done

Adaptation and Integration of Greek Working Class Immigrants in the City of Toronto, Canada: A Situational Approach Author(s): Judith A. Nagata Reviewed work(s): Source: International Migration Review, Vol. 4, No. 1, Immigration in Canada (Autumn, 1969), pp. 44-70 Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3002680 . Accessed: 10/05/2012 18:44

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Migration Review.

http://www.jstor.org

Adaptation and Integration of

Greek Working Class Immigrants

in the City of Toronto, Canada:

a Situational Approach*

by Judith A. Nagata

**

The material on which the present study is based was originally derived from research of a rather specialized kind. Initial contact with Greek immigrants in Toronto was gained as a result of an evaluation commissioned by the Ontario Citizenship Branch

* of

English language classes offered by them to women of recent Greek

origin. As a result, fifty percent of the sample from which much

of my information is drawn is biased towards families of those

women who were, at one time or another, enrolled in the language

programme. Since the other fifty percent of the individuals most

intensively studied were a control group selected more randomly from the Greek working class population at large, however, the

* I wish to express my appreciation to Miss Marilyn Salutin, my research assistant, for her valuable bibliographic and stenographic services during the period of research. 1. I gratefully acknowledge the receipt of a grant from the Citizenship Branch, Department of the Provincial Secretary and Citizenship, Ontario, for the purpose of conducting research among the Greeks of Toronto, from April 1967- May, 1968.

** A social anthropologist by training, J.A. Nagata is presently Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at York University, Toronto. Born in England, she received a B.A. Honours degree in Anthropology from Univer? sity College, London, and continued her graduate work at the University of Illinois, where her M.A. and Ph.D. degrees were obtained. The topic of her Ph.D. thesis was " Continuity and Change Among the Old Order Amish of Illinois", and represents a long-term interest in minority religions and Utopian groups. Other research experience includes an ethnolinguistic study of an Indian language in Central Mexico, and field work in San Juan, Puerto Rico, as an Assistant to Oscar Lewis. Here began a continuing interest in Urban Anthro? pology, of which research on the Toronto Greeks is the latest manifestation.

44

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 45

conclusions reached in this paper may be considered adequately representative of that population.

Early in the course of the research a number of social patterns began to emerge. It became clear that recent Greek immigrants of the working class are typically involved in relatively small social

networks, hence are socially isolated and fragmented. Not only are their linkages with the wider host society limited, but even their ties with other Greeks and with Greek ethnic institutions are minimal.

Characteristic of this segment of the Greek population too is their inadequate command of the English language, an apparently high degree of cultural conservatism and considerable residential

segregation in the East End of the city, which has resulted in a certain institutional, cultural and linguistic self-sufficiency in that area. Approximately 50% of the new immigrants fall into the

category of unskilled labour. It is my intention in the present paper, first, to describe the

general social organization of the Toronto Greeks as a whole, and the place of the new working class migrants in that organization. I shall then examine more closely the social circumstances in which the newcomers find themselves and the nature of their adaptation to these conditions.

Initial impressions as to the selection of Greek or Canadian behaviour patterns led me to postulate a considerable degree of

compartmentalization between the private (mostly family) social domain and the public domain, in which, for example, employment takes place. Some of the early evidence seemed to suggest a more

rapid rate of " acculturation " and more radical behavioural changes

in the public domain, where the immigrants' involvement with Canadian institutions may be considerable. A striking persistence of cultural conservatism, or retention of Greek norms, by contrast,

appeared to be characteristic of the private domain. Inevitably, however, these domains cannot be kept entirely segregated. My interest accordingly began to focus on those contexts in which one set of values impinges upon the other, and in what situations

particular choices are made. For example, under what kinds of conditions do Greek family patterns yield to external pressures, and

under which do they appear to resist?

Further, it was necessary to probe both the notions of " cultural

conservatism " and " change" somewhat more deeply. Where conservatism was noted, it was not immediately clear whether this

46 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

was due to an innate resistance to change per se; or whether other factors intervene such that they create a false impression of cultural inertia. On the other hand, where overt changes do seem to have

occurred, it remains questionable as to what degree newly acquired norms and values have actually been internalized. Likewise, the

question of cognitive stress resulting from such behavioural oscil? lation must remain open. Finally this analysis cannot be considered

complete without taking into account the additional factor of the nature of the overall social organization of the city's Greeks. This

includes the formal institutions and the relationships between the different socio-economic strata, both of which have implications for the maintenance of Greek culture.

These impressions fall closely into line with a number of

observations made by Eisenstadt2 with regard to immigrant absorption. Eisenstadt feels that attention should be given, not only to the institutional demands made by the host society and to the incompati? bility of these with the immigrants' own expectations, but also to the

alternatives available within a " pluralistic "

society. Eisenstadt thus

points the way to a more dynamic and realistic approach to the transformation of traditional behaviours in an alien setting.

The examples to be presented in the following pages are designed to illustrate how the basic segregation of Greek and Canadian

behaviour patterns between private and public sectors respectively is

constantly being modified in a two-way interaction process according to the demands of particular situations. On some occasions, Greek cultural conservatism carries over too into the public domain of

employment and education, on others, employment requirements force

accommodation in the private or Greek sphere of life. At times too, the role played by ethnic institutions becomes relevant.

In adopting this conceptual framework for the study of the

behaviour of immigrants in their host society, I am following an

approach widely used by social anthropologists in their studies of

tribal migrants to cities in Africa and other parts of the developing world. Commonly known as situational analysis, among its major

proponents are: Epstein (1958; 1961), Gluckman (1940; 1960),

Mayer (1961), and Mitchel (1956; 1966). Each of these authors,

working variously in West, Central and South Africa, has independent-

2. S. N. Eisenstadt, The Absorption of Immigrants, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 47

ly arrived at the conclusion that the phenomenon generally described as " detribalization" or " urban integration

" among Africans in

the city is by no means a processual change that can be directly correlated with length of residence, for example. Rather, the incidence

of " tribal " and "

western " or " urban " behaviour is contingent

upon a combination of factors. For example, in the work situation, the tribesman may be impeccably western in demeanour, yet he

may be uninhibitedly tribal in the context of the recreational activities of his voluntary association. His family may be polygamous, pagan and prefer to eat native foods, but on the visit of his boss, only the most literate wife will be in evidence and a European table will

be set. The situational approach has some important implications. First, attention is not directed to reference groups alone (Merton,

1957), but also focuses on the normative requirements of particular social institutions and organizations. This provides a more flexible

model whereby immigrants may " oscillate " between polar types

of behaviour, which would appear to approximate more closely to

the real-life situation. Secondly, there are methodological implications. The situational method tends to rely heavily on an intensive study of fewer individuals, by means of participant observation, rather than

on the broader sample survey method. It must be admitted, however, that the statistics obtained by the situational method are probably less significant.

It is hoped that the application of this approach to the Greek

materials presented below will contribute a little to an understanding of the complex process often referred to as

" acculturation" or "

integration ".

HISTORY OF THE GREEKS IN TORONTO

Greek immigration to Canada began early in the present century,

although it did not gather momentum until the years following World

War II.3 From approximately the middle of the 1950's the rate has

shown a consistent annual increase and continues to do so. Between

1946 and 1955, 16,074 new Greek immigrants by ethnic origin into

Canada by year from 1956-1966 is shown in the following table:

3. Vlassis, George D. The Greeks in Canada, Ottawa, 1953.

48 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

TABLE 1

Greek Immigration to Canada by Ethnic Origin, 1959-1967

1959 - 4,520a 1964 - 5,200e 1960 - 4,682a 1965 - 6,730f 1961 - 3,913b 1966 - 7,174g 1962 - 3,622c 1967 - 10,650* 1963 - 4/759d 1968 - 7,739*

TABLE 2

Immigration to Canada of Greeks by birth is as follows

1959 - 4,898h 1964 - 4,631* 1960 - 4,893h 1965 - 5,972j 1961 - 3,771h 1966 - 7,567j 1962 - 3,888h 1967 - ll,035j 1963 - 5,188h 1968 - 8,157**

a Internat. Lab. Review, Vol. 26: 330-332, Nov. 1961. b Internat. Lab. Review, Vol. 86: 488-491, Nov. 1962. c Internat. Lab. Review, Vol. 88: 518-521, Nov. 1963. d Immigration Statistics, Ottawa, 1964. e

Immigration Statistics, Ottawa, 1965. f Immigration Statistics, Ottawa, 1966. ? Immigration Statistics, Ottawa, 1967. h Canadian Immigration Statistics, Immigration by Country of Birth, Calendar Years 1956-1965. 1 Immigration Statistics, Ottawa, 1966. j Immigration Statistics, Ottawa, 1967. * Country of Former Residence; Ethnic Origin not available.

** Country of Citizenship; Place of Birth not available.

Before 1910 there were only about 200 Greeks in the entire city of Toronto while by 1942, there were estimated to be approximately 1200.4 In 1951 the number had reportedly risen to 3,000,5 and by 1958 the figure of 12,500 Greek residents in Toronto indicates that the intensive wave of migration from Greece had now begun. Given the immigration statistics for the years 1959-1966 (see above), and

4. Vlassis, George D. The Greeks in Canada, Ottawa, 1953, p. 12. 5. Price, Charles A.

" Report of the Greek Community in Toronto ", ms., 1958.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 49

knowing that in the vicinity of 30% of Greek immigrants to Canada

probably settle eventually in Toronto, we may tentatively estimate that 25,000 newcomers have arrived within the last nine years. If Price's 1958 figure is correct, therefore, the Greek settlement in the

city of Toronto today should be between 35,000 and 40,000, which is close to the figure claimed by members of the Greek community themselves.

CHARACTERISTICS OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS

An overwhelming majority of Greeks entering Canada (about

97%) may be designated as working class, including both unskilled

and semi-skilled categories in approximately equal ratios. The remain?

ing 2%-3% of the migrants comprises a variety of professional and business occupations which provides immediate access to the middle

ranks of both Greek and Canadian society. Of the working class

segment, most are of exclusively rural background, the exceptions having generally migrated from Athens. In my own sample, a total of 29% were from Macedonia, 19% from the Peloponnesos, 16% from Cyprus, 11% from the Dodecanese and Cyclades Islands, and the rest from assorted places of origin in Rhodes, Crete and the interior of mainland Greece. The average length of residence from

my sample was a mere 4.4 years: most had come directly to Toronto after leaving Greece and had not lived in other parts of Canada or the United States.

Almost without exception, the ability to speak English by Greek

immigrants on their arrival in Canada is very low. Even those who come as independent immigrants are frequently unable to understand, or to be understood in English. Indeed, they exhibit no greater

proficiency in this respect than sponsored immigrants. Deficiency in

the English language is in part related to complete lack of education

beyond the six years of elementary schooling which is all that is

available in the rural areas of Greece. For purposes of the present paper the assumption will be made

that the recent Greek immigrants (i.e. within the last 10 years or

so) may be equated with the working class, and that in general the

second (and third) generation of Greeks may be considered members

of the middle or upper-middle class. Admittedly, this ignores the

fraction of professional immigrants already referred to, and it does

not take into account the undeniable fact that some second and

50 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

third generation Greeks have not, in fact, undergone the upward social mobility postulated as typical of their generation. In view of the relatively small numbers of the exceptions, however, these will be temporarily set aside in view of the dominant and prevailing pattern of social stratification between middle and lower strata, second and first generation, respectively.

INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE OF THE GREEK SETTLEMENT AS A WHOLE

In no sense can the aggregate of Greeks who have come to settle in Toronto be referred to as a

" community ". No all-embracing

pattern of organization provides the basis for integration or for the

frequent and close interaction necessary for a community in the

sociological sense. Nor are there clearly demarcated boundaries.

Only in the most general respect can there be said to exist a collective consciousness or identity of Greekness, and this rarely finds any form of overall institutional expression.

In reality, the heterogeneity of the Canadian Greeks, both along lines of class and of place of origin within Greece, tends to be pervasive and effectively obstructs any overall unity of the settlement. Not only does internal stratification create horizontal lines of cleavage, but a further division cleaves the settlement along vertical lines, that is, cross-cutting socio-economic distinctions. This is the Macedonian-Southern Greek division. Macedonia, the northern

part of Greece, also bears a somewhat different linguistic6 and

cultural heritage from the rest of the country, and despite nominal

political unity with the south, has largely retained its separate identity. Migration from Macedonia has always been heavy, for both

economic and political reasons; while no census or other official

figures are available, it is estimated by Macedonian informants that

at least 55% of the "

Greeks " entering Toronto are in fact, Macedonian. The problem is rather complicated, however, by the

fact that not all individuals born in the Macedonian area necessarily consider themselves Macedonian. While I have not yet analyzed all

the factors involved in Macedonian identity, there is little doubt that

many Macedonians are insulted if referred to as " Greek ", prefer

to speak Macedonian, to attend a separate Macedonian Church and

subscribe to Pan-Slavic sentiments. By contrast, others of Macedonian

6. Macedonian is a language belonging to the Slavic family.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 51

birth refuse to regard themselves as Macedonian or to speak that

language (even though all are familiar with it as their natal regional tongue) and staunchly uphold their Greekness. Mutual differences are expressed by unkind epithets and accusations of a political and

personal nature.7

Notwithstanding the lack of social and cultural homogeneity among the Greeks as a whole, an attempt is made by the Greek

Orthodox Church to perpetuate the concept of the "

spiritual community

" (Kinotis) which is used to designate any body of Greeks,

whether in their homeland or an enclave overseas. This is a peculiarly Greek concept whereby all members of a Greek settlement and the

congregation of its Church are ideally synonymous. In ideal, the

Church would provide the overall structure required to integrate the settlement into one sacred community. In this spiritual community the main life crises, social activities and enterprises of its members

would receive religious sanction and priestly blessing. Only in

theory, however, does this spiritual meaning of the community live on. In most modern urban Greek settlements, Toronto included, the

term has taken on a more specialized connotation. Today, the

Kinotis refers more narrowly to those Greeks who have paid their

annual dues of $26 per person for formal membership in the Church.

Out of the total complement of the 40,000 Greeks estimated to be

resident in the city, a scant 1200 individuals, or approximately 3.3%, are fully paid members of the Orthodox congregation. This congre?

gation has the privilege of electing from its membership a highly elite committee of 25 members also known loosely as the Kinotis or

"Community". The committee consists entirely of laymen who

conduct and administer the "

non-spiritual " affairs of the Church,

namely, the finances, social activities and Greek language classes.

As may be readily perceived, this arrangement places considerable

power in the hands of the committee, even to the extent that they can steer the " official

" policies of the priest and Church along the

lines they most favour.

The council of twenty-five, or the Kinotis of the narrowest range, is composed exclusively of second and third generation individuals

7. For example, when King Constantine was picketed on his visit to Toronto in 1967, the Greeks declared it to be a Macedonian plot. The Macedonians, on the other hand, complain that Greek officialdom makes it unnecessarily difficult for Macedonians to leave Greece or to sponsor relatives to come to Canada. Furthermore, each group regards the other as

" shifty

" or " devious ".

52 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

of Greek origin, who are also clearly of the middle and upper-middle class, prosperous, and successful by the standards of the wider Canadian society. Further, the evidence points to a continual rotation of committee offices between the same small clique of prominent Greeks from year to year. Ties between some of these families are cemented by intermarriage, between others by professional and business interests. Undoubtedly this small group of laymen has been effective in establishing and entrenching its power within its own domain.

The actual power of the Church committee derives from the members' financial and organizational skills. The Greek Orthodox Church overseas is little more than just another ethnic institution

which, like all other institutions, requires funds. Divorced from the

sources of financial support that traditionally fed the Church in its

homeland, new sources must be tapped, and success in this domain lies largely in maintaining the loyalties of all Greeks, to their faith

and to their culture. Consequently, the overseas Church has acquired a reputation both as a Greek culture-preserving force and as a

financially demanding institution.

Political skills are also applied to this task of fund-raising by the committee, particularly through their administration of a number

of ethnic associations. A large variety of voluntary associations,

representing regional, Church, professional, business and philanthropic interests, have arisen in Toronto, some as branches of organizations founded in other cities of the United States and Canada. Some of

these associations are explicitly, by their very membership require? ments,8 designed for the elites. Among these would be the various

business and fraternal men's organizations. The rest, however, are

formally open to membership by all Greeks. Regional associations in

particular would seem to have a potential appeal for all emigrants from the same area of Greece, but in practice, few of the newcomers

actually join. Partly this is due to the fund-raising functions of the

regional clubs, partly because of their domination by the same small

body of prominent individuals who control the Church. Indeed, most

of the associations are directly sponsored by the Church, use its

facilities, and contribute to its coffers.

8. Some associations require, as a condition of membership, fluency in English, Canadian citizenship and a sponsor within the organization.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 53

It may be said, by way of summary of the formal organizations of the Toronto Greeks, that the ethnic institutions tend to be both

culturally conservative and monopolized by a core of families who

play multiple leadership roles in many of them. Few of the recently arrived, working class immigrants, however, participate in the activities of the formal ethnic organizations. Contrary to the claims of the " leaders " themselves, therefore, they are not representative of the Greeks as a whole, and are frequently totally unknown to the working class population whom they are supposed to

" lead ". Lines of stratification in the total settlement thus are clearly reflected in associational membership. To this extent, they represent a domain of Greek culture not widely accessible to the newer immigrants.

NATURE OF SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ADAPTATION OF RE? CENT IMMIGRANTS: CULTURAL CONSERVATISM VERSUS EXTERNAL CONSTRAINTS

In view of the rather sharp social disjunctions created by the

patterns of stratification sketched above, and in view of the fact that little material assistance or social orientation is forthcoming to the newcomers within their own ethnic group, how do new immigrants establish themselves? More specifically, how do the newcomers accommodate to the requirements of life in Canada, and in what sense can they be said to be

" integrated

" into Canadian society? It is suggested that, in the initial stages at least, structural or objective

integration is greater than the subjective, and that public behaviour

is very different from that in the private sector of life. Considerable

compartmentalization of the two sectors emerges at this stage. This distinction is frequently tempered, however, by the demands

made upon the private sector by the public: the impingements of

employment on traditional family patterns, of education on linguistic

integrity. What apparently emerges is not so much a " unilinear "

model of acculturation, whereby individuals become progressively " less Greek " or more " Canadian ", and from which no reversal is

possible, but a " situational " process in which sometimes Greekness

prevails, sometimes Canadianness. The norms and behaviours that

prevail on any particular occasion depend as much on expediency as

on loyalties to either culture.

The applicability of this oscillating model of acculturation will

now be examined in the light of the data on recent Greek

54 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

immigrants.9 From the total social networks of the migrants studied illustrations will be given as to the degree of participation and apparent commitment to Greek and Canadian institutions respectively. I shall then attempt to indicate the extent to which accommodations seem to occur between the public and private sectors of life, and in what situations.

THE PRIVATE DOMAIN

The Family

At the core of the social network of most Greek immigrants is the family. Within the extended family which may extend as far as the first collateral line or first cousins, the family is customarily both close-knit and male-dominated. It is also the realm in which Greek culture probably persists most tenaciously, particularly those customs

pertaining to sex, courting and marriage preferences, language, food

habits, patterns of authority and recreational pursuits. The family is also the group within which sponsorship operates and the most

frequent visiting takes place. For some of the families interviewed, the limits of the extended

family (whether or not co-resident) also provided the boundaries of their informal social network. Some respondents claimed to be

acquainted with no other family save for immediate kin, and the

average number of families known to those in my sample was as low as ten. It appears to be the exceptional immigrant who has more than 20 or 30 acquaintances, and these generally arise as a result of participation in a trade or an ethnic association. Further, unless

they live very close to one another, even kin visiting is infrequent, and may be restricted to major ceremonial occasions, that is, a few times a year. Friendships with non-kin rarely cross ethnic lines, and do not even seem to extend to neighbours of another ethnic group.

The strongest forces for Greek cultural conservatism within the

family are often exerted by aged relatives, such as grandparents, who never join the labour force, rarely go out unaccompanied, and never

9. Most intensive interviews were obtained from a sample of 44 families, consisting of 22 students at the language school and 22 controls. Additional open-ended and structured interviews were held with many other recent, working class immigrants, however, bringing the total number of respondents to almost 100. The percentages cited in the text apply only to the basic sample of 44.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 55

need to learn English. These are the individuals who often bring pressures to bear on the Canadian-born children in the family, particularly in matters of linguistic and friendship behaviours. The

effective impingements on these conservative forces by the requirements of the wider society will be discussed in the next section.

Membership in Greek Associations

It has already been noted that both formal Church and

associational memberships on the part of new immigrants tend to

be low. A mere 18% of my sample had ever attended any association

gathering, mostly as non-member guests at open activities. Only 10% of those who had attended knew the name of the club president or

could describe the main goals and activities of the group. Two

individuals alone had ever been paid association members, and in

each case had dropped their membership through disillusionment.

The formal organizations represent a Greek cultural domain, therefore, in which the newcomers seem to participate but peripherally. While all the respondents without exception claimed to be subscribers to the Greek Orthodox faith, attendance by them at Church was gener? ally poor and sporadic. Of the 50% who claimed to attend "

sometimes ", 27% of them go only "

rarely " or had been but

once. Forty-four percent claim never to go at all. Of the 30% who

were currently dues-paying members, most had joined expressly for

a baptism or wedding in the family, and did not intend to maintain

their membership. By contrast, attendance at Church by those Greeks

of the higher socio-economic levels who are also prominent in the

ethnic institutional structure, appeared to be much more frequent. The Greek Orthodox Church is remarkable for its qualities as

a Greek culture-preserving institution. It attempts to maintain Greek

loyalties by providing essential social services, by its Greek language classes, its stress on ties with the homeland, and by its patronage of

the ethnic associations. In his Sunday sermons too, the priest is not

notable for encouraging integration into Canadian life or the learning of English among his congregation. Most of the emphasis, rather, lies in encouragement of contributions to Greek charities and organi? zations, of attendance at Greek classes and of Greek

" civilization ".

The sentiment of Greekness is a quality that is probably played upon and enhanced somewhat by the Church and its subsidiary organizations. That this sentiment exists independently of the Church, however,

56 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

cannot be disputed in the light of the low esteem for the overseas Church held by most immigrants and of their minimal participation in its activities.

It appears that subjectively, at least, commitment to Greek culture is still high. Even mothers who have baptized children at the United Church (through inability to pay the costs10 of a Greek

baptism) are "

really " Greek Orthodox. While few newcomers join

associations, many enjoy the Greek-style dances and picnics they

sponsor, and have attended open events. Restrictions on more active

participation, however, emerge on two fronts. The first is the highly stratified nature of the Greek organizations which inhibit extensive

lower class participation. The second restriction is probably imposed as a direct result of the conditions of employment in Canada. Erratic

working hours, night shifts, working wives and fatigue all deprive the migrants of the opportunity for enjoying activities within their own

ethnic group, and this tends to be reinforced by a general attitude

of delayed gratification which pervades so much of immigrant life

in the early years in this country.

Language and Culture

In the linguistic sphere Greeks of both sexes, of first and second

generation, and of all socio-economic strata, manifest considerable

conservatism. All the new immigrants recognize the inevitability of

their children's learning English in this country, but out of a total

of 76 parents to whom the question of the linguistic training of

children applied, only one of the fathers expressed the desire for

his offspring to be monolingual English speakers. The remainder

were unanimous in their support of bilingualism (either Greek and

English or Macedonian and English), and despite their indifference

or hostility to the Greek Orthodox Church in this country, many

parents would have liked to be able to send their children to the

Greek language classes offered by the Church. Most, however, were

unable to afford the cost of $40 per month, while the hours of class

(5 to 7 p.m.) were prohibitive to those mothers who were working. Most of the recently arrived Greek children therefore must learn

10. The regular fee for a baptism is about $25, in addition to the payment of $26 for Church membership for the year in which the ritual service is required.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 57

their mother tongue from older relatives at home, but may never learn Katharevousa u nor how to write the language correctly.

The students in the Church-run Greek classes are almost without

exception children of second and third generation Greeks, who appear to remain very conscious of their heritage.12 My impression is that

this kind of cultural conservatism is more strongly entrenched among Greeks in general than among immigrants from some other countries.

Undoubtedly, part of the explanation lies in their long history of

domination by alien peoples, notably the Turks, under whom Greek

language, religion and customs were suppressed. It is an attitude

found not only among emigrants but is also characteristic of those

who remain in Greece today: modern Greeks are far more attached

to Homer than the modern Italian ever was to Virgil. Whatever the

full explanation, it is a cultural fact that must be recognized in any

study of Greek social adaptation overseas. All the immigrants, however, admit the need to increase their

competence in English. All are willing to learn, although their rate

of improvement is often agonizingly slow. It must be recognized, however, that the slowness of many Greek immigrants in learning

English is not entirely due to cultural conservatism. Other factors

intervene. One of these is that employment of newcomers is frequently obtained in a non-English-speaking environment: either employer and

co-workers are also Greek, or they may be speakers of Italian or

Yiddish or of some other tongue. This problem is compounded by the policy of the authorities in the foreign section of Manpower to " match " the language of job applicants with that of the prospective

employer. Sponsored immigrants likewise are often placed by their

sponsors in job situations where no English is spoken. It is apparent,

therefore, that even where the newcomers are willing to learn English, conditions over which they have little control frequently prevent

11. In modern Greek greater distinctions exist between the literary form of the language, Katharevousa, and the popular form, or Demotiki, than in English. Demotiki is normally spoken in the home by the working and rural classes, while Katharevousa is taught in the schools. 12. The same appears to be true of second and third generation Greeks in the United States. See, for example, Vlachos, E.

a The Assimilation of Greeks in the United States: with Special Reference to the Greek Community of Anderson, Indiana ", unpub. PhD. Thesis, University of Indiana, 1964. Similar conclusions are reached by Theodoratus, R. in:

" The Influence of the Homeland on the Social Organization of a Greek Community in America ", unpub. PhD. Thesis, University of Washington, 1961.

58 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

them from doing so. Even where English language classes are available at night school, or the International Institute, shift work, overtime and general fatigue are usually sufficient to prohibit consistent attend? ance and study. In one case where an opportunity for learning English

together with nursery facilities was provided for immigrant women, it was admitted by most students that attendance was only provisional until such time as a suitable job would be available. In other words, economic exigency may often be considered more important than

improvement of linguistic skills. In some respects, therefore, greater structural integration through participation in the economy of the

wider society may jeopardize the acculturation of the immigrants in

other domains.

National Identity

Greeks of all backgrounds generally exhibit a strong interest in

politics. Their interest, however, even in the second generation, appears to remain with the political fortunes of their homeland. Some of the

deepest cleavages in the settlement today follow political lines, and

seem to fall into three major categories: pro-royalist; pro-junta; and

supporters of the Committee for the Restoration of Democracy. The

majority of the latter come from the working class, while the

projunta line tends to be the " official " line of the Church, i.e. of

the Kinotis committee, and thus it reinforces the stratification patterns. None of the recent immigrants showed any knowledge of the Canadian

political scene despite the fact that it was a national election year, and unlike the Italians, the Greeks have no

" ethnic " representative. The only political candidate of Greek origin in Toronto is a third

generation Greek who ran in a local constituency independently of

his ethnic background and did not in his campaign, make any appeal to Greek loyalties. Indeed, none of my respondents had ever heard

of him. In keeping with the general attitudes, the Greek-language

newspapers also emphasize heavily events in Greece and are popularly classified by the colour of their political views in terms of the Greek

national scene. In political sentiments, therefore, cultural loyalties

prevail, particularly as long as Canadian citizenship is not obtained, and with it, the right to vote.

As far as commitment to Canada as a nation is concerned, it

emerged that very few of the newer immigrants had ever thought very deeply about nationality. The highly personal little world in

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 59

which most of them live does not encourage such conceptual abstrac?

tions, and few have thought further than immediate needs of jobs and families, sponsoring relatives from Greece, and buying a home. The immigrants I came to know invariably referred to themselves as " Greeks ", never as

" Canadians ", nor even as

" Greek-Canadians ".

In the initial stages, most immigrants are firmly convinced that their

stay will be a temporary one, during which they will amass their

fortune, educate their children, then return home to Greece. As

testimony to these plans, it seems that a common practice is to retain houses and property in the homeland in readiness for their return. There is reluctance to " burn all one's economic bridges

"

at the time of emigration, and few emigrants even expect that they will want to remain in Canada. It is usually only a matter of a few years, however, before the new arrivals have realized that Canada has become their permanent home, and plans for buying a house in the city are underway. For many, the fortune cannot be amassed as

swiftly as anticipated, and many more realize that they are in better circumstances here than they could ever be in Greece.

Responses concerning intentions to take out Canadian citizenship, however, were generally disappointing. Many of the respondents of

my sample, of course, were not qualified to make application, either for limitations of language or length of residence. In addition, most of them felt that the problems involved in becoming a citizen must be enormous. In the majority of cases, no thought had been given to the question, and it was apparent that life in Canada was considered

quite tolerable and acceptable without citizenship, particularly in view of the general political apathy in matters concerning this country.

Reinforcing the apathy, or lack of Canadian commitment, however, was the ever-present information gap, which leaves most newcomers

entirely ignorant of specific procedures for obtaining Canadian

citizenship. Although much of the evidence points in the direction of strong

preferences for Greek culture and behaviour, particularly in the more

private social domains, closer examination indicates that this is not

necessarily from inertia or conservatism alone. Numerous external

pressures, stemming from initial lack of certain skills, lack of

opportunity, ignorance, and financial exigency all play their part in

contributing to a considerable degree of encapsulation within the ethnic group and in reducing the immigrants' potential for participat? ing in a wider social network.

60 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

Social Network

Maintenance of a restricted range of social ties within the ethnic

group also appears to be characteristic of the use of special services

by the average working class Greek. Utilization of professional services

(e.g. those of lawyers, doctors, real estate dealers) of Greek origin tends to exceed the patronage of their English Canadian counterparts. It would seem that the reasons may be sought, however, less in ethnic loyalties or cultural preference than in linguistic expediency. Were it not in fact for the language barrier and for ignorance of other sources of professional assistance in many cases, most respondents claimed they would prefer the services of non-Greeks. Among the

reasons cited were the familiar ones of ethnic exploitation, that is,

charging excessively high fees. This is buttressed by the general distaste felt by the working class for their more prosperous com?

patriots and their position in the overall structure of the Greek

settlement here. The professional services of lawyers and real estate

agents are most often needed in the buying of a house which most

immigrants attempt to do sooner or later. Doctors provide the other

major service that most immigrants eventually require, and again, the language problem forces over 50% of them to seek out Greek- or Macedonian-speaking doctors. For those who find the fees of

the latter too exorbitant, public health clinics and hospital doctors are sought, and the problems of language here are overcome by the interpretation of relatives or friends more competent in English, where such assistance is available.

It is worthy of note that special services, such as explanation of tax forms and union contracts, are available through the

somewhat unlikely medium of the Greek travel agencies who

regularly provide such information for a fee. The priests likewise

will furnish letters of reference to employers, insurance companies, and the Immigration Department at a standard fee of $20 per letter.

In these latter cases, it must be recognized that Greek

immigrants seek out services from within their own ethnic group, not through any strong sense of cultural commitment or ethnic

loyalty, but merely from force of circumstance by which either no

alternatives are available or are not known to be available.

Much of the evidence presented above illustrates an undeniable

tendency among new Greek immigrants towards cultural conser?

vatism in the more private areas of life, particularly within the

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 61

family, in language, in matters of identity, commitment to Canada and to the Canadian political scene. What also emerges, however, is that this conservatism is modified in specific conditions, for

example, when cleavages along lines of social stratification within the Greek settlement intervene, or when education influences the

linguistic behaviour of Canadian-born children. Conversely, an

appearance of cultural inertia can be falsely created by the effects, for example, of enforced job placement in an all-Greek environment, or by exclusive patronage of Greek professionals as a consequence of linguistic inadequacies alone. Persistence of Greek cultural values

may also be masked, however, by individual circumstances. The social and financial barriers to access to all Greek Orthodox rituals

may cause Church participation to go into temporary abeyance. That this is only temporary, however, may be construed from what

longitudinal data exist. Once the immigrant acquires greater social and economic security, he may once more revert to his ancestral church affiliation. No a priori assumptions can be made as to cultural

conservatism, therefore, by reference to selection of social network alone. Rather, the intricacies of the total situation must be understood if the behaviour of the immigrant is to be interpreted in terms of degree of

" acculturation * or " integration ".

THE PUBLIC DOMAIN

I turn now to the involvement of Greek migrants in the wider " host " society, and to their participation in Canadian institutions. I will try to assess to what extent their public behaviour appears to reflect a change in reference group (i. e. adoption of Canadian norms and their internalization), and how far observable changes may be considered the result of severe external constraints, and

only temporary.

Employment

By far the most extensive involvement of the Greek immigrants with the wider society is through the medium of employment, and to the extent that employment is with non-Greek agencies it

represents a major form of structural integration. Direct participation in Canadian economic institutions is

probably greater among present-day immigrants than was the case one or two generations ago, partly because fewer of the new arrivals are self-employed. Before World War II it was characteristic of

62 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

Greek (and Macedonian) immigrants that they created occupations rather than entering into jobs already in existence. Prominent among the occupations created were restaurants, food importing businesses,

tailoring and fur-making establishments. Today, however, possibly because fewer economic niches of this variety are available, and also in view of the relatively larger amounts of capital necessary for such enterprises, few immigrants move into these service industries. Only 5% of the working family heads among my interviewees were self-employed (one tailor, one furrier and one shoe repair shop owner) while the overwhelming majority were in

labouring and manual occupations. Approximately 50% of these were unskilled, and employed as factory workers, dry cleaners, waiters, cooks and floor sweepers. In the semi-skilled category, those most commonly found included electricians, carpenters, mechanics, bookkeepers and welders. Most of the unskilled workers

expressed satisfaction with their jobs, and felt that they were more

prosperous and secure in Canada than in Greece. Among their more skilled counterparts, however, some dissatisfaction was voiced. Several of them claimed to be unable to obtain jobs commensurate with their skills, either because their Greek diplomas were not

recognized in Canada, due to " lack of Canadian experience

" or

through the unavailability of suitable jobs. Consequently, these men felt they had suffered downward mobility since their emigration irom Greece.

It is in the sphere of employment that the greatest accommo? dations to Canadian norms have to be made. Mention has already been made of the degree to which the demands of the work situation

in terms of hours, overtime, fatigue and so on, limit opportunities for linguistic improvement, through attendance at English classes, for example. It might be argued that the reduction in self-employment and membership in the open labour market would contribute to a more rapid acquisition of English. Most respondents, however, felt the amount of English learned on the job was generally minimal. Often it is restricted to key jargon terms only, and rarely is much

competence in English syntax achieved. In some cases indeed,

employees can manage with no English at all, if sufficient co-workers or other individuals 13 are available for interpretation.

13. One case is on record whereby an English-Canadian employer regularly communicated with his Greek-speaking employee using the interpretation ser? vices of a bilingual barber next door.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 63

Most immigrants come to Canada with the avowed aim of

improving their economic status, at least in the future if not

immediately, particularly in the interests of the welfare of their

offspring. As a result, most are willing to work excessively long hours, and under substandard conditions if necessary, in order to save. Moonlighting is common, as is work on unpopular shifts

(as many as 40% of my respondents worked in the late evening or at night) which seriously disrupts the ideal Greek family patterns. Some men are reduced to baby-sitting functions while their wives

work during the daytime, an occupation that in Greece would be

regarded as insulting to their masculinity. Such work patterns also

curtail very effectively the extent to which recreational pursuits and convivial visiting can be enjoyed. This may be an important factor, therefore, contributing to the small size of the social network of the average Greek newcomer. The quest for upward mobility

may also lead to small social networks in another way: success and economic advancement in North American society is most

readily achieved when unencumbered by large personal networks of kin or other relationships that generate obligations at every turn. The strongly atomistic form of Greek working class social structure

and the heavy emphasis on nuclear or extended family independence and self-sufficiency may in part account for the phenomenal success

of many Greeks by the second generation. Traditional Greek family patterns are further modified by

the exigencies of employment. An extremely high incidence of

working Greek women runs in diametric opposition to the

situation in the homeland, where even women with such trades as

hairdressing and dressmaking are employed within the home. In

Toronto, where many unskilled jobs are available for women, as

many as 86% of my sample were employed, full-or part-time,

despite the fact that most are also mothers of small children. This

has a number of implications. First, it alters the ideal patterns of

authority within the family, since her job responsibilities and

economic contribution provides the working wife with somewhat

more autonomy than she would otherwise enjoy. This is reinforced

by the enforced baby-sitting tasks of some husbands who correspond?

ingly lose status. Second, it has resulted in a growing acceptance of

the idea of special baby-sitting services or day care. Several Greek

women now have established for themselves a full-time job in

caring for the offspring of other working mothers (for a daily fee).

64 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

That the whole idea of leaving one's children with non-kin is still

not fully accepted, however, is made clear by the fact that some

families prefer to sponsor dependent aged kin (mothers, mothers-

in-law, grandparents) to fulfil this function and enable the wives to

work, while some mothers are even reliably reported to send their

offspring back to relatives in Greece until of school age.

Although attempts are made to rationalize the entry of their

womenfolk into the labour force by Greek males, for example, by

claiming that the fruits of their labour merely represent a substitute

for the dowry (prika) that would have accrued to them in more

traditional circumstances, there is little doubt that most of the

men find the custom difficult to accept.14 Financial necessity, however,

usually prevails over traditional Greek values, hence adherence to

Greek culture is in this case latent.

Female employment also enjoins the other forms of forced

accommodation that affect the male worker: limitations in social

contacts and recreational activities and the constant stress on delayed

gratification. All interest and reward lies in the future, often only in the future of the children. Somewhat paradoxically, however, the almost constant involvement of both parents in their jobs may be seen to be detrimental to the children. Little time is available

for parents to take an active interest in the education of the latter, to attend PTA meetings or even to take them to the Greek language classes. In fact, few working class Greek parents seem to regard education beyond the lower grades as potentially important in the

upward mobility of their own offspring. It is not that the role of

higher education in economic and social success is not recognized; rather it is felt that immediate employment and earning power are

essential, and that the financial investments involved in higher education must wait until greater security is attained. This attitude

represents both the pressures of accommodation to the economic

realities of Canadian life, but it also supports a more traditional

view among the Greek lower class, namely, that education is the

privilege of the elite, the reward for success, and is not directly conducive to that success.

14. Women likewise may find it difficult to adapt to this custom. On several occasions women tried to disguise from me the fact that they were working, and they apparently regularly withhold this information from the school authorities when registering their children. My only interpretation is that to them it causes some shame or embarrassment.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 65

The general picture then that seems to emerge from a study of Greek occupational involvement is that work is of paramount importance in the lives of the immigrants. The highest praise many of them have for Canada is that the country offers the newcomer the

opportunity to work for as long as and whenever he wants. Despite the undeniable fact that this work impinges very considerably on

traditional customs and values, it is not resented, because of the

upward socio-economic mobility that is expected to result from it.

Other Social Linkages

Other activities that bring Greeks into contact with Canadian institutions do not appear to require the degree of social and cultural accommodation that work conditions entail. Most Greeks shop at

English Canadian stores, mainly for reasons of price, and only

patronize Greek establishments for ethnic specialties. None of my respondents shopped exclusively at Greek stores. Peripheral contact

only is made with such Canadian institutions as banks and post offices, and may be mediated for non-English speakers through bilingual friends. Many activities, of course, including travel and

shopping, can be accomplished without the exchange of words. Use of government services, such as Manpower and welfare offices,

legal aid or the police again tends to be low, largely due to

ignorance of their availability. Significantly, the one most frequently used is the Dept. of Manpower, for employment.

For those parents who do find time to attend PTA meetings at the schools of their children, the necessity for social or cultural

accommodation is reduced to a minimum by the policies of the

schools themselves. Attendance itself may be indicative of a greater

acceptance of Canadian values concerning education, but the signifi? cance of this is somewhat counteracted by the attitudes of school

authorities. In schools with the highest Greek enrollment, attempts are often made to invite Greek-language speakers, either from the

International Institute or even one of the priests, in order to draw the parents and to facilitate communication. Local schools also

publish Greek notices in their home bulletins, and employ Greek-

speaking counsellors on the premises. So far do these schools go in

order to accommodate the needs of the Greek parents in fact, that

it removes both the motivation and the absolute necessity of making a greater effort to learn English on the part of the parents. In this

66 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

sense, Greek cultural conservatism is bilaterally re-inforced, from

within and from without. In general it may be said that, aside from the employment

factor, Canadian institutional involvement is low, and insofar as

it occurs, does not entail the major modifications in traditional

custom or language required by conditions of work. A fairly full

life (within the above-mentioned limitations) can be lived in a

Greek institutional and cultural framework, and there is little doubt

that a considerable amount of cultural conservatism encourages this pattern.

CONCLUSIONS

Much of the evidence from the life styles of recent Greek

immigrants of the working class does reveal a certain compart- mentalization between two broad spheres of activity. These may

provisionally be designated the public and private sectors of life.

Attempts are made, as far as possible, to retain Greek language and culture in family, recreational and religious domains, and to

segregate these from obligatory involvements with external insti?

tutions or the public domain, for example, work and education.

On the other hand, it is clear that the Greek and Canadian sectors

of life overlap and interact with one another resulting in mutual

accommodations which may vary with the individual occasion.

The position of the recently arrived, working class Greek

immigrant may be conceptualized as one of precarious marginality in which two social networks must be managed and a narrow course

steered between the demands of two cultures. It is not so much a

question of permanently discarding one culture or parts thereof in

favour of the other, nor yet as a unilinear process in one direction

or the other. Preservation of Greek culture and accommodation to

Canadian culture, therefore, are not necessarily aspects of a unidi-

mensional phenomenon. Frequently, observed behaviours that are

classified as more or less Greek or Canadian respectively are

generated as a result of local circumstance or individual situation, and are not best interpreted as manifestations of

" degrees of

acculturation ". For example, families will vary in the degree to

which Greek patterns predominate according to particular external

pressures and impingements. Subjectively, an attachment to Greek

values may remain. In practice, however, the demands of structural

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 67

or institutional ties may cause the former to be suppressed, and even rationalized away (e.g. the

" dowry

" interpretation of working

women). One additional variable in the general pattern of situational

selection of behaviour is undoubtedly that of the internal organization of the Greek settlement itself. The conservative forces exercised by the formal ethnic institutions (Church and associations) are only effective insofar as the newcomers participate in their activities and subscribe to their beliefs. Since most newcomers are alienated from these organizations, however, they are relatively immune from their conservative influence, and in the case of religion at least, individuals

may be driven to attend other churches outside the Greek domain. If we may for the moment extrapolate from the experiences

of the present second generation of Greeks, now largely of the

higher social strata, it is suggested that the new immigrants will follow substantially similar avenues of upward mobility once travelled by their predecessors. This appears to be characterized by an all-out effort, in the course of which many Greek values must

temporarily be set aside. Family and recreational life may suffer as a result, and Greek cultural interests appear to be threatened on all fronts. That this is only a temporary expedient, however, an

example of situational selection, may be inferred from the fact that once social and economic security is attained, by the standards of the wider society, the individual will then frequently begin to take

part in the associational and other institutional life of the Greek settlement. It is as though he legitimates a status acquired according to the rules of one society by applying it to a prestige position in the other. Once he is established in his host society he can afford to enjoy a resurgence of Greek interests, send his children to Greek

classes, and indulge in a social and recreational life unrestrainedly Greek, and without external pressures.

In summary then, it is suggested that one possible approach to the study of that complex process variously known as "

integration " and " acculturation " is by means of a situational

method, in which two sets of cultural norms may co-exist and

alternately re-assert themselves in the appropriate context.

68 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Duncan, Otis D., and Stanley Lieberson, " Ethnic Segregation and Assimi?

lation ", American lournal of Sociology, 64 (1959), 364-374.

Einsenstadt, S.N., The Absorption of Immigrants, (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954).

Epstein, A.L., Politics in an Urban African Community, (Manchester Univer? sity Press, for the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, 1958).

-. " The Network and Urban Social Organization", Rhodes-Livingston Journal, 29 (1961), 29-62.

-. " Urban Communities in Africa ", in M. Gluckman (ed.) Closed Systems and Open Minds, (Edinburgh, Oliver and Boyd, 1964, 83-102).

Ferguson, Edith, Newcomers in Transition, (The International Institute of Metropolitan Toronto, 1964).

Gluckman, Max, " An Analysis of a Social Situation in Modern Zululand ",

African Studies, 14, (1940), 1-30; 147-174. Reprinted 1958, Rhodes-Living? stone Paper No. 28.

-. " Tribalism in Modern British Central Africa ", Cahiers d'Etudes Afri- caines, (1960), Section 6: 55-70, Sciences Economiques et Sociales, Ecole Practique des Hautes Etudes, Sorbonne.

La Flamme, Katharyn J., " The Role of the Family during Beginning of the

Adjustment Process of a Group of Greek Nationals Immigrating to Canada from Iron Curtain Countries", MSW Thesis, School of Social Work, University of Toronto.

Mayer, Philip, * Townsmen or Tribesmen? " Conservatism in the Process of

Urbanization in a South African City, (Capetown, Oxford University Press, 1963).

Merton, Robert K., Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, Free Press, 1957).

Mitchell, J. Clyde, " The African Middle Classes in British Central Africa ",

(1956), in The Development of a Middle Class in Tropical and Sub- Tropical Countries, Record of the XXIXth Session, London, Sept. 1955: 222-232.

-. " Theoretical Orientations in African Urban Studies", (1966), in M. Banton (ed.) The Social Anthropology of Complex Societies: 37-39, Tavi- stock Publications, London ASA Monographs, No. 4.

Pali si, Bartholomew J., "

Ethnicity, Family Structure and Participation in Voluntary Associations

" PhD Thesis, (Sociology,) University of Illinois, 1963.

Price, C.A., *

Report on the Greek Community in Toronto", unpublished ms. York University, 1958.

ADAPTATION AND INTEGRATION 69

Rose, Arnold M., Minority Problems: A Textbook of Readings in Inter-Group Relations, (Harper & Row, 1965).

Saloutos, Theodore, Greeks in the United States, (Harvard University Press, 1964).

Theodoratus, Robert J., " The Influence of the Homeland on the Social

Organization of a Greek Community in America", unpublished PhD Thesis (Anthropology), University of Washington, 1961.

Treudley, Mary, " Formal Organization and the Americanization Process with

Special Reference to the Greeks of Boston", American Sociological Review, 14, (1949), 44-53.

Vlachos, Evangelos, " The Assimilation of Greeks in the United States with

Special Reference to the Greek Community of Anderson, Indiana", unpublished PhD Thesis, Indiana University, 1964.

Vlassis, George, The GreeKs in Canada, (Ottawa, 1953).

Vlavianos, Basil, " Greek Americans" in Brown and Roucek (eds.) One

America, (Prentice-Hall, New fersey, 1945).

Resume

En abordant le probleme de Tintegration des Grecs a Toronto, on a adopte la methode de Fanalyse de situation. Suivant Texemple de plusieurs anthropologistes, cette methode insiste moins sur Tidentite au groupe de reference, et plus sur les exigences normatives destitutions sociales et de situations particulieres. II ressort que le comportement des immigrants peut osciller entre " Grec * et " Canadien *, suivant les cirConstances. Ce point de vue jette quelque doute sur les croyances traditionnelles suivant lesquelles il y a correlation entre la duree de residence et le degre d'integration. Les resultats indiquent que, en depit d'une forte persistance de conservatisme culturel grec a la premiere generation, ceci peut etre renforce artificiellement par des contraintes exterieures ou laisse de cote en faveur des exigences des institutions canadiennes pour une plus grande ascension sociale. En parvenant au succes dans la societe-hotesse, toutefois, les membres de la deuxieme generation peuvent de nouveau revenir au conservatisme grec sous la forme d'une participation active aux organisations ethniques.

Resumen

Para estudiar el problema de la integracion de los griegos en Toronto, se adopto el metodo de analisis situacional, el cual, siguiendo a algunos antropologos, se concentra mas en las normas de las instituciones y situaciones sociales concretas y menos en la identidad con los grupos de referenda. El punto de partida fue la sugerencia de que la conducta de los inmigrantes oscilaria entre " Griego" y

" canadiense" segun las circunstancias, lo que pondria en duda el concepto unilineal del proceso de integracion segun el cual existe una correlation directa entre la duration de la residencia y el grado de aculturacion. Los datos indican la persistencia de las tendencias conserva- doras de la cultura griega en la primera generacion, lo cual puede ser artifi- cialmente intensificado por presiones exteriores o consecuencia de la mobilidad social, implicita en la sociedad canadiense. Una vez que los miembros de

70 THE INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

la segunda generacion han logrado el exito socio-economico en la sociedad receptora, pueden conservar rasgos de su cultura griega, participando activa- mente en sus organizaciones etnicas.

Zusammenfassung

Um das Problem der Integration der Griechen in Toronto zu untersuchen, wurde die Methode der Situationsanalyse angewendet. Gemass dem Vorgehen verschiedener Anthropologen wurde dabei das Augenmerk weniger auf die Identifizierung mit Bezugs-Gruppen (reference groups), sondern eher auf die normativen Erwartungen spezieller sozialer Institutionen und Situationen ge- richtet. Es scheint, dass das Verhalten der Einwanderer zwischen

" griechisch

"

und " kanadisch" je nach Umstanden wechselt. Diese Auffassung bezweifelt die Giiltigkeit der traditionellen Ansicht, welche die Integration als linearen Prozess versteht und einen direkten Zusammenhang zwischen der Dauer des Aufenthaltes und dem Grad der Anpassung (acculturation) annimmt. Die Forschungsergebnisse zeigen, dass das stark konservative Kulturverhalten der Griechen der ersten Generation durch Druck von aussen kunstlich verstarkt werden kann, oder aber um des sozialen Aufstiegs willen zu gunsten der Erfordernisse, die die Teilnahme an kanadischen Institutionen stellt, aufgegeben wird. Wenn jedoch Mitglieder der zweiten Generation in der kanadischen Gesellschaft erfolgreich sind, kehren sie oft in der Form aktiver Teilnahme in ethnischen Organisationen zum griechischen Konservatismus zurtick.

AMERICA LATINA

The regional social sciences journal in Latin America Some recent articles: Modernizacao agraria e Industrializacao no Brasil - Jose de

Souze Martins. Marital Status and Ideology of the Family Size; Case of Young Man in Urban Brazil - Daniel Kubat and Santa Elena Bocco. La Importancia de las Instituciones Legales en el Desarrollo

Agrario - Jose Maria Franco Garcia. Familia e Desenvolvimento - Carlos Alberto de Medina. El Culto de los Gemelos en Efrica Occidental y en las Ame?

ricas - Angelina Pollak Eltz.

Published quarterly by the LATIN AMERICAN CENTER FOR RESEARCH IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES (under the auspices

of Unesco).

Back numbers still available at: US$ 2.00

Subscription for four numbers: US$ 7.00

The subscription includes free of charge, the bimonthly bibliographical bulletin Bibliografia on the social sciences in Latin America.

Caixa Postal 12 (ZC-02) Rio de Janeiro - Brazil