars to stop on slippery surfaces when something unexpected occurred. A large number of cars that were disabled both before and during the race had to withdraw. Duryea, for example, certainly had his share of broken parts. But the driver who should be singled out for having the most inopportune luck during the race was Jerry O'Connor; he was driving a Benz car, sponsored by Macy's Department Store of New York. O'Connor had a total of three accidents on the day of the race. The first involved a

44

collision with a horse-drawn streetcar near the Art Institute; the second acci- dent involved a horse-drawn cutter, which was carrying Frederick Hass, a driver of one of the withdrawn cars, and A. E. Richter, a reporter for the Times-Herald. The third collision involved a hack (a horse drawn taxi) near Douglas Park. The damage to O'Connor's car in the third collision (four bent wheel spokes, damage to the wheels themselves, and damage to the steering gear) caused O'Connor to finally abandon his quest.35

In addition to the dangers posed by the weather and by other vehi- cles on the roads, the drivers also had to deal with trouble-making specta- tors. A couple of mischievous boys threw snowballs at the drivers, particu- larly at Mueller. Mueller's story during the race, it turns out, is probably the most dramatic. After spending several hours in the driver's seat, Mueller became despondent when one of his passenger /umpires, Charles Reid, was transferred to a relief wagon after he fell unconscious because of the cold weather. Soon afterward, Mueller himself passed out while driving! King, in an attempt to keep the car from becoming disqualified, squirmed into the driver's position by sliding Mueller over, and held on to Mueller with his right arm while he steered the car with his left arm. King finished the race for Mueller, but Mueller remained in the car, still exposed to the elements. The rules of the race stipulated that the car must finish with its driver still in the car.36

The Race of the Century certainly posed problems for drivers that twenty-first century racers do not have to face. Today's drivers have crews that handle the mechanical requirements of the car while, back in the early days, drivers did much of the mechanical work themselves. Another differ- ence between the early races and modern ones is that, in the early days, entrants started at staggered times in order to prevent accidents. A race was not necessarily meant to be an all-out event, but an endurance run. Still, the thrill of the race was definitely a "rush" for those involved. Had the weath- er conditions been different for the Thanksgiving Day race, the events prob- ably would have transpired much differently. Mueller, for instance, had installed a "high speed clutch" that, at one point, caused his car to careen down the Chicago streets at an unprecedented speed of sixteen miles a hour; more favorable conditions might have allowed even more speed.37 By today's standards those speeds seem insignificant, but in an age of solid rubber tires, leaf springs, and cobblestone streets, the constant bumps and strains would have tested the abilities of any driver, then or now.

Following the race, the drivers, builders, umpires, and other partic- ipants met and founded the American Motor League, which was the world's first automobile association. The league was established to develop new ideas for travel on streets and highways, share ideas and designs for

45

automobiles, give legal protection to drivers, and promote safe roadways. This organization, in turn, prompted the organization of similar clubs in Paris and London.38 It was apparent to the drivers and builders in the Race of the Century that it had been a successful endeavor for horseless carriages. But other people, particularly the Chicago papers and transportation offi- cials, did not agree. Most of the newspapers did not carry any news of the Thanksgiving Day race. Of those that did, the reports varied from those that were impressed by the prowess of the drivers ("driving through the mud and slush for a feat horses would not have been able to match in endurance"), to scathing criticism.39 The Chicago Tribune was the most vicious, opining that the race itself was an abomination. The staff writer took particular note of the fact that five of the cars were lost during the race, "wandering aimlessly about the streets ... or lying wrecked in some gutter along the way." He also noted that the spectators at the end of the race con- sisted of two reporters.40 The Times-Herald reported that, while the crowds were thin ("not fifty people"), they were enthusiastic, and that more and better races would soon emerge.41 The race even contained the elements of a spy novel; the Times-Herald noted that builders feared "invention pirates" who would steal their designs before they could perfect and patent them. As the American Motor League noted, many of the designers eventually did share their ideas. For example, King discussed his engine innovations with Henry Ford, who had wished to enter the race but could not convince any- one to loan him the money to ship his car to Chicago.42 While Ford, Duryea, and King became names associated with the early automobile industry in the United States, only a few of the carmakers from the race are remem- bered. However, those who raced that day were pioneers of automobile rac- ing and of American culture.

The race had wide-ranging effects for auto racing, both in the United States and in Europe. Following the Chicago Race of the Century and the French contests of the previous year, automobile racing became much more common and more popular. By 1896, Frank Duryea entered and won the London-to-Brighton, England, race, as well as the Cosmopolitan race held in the United States.43 The number of United States car races continually expanded and, in 1902, a Championship Auto Racing Team (CART) series of races was instituted at various locations. The estab- lishment of CART coincided with the Vanderbilt Races, which were held at various locations around the United States (including Crown Point, Indiana) and further brought cars, and car races, to the Chicago area. The legitimacy of auto racing in the United States was firmly established in Indianapolis in 1911 when the Indianapolis 500 race was held for the first time in its current format.44

46

The Race of the Century also brought another mainstay to the Chicago calendar, the Chicago Auto Show. The first organized show was held in 1901, with Samuel Miles as its manager.45 The show was associated with Motor Age, a new magazine dedicated to the car and its benefits. People such as Charles Duryea, who by the early 1900s had become enmeshed with the Duryea-Stevens Auto Company, continued to laud the benefits of auto ownership. Doctors, priests, and even housewives, he argued, could all benefit from the new auto.46 As with the bicycle, young people of both sexes soon saw the car as a place where they could liberate themselves from the watchful eyes of parental control. Despite the predic- tions by the newspapers, the Race of the Century in Chicago turned out to be important, not only to Chicago, but to the nation as a whole. It is impos- sible to imagine the development of the United States without the automo- bile. And Chicago became the place, not only where the race was held, but the place where part of the American Dream had its start.

Notes

1 "The Recent Storm/' Chicago Tribune, 1 November 1895, 1. 2 Don Miller, City of the Century (Chicago: Touchstone Books, 1986), 180. 3 John Alford, A Report to the Street Paving Committee of the Commercial Club on the Street Paving Problem of Chicago (Chicago: R.R. Donnelly, 1904), 6 4 Charles King, Personal Sidelights of America's First Automobile Race (New York:

Super-Power Printing, 1945), 20. 5 City Clerk of Chicago, Report on Horses in the City (Chicago: City of Chicago Press, 1909), 3. 6 Committee For Exhibit, World's Columbian Exposition Catalogue, Vol. VII (Chicago: City of Chicago Press, 1893), 791. 7 Stephen Goddard, Getting There: The Epic Struggle Between Road and Rail in the American Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 48. 8 "Put Police On Bicycles," Chicago Tribune, 30 November 1895, 10. 9 "Race to Be Held," Chicago Times-Herald, 12 July 1895, 2; George May, "The

Thanksgiving Day Race of 1895," Chicago History (October /November 1982), 177. 10 "Run is Postponed," Chicago Times-Herald, 2 November 1895, 1. 11 "Proves its Worth," Chicago Times-Herald, 3 November 1895, 1-2. 12 " Race is a Bust," Chicago Tribune, 3 November 1895, 3. 13 May, 178. 14 Frank Duryea, Data Relative to the Development of America's Gasoline Automobile

(Springfield, MA, 1941), 20. 15 The Chicago Inter-Ocean did not directly report on the race, but did publish a car- toon ridiculing the car, comparing it to antiquated political practices. Cartoon, Chicago Inter-Ocean, 3 November 1895, 1.

47

16 Donald Meyer, Sex and Power (Middleton, PA: Wesleyan University Press, 1987), 280-1. 17 Various ads and columns in Chicago Tribune and New York Times, November 1895. 18 Ad for Cleveland Bicycle, New York Times, 17 November 1895, 15. The car price was quoted for a sedan car, minus the engine in 1896. Ad in Columbian Exposition Catalogue, 791-820. 19 May, 177. 20 Frank Duryea, iii, 18. 21 "Race is a Bust," Chicago Tribune, 3 November 1895, 7; "Proves its Worth," Chicago Times-Herald, 3 November 1895, 3. 22 Frank Duryea, 22. 23 King, 20. King took over when Mueller passed out during the race, and was the driver of the Mueller-Benz when it crossed the finish line. 24 Detroit Free Press, 1896. As featured in King, 46. 25 King, 20. 26 King, 22 27 "Duryea is First," Chicago Times-Herald, 29 November 1895, 3; King, 23, 34. 28 "Making Final Tests," Chicago Times-Herald, 30 November 1895, 1; King, 32. 29 King, 32. 30 King, 20. 31 King, 40. 32 Miller, 297. 33 "Duryea is First," Chicago Times-Herald, 29 November, 1895, 1. 34 "Chicago-Michigan game a Battle," Chicago Tribune, 29 November 1895, 1-3. 35 King, 30. 36 "Duryea is First," Chicago Times-Herald, 29 November, 1895, 5. 37 May, 179. 38 King, as quoted from the Charter of the AML, p. 41. 39 "A Motocycle Triumph," Chicago Press Journal, 29 November 1895, 4. 40 "Duryea Wins the Race," Chicago Tribune, 29 November 1895, 8. 41 "Duryea is First," Chicago Times-Herald, 29 November 1895, 1. 42 May, 179. 43 Duryea, 43-4. 44 Gueseppi Guzzardi and Enzo Rizzo, Century of Automobile Racing (New York: Barnes and Nobles Publishing, 1999), 22, 236. 45 "Testimonials." Leslies Weekly, 11 February 1909, 126. 46 Duryea published a book of testimonials for the automobile in general, and the

Duryea in particular. Charles Duryea, The Real Pioneer (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1945), 6-13.

48