Theoretical Perspective

1.1 Elements of Inquiry Used to Study the Workplace

1.2 Methodology Used to Study the Workplace

1.3 The Impact of Paradigms and Trends

1.4 The Major Sociological Perspectives

1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

1.6 The Progressive Era

1.7 The Great Depression and the New Deal

1.8 Major Factors That Have Shaped the 21st-Century Workplace

Case Study: The BP Oil Spill: Workplace Crisis Aboard the Deepwater Horizon

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Chapter Contents

1

Social Inquiry and the Workplace

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CHAPTER 1Prologue

Prologue In order to solve a Rubik’s Cube, one must sort through the myriad possible color com- binations presented at each turn. One way to complete the puzzle is to first turn the cube over and analyze it from all sides, then contemplate how each move will affect the next, and, ultimately, decide whether the chain of interactions will solve the puzzle. Solving the Rubik’s Cube requires the same analytic methods sociologists use when viewing social problems and the workplace—considering a variety of angles and combinations of fac- tors. Indeed, sociologists who study the interactions between contemporary society and work are, in many ways, solving a human puzzle.

1.1 Elements of Inquiry Used to Study the Workplace

To understand and propose solutions to social problems in the workplace, sociologists must first conduct social research. Social research helps to identify and explain trends, or ten-dencies, to analyze behavior and relationships, and to identify particular social issues— concerns or problems that affect both individuals and society as a whole. These issues are often controversial in that they are related to moral, ethical, racial, religious, political, and economic conditions. Sociologists must also identify and select the appropriate methodology for social investigations. The methodology used is determined by the type of research question asked. The overall investigation, called social inquiry, requires a great deal of testing and analysis to answer the research question posed.

Typically, social inquiry is defined as either basic or applied research. The purpose of basic research is to expand the body of knowledge about a particular social issue, such as unemployment rates during the recession of 2008. Applied research has a somewhat different purpose: to improve the procedures and practices of conducting a study. It can also be used to determine the best way to solve the problems associated with a particular social issue. For example, applied research could be used to determine which interventions may shorten a period of unemployment.

Regardless of the methodology used to conduct a study, certain steps must be taken to ensure the legitimacy of the work. First a sociologist must pose a research question. Next, the size and conditions of the research sample must be outlined to provide for

legitimate discovery. Another important step is to establish gatekeepers, people who evaluate the methodology and review the data collected to ensure that the evidence gathered is representa- tive and unbiased. For example, a major goal of social inquiry is to generalize to a broad group of people. Thus a study to identify a trend in the rate at which people return to work after a period of unemployment would require a large sampling of unemployed participants. If the sample were too small, it would have a major influence on the results because findings that might be true for a small group of participants would be difficult to generalize to a broader group of people. In this example, one of the responsibilities of gatekeepers would be to ensure that the sample size was appropriate.

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Unemployment is an example of a social issue.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.1 Elements of Inquiry Used to Study the Workplace

Authority, Power, and Social Mobility

Sociologists who study the workplace evaluate how the issues of authority, power, and social mobility affect interactions between various social groups and how the experience of work is impacted. First, authority is a social construct, which means that it is determined through an agreement between those who make decisions and those who must accept decisions and follow directives. The agreement of authority may be explicit, such as when managers are specifically empowered to direct the work of subordinates, or it may be implicit, such as when there is an unspoken acknowledgment of who is in charge. An example of implicit agreement in the work- place is when seniority or expertise automatically denotes an authority figure.

The social construction of authority does not mean that members of the social group approve of or enjoy the relationship. Rather, the relationship of authority is acknowledged to be an essential element of a particular social structure to establish order. For example, employees may neither like nor respect a supervisor, but they still must agree that the supervisor is there to manage work and evaluate employee performance.

Whereas authority is determined through an agree- ment, power manifests through the influence of individuals or social groups. The influence of an individual or social group may actually be outside the typical hierarchy, and therefore someone with- out authority may still wield considerable power or influence. An example of a powerful figure without authority was Cesar Chavez (1927–1993), a labor activist who in 1970 initiated a massive and suc- cessful lettuce boycott on behalf of the United Farm Workers (UFW). The boycott compelled farm owners and other labor organizations to recognize that the UFW represented the interests of farm laborers. The boycott came about, in part, because the farm work- ers did not have the authority to negotiate their own wages or work conditions. As a result, their demands were ignored until Chavez and the UFW exerted their influence through boycotts, protests, and labor strikes.

Researchers studying the social experience of work also commonly study social mobility, which refers to people’s ability to improve their circumstances by overcoming external factors such as the economy. For example, when the job market began its slow recovery after the recession of 2008, many laid-off workers who had higher levels of education were able to return to work sooner than those who did not have a college degree. Therefore, the social mobility for people who had advanced education was greater than those who did not have a col- lege degree.

Social mobility is an interesting and necessary component of studying the workplace because individuals are impacted by both actual opportunities and internal perceptions of one’s ability

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Cesar Chavez was someone who lacked authority but had great power.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.1 Elements of Inquiry Used to Study the Workplace

to improve one’s circumstances. On the one hand, opportunity impacts social mobility in that it is tied to the number and quality of jobs available within a particular field or geographical area. However, social mobility is also affected by individuals’ perception of their capability, or ability to achieve goals. Perception of opportunity matters because motivation and choice stem from inter- nal perceptions that can influence performance when working or seeking employment (Tams, 2006).

During the recession of 2008, for example, millions of Americans lost their jobs, and some felt it was hopeless to seek reemployment given the scarcity of jobs and the stiff competition from fellow job seekers. Many people who felt that finding a job was a hopeless endeavor decided to go back to school, believing that by furthering their credentials they would be better prepared for a more competitive job market. Conversely, other job seekers chose to be aggressive in their search and applied to numerous job openings, regardless of whether they were over- or under- qualified for the positions. The more aggressive job seekers tended to believe that the oppor- tunity for social mobility existed, and therefore their perception was that they would, indeed, become reemployed.

Social Status and Work

Social status is affected by the authority, power, and social mobility of an individual or social group, and it can be attained in a number of ways. First, achieved social status is earned through the actions or accomplishments of an individual or social group. Second, ascribed social status is determined by one’s race, economic standing, or other socially significant attributes.

Some aspects of social status are situational and therefore temporary, while others are more lasting. Authority on a particular job, for example, is situa- tional because it is dependent on an individual keep- ing that position. However, individuals who develop authority from having expertise in a particular area, such as a professor or a doctor, may have more lasting social status. And sometimes status is both situational and lasting, such as with the status and authority granted to the office of the president of the United States. Once out of office, the president’s decision-making authority ends, but because of their achieved status, former presidents do continue to enjoy authority and power after they leave office.

Power may also be situational or lasting. Cesar Chavez, for example, had little power when he first started to organize within his community. And as a

Mexican American farm worker with little education, he lacked ascribed social status. But through- out his life Chavez’s influence expanded, and so, too, did his achieved social status.

To understand how social status and authority, power, and social mobility impact work that is done in the United States, sociologists study these issues at different levels, from the broadest overview, or macro, level to the most specific, or micro, level.

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The expertise one develops in certain professions may create lasting authority.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.1 Elements of Inquiry Used to Study the Workplace

Macro, Meso, and Micro Levels of the Workplace

Often sociologists use a blend of the various levels of macrosociology, mesosociology, and micro- sociology to identify and describe the workplace experience for individuals and social groups.

Macrosociology proposes generalizations about society, and macro-level theories are concerned with large-scale social systems, the big picture of social institutions and their interactions with society. For example, macro-level research might compare the earnings of men and women who work for companies with more than 500 employees in the United States during a given time period. In a study of this magnitude, findings may indicate an average trend rather than pointing to specific qualities of men and women. Macrosociology makes comparisons between large seg- ments of society, which is useful when identifying or exposing a workplace trend.

Mesosociology explores the experience of specific social groups that share particular cultural traits. The meso, or “middle,” level focuses on demographic information, such as the age, gender, race, economic status, and ethnicity of particular social groups. These factors are considered to evaluate how they relate to social stratification, or the hierarchical division of society. The size of a particu- lar social group or organization may also be significant. For example, number of employees is an important factor when researchers compare small and mid-size companies. In addition, geography is an important consideration in planning communities to determine where people live and work.

The experiences of individuals within particular social groups and organizations are differenti- ated by microsociology. The methods used in microsociological research focus on determining the meaning of how human interactions are conducted and the social roles of individuals, rather than on large statistical findings or generalized data. Microsociology, therefore, relies more on qualita- tive, rather than quantitative, methods. See Figure 1.1.

Micro: social experience at the individual level

Meso: social group experience within demographic or geographic parameters

Macro: generalized social experience in large-scale social systems

Figure 1.1

Sociologists study issues from different levels of perspective that range from the broadest overview, or macro level, to the most specific, or micro level.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.1 Elements of Inquiry Used to Study the Workplace

Quantitative and Qualitative Analysis

How to measure results is essential to the discussion of the methodology used for social inquiry. Quantitative methods use mathematical models to evaluate data. The scientific method requires that proof is quantifiable, which means that it can be expressed as a number, degree, or amount. For example, in workplace research, proof may be revealed in the number of workers who were affected by a certain job condition, such as layoffs or promotions.

Qualitative methods, on the other hand, focus on the quality of meaning rather than on a particu- lar value. Qualitative research methods also include all the components of scientific methodology, but the primary difference is on what is being measured. For example, a qualitative study of the workplace might measure job satisfaction as it relates to promotions and layoffs. Another differ- ence between quantitative and qualitative methodology centers on how evidence is obtained, analyzed, and interpreted.

Much of what is studied in sociology is interpretive; that is, it studies the meaning of an action rather than just the action itself. To understand the mean- ing in another’s action, the researcher must interpret the context of the action from a particular point of view. For example, because of cultural differences, a job interview in the United States would be much different than in Japan. A researcher might note that the actions of a person being interviewed in Tokyo included numerous bows of the head with eyes averted when meeting the person conducting the interview. However, if the same researcher were to observe a job interview in Los Angeles, the behavior of the person interviewed would include a firm hand- shake and direct eye contact with the interviewer. In each case, the behavior is appropriate because it occurred in a cultural context. Without the interpre-

tation of the action within its environmental and cultural context, the behaviors of the two inter- viewees could still be described, but the researcher would not be able to attach meaning to the behavior. In short, the study would be incomplete. In these examples, cultural context is important in analyzing expected social behavior in a job interview conducted in Tokyo versus Los Angeles. In Tokyo the interviewee bows and averts his eyes out of respect for the person conducting the interview. And in Los Angeles, the interviewee demonstrates confidence by looking the supervisor in the eye. Both examples highlight traits that each culture values and how important interpreta- tion of data is when researchers report on their findings.

Objectivity in Research

Because of the number of methods used and the many variables for how one measures find- ings, it is necessary to obtain the most objective data possible. Consequently, many researchers favor using multiple methods in their research design, a process called triangulation. Triangulation requires that data are collected through more than one sampling strategy. An example would be to use online surveys and face-to-face interviews and then compare the results to historical data.

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In a business setting in Japan, bowing can be interpreted as respectful behavior.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.2 Methodology Used to Study the Workplace

Another example of triangulation is when more than one researcher gathers information or ana- lyzes it to be sure that the study was conducted objectively. Two advantages of triangulation are that it can be applied to both quantifiable and qualifiable processes and that it aids researchers in conducting objective studies.

Since research questions, methods, and findings must be presented in a fair and impartial way, sociological narrative attempts to avoid bias in its perspective and descriptions. For example, it would study “workers’ compensation” (referring to workers of both sexes) instead of “workman’s compensation” (referring to only male workers). It is also necessary to be aware of how descrip- tions of a particular group may be either biased or offensive. For example, most people over a cer- tain age prefer to be identified as “senior citizens” rather than “aged,” and the connotations asso- ciated with each description may influence how participants are treated. Awareness and usage of preferred descriptors are especially important in the contemporary American workplace, which reflects a truly diverse population.

1.2 Methodology Used to Study the Workplace

Researchers who study demographic and other trends within the workplace use different kinds of data to identify and understand who, what, where, when, why, and how work is done, as well as to propose solutions to social problems on the job. The most popular forms of data are demographics, historical sources, surveys, interviews, and observations (see Figure 1.2).

Statistical Data

When sociologists use demographic data to con- duct research, they are primarily concerned with the characteristics of the individual or group under investigation. Characteristics may include demo- graphics such as gender, age, ethnicity, economic status, and level of education because these fac- tors help to distinguish individuals. Sociologists used demographics to study workplace trends or to help situate the social group in a social context. However, one of the challenges presented by dependence on demographics is that there is a risk for overgeneral- ization. For example, a researcher who conducts a study of 50 women who perform certain job tasks would be at risk for deducing that all women work the same way. Regardless of the number of shared characteristics within a social group, some mem- bers will not conform to a particular profile. Thus it is important to ensure that the conclusions drawn from a demographic study can be reproduced and that they are statistically valid.

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Demographics establish the general characteristics of a social group.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.2 Methodology Used to Study the Workplace

Historical Data

Sociologists use historical methodology when they gather artifacts from historical archives, gov- ernment records, news sources, and personal memories recorded in diaries, letters, essays, jour- nals, and autobiographies in order to follow trends over time or to compare one time period to another. Information gathered directly from a subject of a study, such as an interview with some- one who lived through the Great Depression, is known as a primary source. Secondary sources are also useful because they provide analysis or interpretation of primary sources. An article written about or including an interview with the descendant of a former slave is an example of a second- ary source.

The historical method is used to investigate theories, compare and contrast historical events, and explore causal relationships. The challenge of using historical methodology primarily lies in the difficulty of gathering and verifying data. Because participants respond subjectively to experience, it can also be difficult to identify bias in personal memory. Researchers may also tend to mod- ernize original material with contemporary vocabulary and perspectives. For example, studying workplace conditions of the early 1900s requires that researchers use historical data to establish context and that they avoid applying contemporary values or norms to the findings.

Interviews

Historical Data

Observation

Historical Artifacts

Statistical Data

Methodology

Surveys

Figure 1.2

A variety of quantitative and qualitative methods are used to study social issues in the workplace.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.2 Methodology Used to Study the Workplace

Surveys

Sociological surveys are used to gather general infor- mation about a subject and its demographic data. Surveys can be conducted in face-to-face settings, over the phone, or online. The advantage of surveys in research is that they allow a great deal of data to be collected in a short period of time. Employers often use surveys to gauge employee satisfaction with work conditions and benefits and then use the feedback to make adjustments.

However, survey conclusions may not be accurate if participants answer according to what they think is the “right” answer rather than actually reporting their experience or behavior. Additionally, researchers must be very careful to design survey questions so they do not influence the results through a particular bias.

Interviews

As with surveys, interviews can be conducted in a variety of ways. Interviews can be structured, semi-structured, or unstructured, depending on the goal of the study.

• Structured interviews ask the same questions of different people. The structured inter- view ensures the most control in terms of comparing responses.

• Semi-structured interviews use guiding questions, and interviewers adjust questions according to responses given. This type of interview is useful for exploring personal experiences.

• Unstructured interviews do not have set questions but allow conversation to evolve naturally. This type of interview explores participants’ interpretation of events.

The main challenge with the use of interviews is the human element. It is difficult to determine whether interviewers influence participants or whether answers reflect the truth or what partici- pants think the interviewer wants to hear.

Observation

Observation is used to study people in natural settings to evaluate how they behave. Called field research, the objective is to describe “normal” or common behavior in actual situations. The advantage of observation over other methods is that it reflects natural behaviors and responses to real-life situations.

Research structure determines the role of the observer, which may vary given the parameters of the study. Researchers may secretly observe subjects without interacting with them or they may partici- pate openly in the observed activity while subjects are aware of their role. Using observational data may potentially produce skewed results when subjects know they are being observed. Additionally, when researchers are not participants it is possible that important nuances of cultural context may be missed. On the other hand, if researchers participate they may influence the behavior of subjects.

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Surveys and interviews are frequently used in sociological research.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.3 The Impact of Paradigms and Trends

1.3 The Impact of Paradigms and Trends

Diversity and similarity among humans can often complicate social inquiry because of how difficult it is to conduct objective, unbiased scientific and social experiments. American physicist Thomas Kuhn (1922–1996) recognized the challenges associated with achieving objectivity and went on to publish his findings in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions in 1962.

Kuhn provided a perspective about the history of science that exploded the very foundation of sci- entific validity. He argued that the experiences and prior beliefs of scientists made neutral observations impossible when conducting research, even when the scientific method was used to gather empirical evidence, or knowledge gained by means of direct observation or experience. In other words, Kuhn said empirical evidence could never be completely objec- tive because human interpretations influence results. Kuhn argued that a particular paradigm, or world- view, always exists and cannot help but affect how researchers perceive data at any given time. In addi- tion, particular paradigms exert major influence on sociological trends. The importance of understand- ing paradigms in sociology cannot be overstated, because paradigms and paradigm shifts impact val- ues at all levels of society, thus affecting how society deals with social problems. In fact, paradigms are so woven into the human body of knowledge that it is difficult to conceive of anything else being true or correct.

For example, the paradigm of democracy was set in motion by the Constitution of the United States. The language of the Preamble reflects the essence of the democratic paradigm—justice, general welfare, and liberty for all people. This paradigm has had substan- tial impact on all aspects of American society, includ- ing the 19th Amendment, giving women the right to vote; the Civil Rights Act of 1964, outlawing segrega- tion in public institutions and banning discrimination based on religion, sex, race, or natural origin; and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, making discrimination against Americans with disabilities against the law. These amendments and acts were not paradigm shifts in themselves but rather represented trends that resulted from the paradigm of democracy.

Sociological trends indicate changes in social behaviors and structures that happen as a result of shifts in public opinion and ideas. Trends tend to be unconscious or unplanned, unlike social movements, which represent a purposeful and collective attempt to enact a social change. Both trends and social movements have become relevant to sociological perspectives as the social sci- ences have evolved over time.

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How we choose to live, what we believe in, and what we value stem from our paradigms.

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The democracy described in the Constitution of the United States represents a paradigm shift.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.4 The Major Sociological Perspectives

1.4 The Major Sociological Perspectives

Three overarching theoretical perspectives exist in terms of the structure of sociology: functionalism, conflict perspective, and sym- bolic interactionism (Table 1.1). Each theory ana- lyzes social structures, problems, and interactions with unique perspectives and paradigms to identify elements of a social system and recognize major catalysts of social change. Each theory also offers an important perspective for how to identify, analyze, and troubleshoot social problems.

Functionalist Perspective

The functionalist perspective takes a macro, or large- scale, look at social institutions. Functionalist theo- ries perceive social structures to be systems of unique but interdependent parts, and they hold that natural laws govern society. According to the functionalist perspective, social changes can be a disruption of the natural balance. With functionalism, inequalities among people are a functional and inevitable con- sequence of society, and any action taken to change the natural order is considered dysfunctional.

Table 1.1

Perspective Major Theorists Premise

FUNCTIONALIST Auguste Comte (1798–1857) Émile Durkheim (1858–1917)

Macro and meso levels. Social systems are interrelated and interdependent; systems will adapt to achieve equilibrium.

CONFLICT Karl Marx (1818–1883) C. Wright Mills (1916–1962)

Macro and meso levels. Social systems are designed by the elite to control the nonelite; struggle and opposition are inherent in the system.

SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONIST Max Weber (1864–1920) George Herbert Mead (1863–1931) The Chicago School (1920s; 1930s) Herbert Blumer (1900–1987)

Micro level. Individuals experience social systems by attaching symbols and meanings to them.

French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798–1857) was instrumental in the development of the function- alist perspective. Based on his belief in the interconnectedness of social elements, Comte endorsed social research and coined the term sociology. He went on to propose that sociology would be the

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Social inquiry is conducted from a variety of perspectives. Each has its own unique paradigm.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.4 The Major Sociological Perspectives

science that served to connect all other sciences. Comte also put forth the theory of positivism, which dictates that only the scientific method and empirical evidence should be considered when conducting research.

Comte proposed that the quest for knowledge and truth had undergone three historical stages. The first stage was based on theology, where explanation of natural phenomena was reliant on, and limited to, religious doctrine and interpretation of scripture. The second stage was metaphysical, where natural laws were explored using a philosophical perspective in which cause-and-effect explanations were explored. The third stage was named “the positive” because it relied on what could be positively observed. This stage was instrumental in the development of hard science.

French sociologist Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) furthered Comte’s view and found that there was, indeed, a functional structure in the institutions, customs, and norms, or the accepted behav- iors within a group, of a society. Durkheim thought that, like the natural sciences, social research should be empirically based. Durkheim was also concerned with what he termed “social facts,” the factors that regulate human social behavior, including norms, values, and social structures.

Biography

Auguste Comte, “Positivism”

An enduring contribution of Auguste Comte is his concept of positivism, which puts forth that true knowledge must be tangibly observed, tested, or otherwise empirically verified. Comte laid out the ideas that constitute positivism over two bodies of work: The Course in Positive Philosophy (a collection of texts published between 1830 and 1842) and A General View of Positivism (1848).

Comte developed positivism during the French Enlightenment, a period when logic and science were replacing religion as the main sources of truth and knowledge. As Comte sought to establish a sociological method, it was important to him to be able to apply the verifiability of the natural sciences (biology, chemistry, and physics) to social research. People are infinitely varied, as are their behaviors; Comte therefore sought to bring the pragmatic, testable aspects of the natural sciences to the study of social phenomena.

At the heart of positivism is the belief that the scientific method is the universal and the sole means for deriving true knowledge. In other words, only observable, testable events are a source of fact and truth. That the scientific method is able to be standardized across scientific disciplines appealed to Comte; in his view, one could trust information if it is repeatable and testable. Positivism also espouses the idea that the purpose of science is to produce data that are free of subjectivity; opinions, arguments, rationalizations, morals, and other subjective views are absent from positivism, which is entirely value-neutral.

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The functionalist perspective sees social systems as balanced, natural systems that strive for equilibrium.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.4 The Major Sociological Perspectives

Durkheim’s Influence on Social Inquiry Durkheim argued that the study of social facts distinguished the field of sociology from simple chronicles or discussions that reflect common knowledge about a particular time period but were not based on empirical evidence. Durkheim’s theory demanded adherence to the guiding princi- ples of hard science and considered only social facts that could be observed and tested. His views were often seen as rigid, even by fellow academics.

However, Durkheim’s unique and innovative approach to his pivotal suicide study (see the box on Durkheim, “Anomie”) became a leading example for how to conduct valid social research. Even today, his methods are considered exemplary and are often used in contemporary research. His findings also opened up a whole new area of social thought. He linked individual and personal behavior with its broader social setting and established that there was an inherent connection between the two. This connection is now fundamental in all social theories and is useful for researchers who study the workplace.

Conflict Perspective

In functionalism, the social order is designed to main- tain inequalities. In contrast, the conflict perspective specifies that challenges to social norms, like protest and revolution, are caused by the inequalities within social structures. Originated by German philosopher and sociologist Karl Marx (1818–1883) in 1848, the conflict perspective holds that the social order within a given structure is determined by those in power, and thus it is imposed on members of society who have the least social status. The conflict perspective was generally set aside by sociologists in favor of functionalism in the 1940s and ‘50s. However, social movements of the 1960s brought renewed attention to the conflict perspective, and it went on to become a primary influence on subsequent sociological theo- ries. Still, a major criticism of conflict perspective is that it advances the notion that inequality and strug- gle must always exist in society. Marx held that the primary reason for conflict in society was economic disparity. Contemporary conflict theorists have expanded on Marx’s theory to include all forms of disparities, including political, religious, racial, and gender-based inequalities.

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According to the conflict perspective, inequalities in the social system cause conflict and produce social change.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.4 The Major Sociological Perspectives

Biography

Émile Durkheim, “Anomie”

Anomie refers to a social state in which society fails to effectively establish behavioral norms and standards. It was first posited by Émile Durkheim, who believed that human nature is overwhelmingly emotional, passionate, greedy, and desirous. He suggested that humans were most comfortable, then, when tamed by clear behavioral boundaries and social rules or limits. In an anomic society, however, these desires are left unregulated, which results in an almost monstrous desire and deep dissatisfaction. Durkheim believed that humans are deeply uncomfortable in this state.

Durkheim clarified the concept of anomie in his seminal work Suicide (1897/1979), in which he laid out four types of suicide. He suggested that “anomic suicide” occurs when there is too little social regulation, or when normal levels of regulation are abruptly abandoned, such as in times of economic crisis or marital upheaval. He believed the sheer “normlessness” of such times drives some individuals to suicide. Business, trade, and industry—all of which experience unpredictable booms and busts—are particularly prone to anomie, according to Durkheim, and an iconic example is the stock market crash of 1929 and the resulting Great Depression, when many people committed suicide after losing their life savings overnight.

Anomie was just one of four types of suicide identified by Durkheim, and one of two types related to social regulation. The other type is “fatalistic suicide,” in which too much regulation causes people to feel oppressed, crushed by a system to the point where they cannot see a future for themselves. Fatalistic suicide may occur among the incarcerated or among certain population segments in extremely repressive or controlling societies.

The other two types of suicide Durkheim posited are related not to social regulation but to social integration. When social integration is too weak, Durkheim suggested that individuals feel alone and marginalized. They self-identify as “outsiders,” an identity that is reinforced by the social structure. Under duress, they will withdraw and isolate themselves from society. Provoked by depression or disillusionment, these individuals become prone to suicide. Durkheim called this “egoistic suicide.” An example comes from the 1999 Columbine High School massacre, in which two students killed several classmates and a teacher before killing themselves. The pair acted after feeling bullied and spurned by their peers and community. In their perceived sense of isolation, they retaliated, both removing themselves from and punishing the social world they believed caused their pain.

In contrast, Durkheim posited that some individuals may feel too strong a sense of social integration. As such, they are so thoroughly compelled by their group’s identity and goals that they disregard their own personal welfare. These individuals lose their sense of independence and will sacrifice their own lives for what they perceive as the group’s greater good. Durkheim labeled this type of suicide “altruistic suicide,” in which the victim has a distorted and confused sense of himself in relation to the group. Examples of people who commit altruistic suicide are those who exhibit fanatical and obsessive behavior, such as suicide bombers, participants of mass cult suicides, or the terrorists who committed the September 11, 2001, terrorist acts.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.4 The Major Sociological Perspectives

Perhaps one of the most influential American conflict perspective sociologists was C. Wright Mills (1916–1962). Heavily influenced by Marx, Mills embraced the premise that there was a conflict between people of different social classes. He referred to members of society who had control and access to the most resources as the power elite. Mills determined that the power elite in the United States were centralized within the military, large corporations, and the government, and he proposed that the interactions and interdependence among the power elite served only to reinforce their own power.

Biography

Karl Marx, “Labor and Class Struggle”

Most commonly associated with the establishment of communism, Karl Marx was a prolific and revolutionary intellectual whose influence continues to be felt long after his death. Marx put forth his perspective on social conflict in the 1848 publication The Communist Manifesto, coauthored with Friedrich Engels. The manuscript opened with the now renowned claim “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles” (Marx & Engels, 1848/2009, p. 34). Marx believed that all social conflict stemmed from inequality between classes: tension between the bourgeoisie—the middle or upper class who owned the means of production, called capital (machines, facilities, end products, for example)—and those who worked for them, the proletariat, or lower class, who owned nothing but their own labor.

Marx developed his ideas as he watched the Industrial Revolution unfold in Europe. As industrial processes became routine and automatic, the work environment shifted from small, skilled labor shops to unskilled, large-scale factories, where workers toiled for long hours under poor conditions for low wages and few benefits. Not only did the working class not materially profit from such an arrangement, but, as their jobs became unskilled and unspecialized, they were divorced from their own labor. Whereas previously a shoemaker might have crafted a shoe from sole to lace, in the new factories work was divided up and standardized, so that each worker was in charge of one piece of the process—one might fit soles, over and over again; another, glue laces. Marx suggested that because workers did not own the totality of their product, it was impossible for them to have a sense of pride or ownership over it. Thus, he posited that the capitalist system critically alienates workers from their labor, which is among the most valuable of human assets.

For a modern example of the problems Marx saw with capitalism, consider the difference between owning and working in a local sandwich shop and working on an assembly line in a fast food restaurant. The worker in the sandwich shop dreams up new and interesting sandwiches. She experiments with different dressings and ingredients, and she has the satisfaction of seeing customers enjoy a hand-crafted lunch she created. In contrast, the fast food worker has no autonomy over his creation. Fast food recipes are tightly standardized so that customers can get the same sandwich no matter where they order it. Workers follow explicit instructions: exactly three pickle slices, exactly two tomatoes, exactly one squirt of sauce. This person makes exactly minimum wage per hour, and all profits go to company shareholders, who own the grills, tables, and other means of production. Marx believed this relationship was toxic to workers and to the whole of society, and he used it to develop many influential theories about social order, class struggle, and the human condition

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.4 The Major Sociological Perspectives

Mills believed that the evolution of the power elite in the United States had evolved to the point that it made democracy more of a formality than a reality. He went on to argue that families, churches, and col- leges—the social institutions of the United States— were deeply influenced by the power elite, which caused the imbalance of power felt by those in the lower levels of society.

Mills’s publication, The Sociological Imagination (1959/2000), asserted that the sociologist’s role was to both understand and improve social structures. Mills further argued that individual problems were connected to the prevailing social issues and struc- tures of a particular time period. To improve the lives of individuals, therefore, he believed that the larger system must be understood to propose workable solutions to social problems.

Symbolic Interactionism

Whereas the functionalist perspective and the con- flict perspective focus on macro, or large-scale social structures, symbolic interactionism uses primar- ily qualitative measures to focus on the micro levels of social structures. For example, symbolic interactionists study communication between people as well as the creation and interpretation of symbols used to communicate. An essential element of symbolic interactionism is the premise that behavior is best understood when placed in its social context. Researchers, therefore, care- fully study how individuals interact and then seek to identify the meanings applied to the various symbols used.

Conversations, gestures, body language, and written words all provide symbols that, when inter- preted, give meaning to an interaction. Because the nature of interaction is subject to interpreta- tion, symbolic interactionists propose that social communication is adaptive, or continually chang- ing. An example of adaptive language is the development of the SMS language, or “texting,” that is used in both personal and business communications. The shortcuts and slang that evolved from texting drew much criticism from those who thought language skills and interpersonal communi- cation were damaged by their use. In his book, Txtng: The Gr8 Db8, English linguist David Crystal (2008) approached the evolution of texting as an acceptable form of communication by using a symbolic interactionist perspective. Crystal’s hypothesis linked texting to other styles of writing, and his research indicated that interpersonal communication has been positively affected by texting.

Critics of symbolic interactionism state that the approach places too much emphasis on the micro and subjective levels of social interaction and tends to ignore links to larger social structures. Because the focus is on symbols, overarching social issues, such as inequality, tend to be over- looked. Additionally, critics argue that symbolic interactionists, by focusing on the interactions themselves, tend to minimize the impact of social institutions on individual interactions.

In The Sociological Imagination, C. Wright Mills wrote that the role of a sociologist is to work to understand and improve social structures.

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The Chicago School In the 1920s and 1930s, a cluster of sociologists from universities in and around Chicago—dubbed the Chi- cago School—focused on an area of urban sociology from the perspective of symbolic interactionism. At the center of the Chicago School was social theorist George Herbert Mead (1863–1931). In his publica- tion, Mind, Self, and Society: From the Standpoint of a Social Behaviorist, Mead (1934/1967) proposed that there was a connection between the evolu- tion of thought and self-definition and the various social interactions people have within their physical environments.

Later, Herbert Blumer (1900–1987), one of Mead’s students who became a noted sociologist in his own right, described three premises of symbolic interac- tionism. The first was that humans behave according to the meanings they ascribe to things and events. The second explained that the meanings attributed to things and events are derived from interactions with others. And, finally, meanings require subjective interpretation, or analytical thought.

Blumer’s premises influenced the research of scholar Charles Jandreau (2002). Jandreau studied how celebrations and parties positively impacted the workplace, finding that social celebrations at work presented an opportunity for workers to discover shared values and beliefs that usual work settings prohibited. The social ritual and casual environment of a party allowed workers to present themselves in a less formal way than they perceived their work roles to allow. Jandreau concluded that individuals needed ways to express themselves holistically at work to alleviate a sense of lost identity. Ultimately, he discovered that self-expression leads to an overall improve- ment in participation at work.

1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

As Western society moved from being primarily agrarian, or based on agriculture, to being primarily capitalistic, Marx and other scholars studied and responded to the impacts of the rapid social changes that took place during this transition period. Called modernity, this period brought with it an explosion of social change and subsequent problems that com- pletely revolutionized how work was done in the United States.

With its varied and layered social components, the study of the workplace naturally lends itself to the methods and associated theories of sociology. Perhaps one of the most relevant theories to researchers who study the American workplace is the theory of capitalism. Capitalism was a prin- cipal topic for German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920), who is credited along with Durkheim and Marx as being the founders of modern social sciences. In each of his studies, Weber sought

A member of the Chicago School, George Herbert Mead studied sociology from the perspective of symbolic interactionism.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

pivotal cause-and-effect relationships within society. He advocated for sociological study to not only include, but also go beyond, mere data.

Weber was greatly concerned with the role objectivity played in science, and he proposed that facts and values were different from each other and that they should be considered separately. Weber believed that both individuals and social structures should be studied, and he argued that most methodologies were limited by focusing on one or the other. He was also adamant that research into social interactions must be studied within specific historical contexts.

Weber argued that modern Western society was no longer motivated by values but rather was becoming increasingly goal-driven, as evidenced by the rise of capitalism. He developed the con- cept of rationalization, or disenchantment with the world, in response to this movement away from values, noting that as people moved away from the motivations of traditional values and norms, they became focused on efficiency and quantifiable outcomes. This shift in motivation and focus became an intrinsic element of capitalism, industrialization, and bureaucracy.

The move to capitalism also pulled focus away from individuals as producers of goods, such as farmers or dressmakers, to the number of products that were produced, shifting the emphasis from humans to things. Thus, Weber saw the trend of modernity as a move away from the humanistic and a move toward the mechanistic. In other words, within the work- place, rationalization led to placing less importance on the person doing the work and more importance on getting work done as quickly as possible. To pro- duce more, workers had to be closely regulated, and as a result, the process of rationalization progressed as bureaucracies emerged.

The term bureaucracy as used today is often deroga- tory, meaning a slow and wasteful system encum- bered by seemingly unnecessary “red tape” pro- cedures, anonymous and inarguable policies, and unmotivated and stagnant employees. However, the

original purpose of bureaucracy was to respond to large and complex systems in the most cost- effective and efficient way. Bureaus, or smaller units of operation, were designed to break down cumbersome tasks into more manageable components. Functional bureaucracy was something to strive for in order to increase productivity.

Weber found, though, that the control systems of bureaucracies followed a shift in the devel- opment of authority. Previously, authority followed traditional or charismatic standards. Tradi- tional authority was determined by custom or norms and was usually based on relationships. For example, it prevailed on a macro level in feudal communities, where goods and services were meant to support a community. On the micro level, it was present in families run by the head of household. And on the job, traditional authority presented itself when workers understood their roles in relationship to their superiors who made decisions and supervised the work. Charismatic authority was based on leadership that was earned through personality, actions, or skills. It often

Courtesy Everett Collection

Bureaucracies were initially formed to promote efficiency and improve production.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

manifested in religious or spiritual contexts, where an individual was believed to possess a special rela- tionship with the divine, such as Mahatma Gandhi.

At the time bureaucracies began to emerge, social structures supported these authority models. But, Weber noted, over time society had changed so that traditional or charismatic authority was no lon- ger relevant in the modern workplace. According to Weber, the bureaucratic structure utilized rational- legal authority, which is established when power comes from rules and order, or the mechanisms of social structure. In other words, in the workplace, we accept the authority of a manager to supervise the work of others because we are familiar with the parameters of roles depicted in the job descriptions and categories. These job descriptions are based on the tasks that need to be performed rather than on the person who holds the position. Labor laws pro- vide legal controls and parameters of job descrip- tions, regardless of who holds the position. Weber proposed that in modern society, while aspects of more humanistic authority types may be present, the prevailing type of leadership was mechanistic or rational. Further, he argued that as bureaucracies expand and become even more mechanistic, the loss of humanism becomes even more extensive.

In his work The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber (1905) focused on the inter- relationships of culture, religion, and economic systems and outlined how the Protestant work ethic was one of the significant catalysts in the paradigm shift to capitalism. The Protestant phi- losophy linked worldly accomplishment to eternal salvation. According to Weber, it was not driven by greed but rather held that hard work was the duty and obligation of a Christian society. As capitalism progressed, though, Weber thought its Protestant underpinnings were lost to capitalist consumption.

Both Weber and Marx took issue with the early-19th-century positivist approach articulated by Comte. Weber rejected the positivist notion that all social research must be empirically based on the scientific method and developed instead the post-positivist school of thought. Post-positivists argued that understanding social systems required greater flexibility than the positivist approach allowed and claimed that the leeway needed did not compromise objectivity or validity.

Karl Marx also rejected Comte’s positivism but for significantly different reasons. For Marx, the growing hunger of capitalism prohibited any hope of achieving an egalitarian society. Marx was consumed with finding a solution to what he perceived as the social ills brought on by capital- ist greed—a solution that included social revolution carried out by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie.

Courtesy Everett Collection

Max Weber linked the Protestant work ethic with the evolution of capitalism.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

Biography

Talcott Parsons, “Modernity”

Talcott Parsons was an American sociologist whose theories influenced the field of sociology during the second half of the 20th century. Parsons saw each level of interaction as a system within a larger system. In his general theory of action (1977), he identified four levels:

1. Socialization happens in the first level, or “cultural system.”

2. Various social roles are embraced in the next level, or “social system.”

3. In the third level, the “personality system,” individual needs and attitudes are considered.

4. The last level is the “behavioral organism,” which considers the physical characteristics of the individual and the physical environment in which he or she lives.

Each level has its own social function but interacts with and is interdependent on the other levels. In terms of the workplace, Parsons postulated that workers need the organization that employers provide; in turn, employers need the productivity workers provide. The structure is interdependent and mutually benefiting.

Parsons’s view of human nature and of society was that modern civilization—with all its technological trappings, evolving institutions, and highly complex, nuanced systems—was ultimately a positive, progressive installment of the human experience. Whereas some look nostalgically to the past, pining for a golden age of simplicity, Parsons viewed the present, and expected the future, to be better than what has come before, despite the trials, difficulties, and complications inherent in modern life.

Social Issues and the Transition to an Industrialized Society

The emergence of sociology grew from the need to understand and cope with the rapid changes that accompanied a quickly industrializing society and the social issues of modernity. When communities transitioned from agriculturally based societies to industrialized, production-focused societies, entire social structures had to be dismantled and rebuilt. Innovations in technology transformed the way people communicated and conducted business, and advances in work technology and production caused major economic and political changes that altered power structures in the United States. All of these changes created ideological shifts that modified per- ceptions, values, and customs over time.

A critical outcome of modernity was that it added complexity to formerly simple social structures by cultivating new institutions that became inter- dependent with the interactions between political, economic, and social entities. Philosophically

Felipe Dupouy/Lifesize/Thinkstock

Modernity brought several modifications to our workplaces.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

the age of modernity offered belief in the possibility of improvement, modernization, and pro- gressive optimism. However, all of these changes taken together created a deep sense of uncer- tainty and fear that the values society held would become obsolete.

These changes have continued to evolve, and many of the same social problems that arose during this time exist today. Understanding the historical signifi- cance of modernity allows us to comprehend the full scope of its impact on today’s globalized society.

The Industrial Revolution and Forced Labor

Although capitalism had existed for centuries, it was the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century that solidified it as the new American paradigm. Techno- logical advancements, such as the steam engine, iron works, and textile production equipment, opened new markets and created different kinds of jobs from what most people were used to. To accommodate the new world of work, cities expanded to include large factories and housing for workers. All aspects of society were affected, and for the first time in his- tory income and standard of living for the general population grew at a steady rate. The definition of success evolved from the production of goods to the purchase of them, allowing ordinary citizens to become active consumers. Jobs became specialized and required workers to develop specific skills as new technologies emerged. And as production demands grew, so did the need for labor. As a result, sweat- shops emerged and child labor became a mainstay in many workplaces, such as in coal mines and textile mills. In addition, the invention of the cotton gin was critical to the rise of slavery in the United States.

From Slavery to Civil Rights Perhaps the most pivotal social issue in the history of the United States, with long-term ramifications on social structures, is slavery. Approximately half a million people were purchased from traders or kidnapped and transported from Africa to work as slaves on the plantations. Considered as property, slaves were bought, traded, sold, and treated accord- ingly. In the latter part of the 18th century, use of slaves for manual labor became less popular. How- ever, the invention of the cotton gin in 1793 made

Universal History Archive/photolibrary

The rise of industrialism expanded the use of child labor, often in dangerous conditions.

Photos.com/Getty Images/Thinkstock

The increase in cotton production and demand reinforced the social institution of slavery in the U.S. South.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

cotton a major cash crop, and as plantation owners hurried to plant cotton, the demand for slave labor increased. The number of people who were held in captivity grew substantially and the insti- tution of slavery became even more entrenched.

The social issue of slavery was controversial and hotly debated. One strong advocate for the abo- lition of slavery, Harriet Martineau (1802–1876), is also often acknowledged as the first female sociologist. In Society in America (1837), Martineau stated that slaves and women were excluded from America’s democratic principles because neither were allowed to vote or own property. Martineau questioned the morality of slavery and expressed her dismay at how the institution impacted society. “What social virtues are possible,” she asked, “in a society of which injustice is the primary characteristic?” (chapter V, section I). Despite the efforts of abolitionists like Martin- eau, legal ownership of humans as property was not repealed in the Constitution until the 13th Amendment was adopted in 1865. Certainly, however, sociologists like Martineau helped bring the issues to the forefront of social awareness.

The hostilities between the northern and southern states regarding the expansion of slavery, as well as the issue of states’ rights versus federal author- ity, eventually led to the American Civil War (1861– 1865). With the war’s end, slavery was officially abolished, but the institution of racism remained. Sociologist and educator W. E. B. Du Bois (1868– 1963), the first African American to earn a doctorate degree at Harvard University, sought to establish civil rights for African Americans and to overcome the rampant racism existing in post–Civil War America. In his seminal work, The Souls of Black Folk, Du Bois (1903) declared that “the problem of the Twentieth century is the problem of the color-line” (p. 1). Du Bois cited the need for African Americans to have access to education, to be given the right to vote, and to be treated equally to whites. Given his advocacy for African American civil rights, Du Bois was consid- ered a controversial figure by some, in part because he publicly challenged the passive approaches of Booker T. Washington, another prominent African American advocate for civil rights who urged Afri- can Americans to be patient and to allow changes to evolve naturally. Du Bois, on the other hand, fiercely advocated for active resistance to White supremacy and the repeal of Jim Crow laws.

Jim Crow laws were established to sanction a “separate but equal” status for African Americans. In reality, however, they limited civil rights and legalized the segregation of public schools, the mili- tary, transportation, restaurants, and shared facilities such as community swimming pools, water fountains, and restrooms. Additionally, the laws denied the right to vote to thousands of African Americans and poor whites by establishing residency requirements, poll taxes, and literacy tests as conditions of voting.

W. E. B. Du Bois was instrumental in promoting civil rights for African Americans.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

Biography

Harriet Martineau, “Illustrations of Political Economy”

Harriet Martineau was a prolific essayist who published hundreds of works relating to political and social science. Among her most popular works was Illustrations of Political Economy, a series of 24 stories that were published on a monthly basis between 1832 and 1834. These used fictional narrative devices to popularize, in lay and engaging terms, the ideas of Thomas Malthus, James Mill, David Ricardo, Adam Smith, and other influential theorists and to set forth Martineau’s ideas about labor, justice, and freedom.

For example, the papers catalogued her vehemently antislavery position. Martineau believed that slavery was inhumane and immoral and that it undercut the American ideals of freedom and justice. Though these are not radical points of view by today’s standards, Martineau was writing in a time when slavery was still legal in the United States. Writing nearly than 30 years before the start of the Civil War, she was in the minority of people, especially women, who spoke loudly against the doomed institution. Even more noteworthy is the fact that Martineau criticized not just slaveowners, but also the second-class treatment of free blacks in the North.

Martineau opposed slavery for a second reason: that it was economically inefficient. In “Demerara” (Illustrations, Vol. 2, 1832), for example, she claimed that slavery wasted both capital and labor and could not be justified on economic grounds, in addition to being immoral. She pushed for immediate emancipation of slaves, unlike others who advocated for gradual or partial freedom.

Martineau lived and published during the Industrial Revolution, and she viewed the critical changes going on around her as an overall positive development for humanity. She believed that technical innovations would uplift the poor, improve their living conditions, and expand their skills and horizons. She reportedly was captivated by machines’ potential and ability and believed that capitalism, if undertaken correctly, could solve many social problems. Echoing Malthus, she warned that a population boom would create an oversupply of labor. In “A Manchester Strike” (Illustrations, Vol. 3, 1832), for example, she put forth the idea that too many workers would drive down wages and urged the working class to have smaller families, which she saw as key to increasing their wages and improving their living conditions.

Civil rights legislation as Du Bois imagined it did not appear until after his death in 1963, with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which repealed Jim Crow legislation and removed prohibitive conditions for voting. His hope that legislation would end rac- ism, however, went unrealized, as it remains a major social problem in the United States and in the workplace.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.5 The Paradigm Shift to Capitalism

Child Labor By the early 1900s hundreds of thousands of children, as young as 4 to 6 years old, worked in mines, mills, canneries, factories, on farms, and on city streets selling newspapers or shining shoes. Children were typically paid piece rate based on what they could produce, or they were paid a percentage of what an adult earned for the same work. Therefore, children provided cheap labor for employers.

Children were often used to perform dangerous tasks in mines and were sent to crawl through tight spaces to set explosives or carry buckets of coal out of areas that were too small or unstable for carts. In mills and canneries, 12- to 14-hour work days were typical, and children stood on stacks of boxes to reach work tables. Machinery was often dangerous and relied on hand feeding. Broken hands or severed fingers were commonplace, and children who cried or fell asleep were often beaten. Children who worked on farms spent longs hours in fields picking or cleaning har- vests until their hands were bloody. In the cities, young boys, called “newsies,” would buy news- papers from publishers and sell them on the street.

Competition was tough among orphaned or homeless kids, and many children were sold into service by the orphanages that were charged with their care. Although child labor in the United States is heavily regulated compared to the early 1900s, this social issue is still a concern today and will be visited further in Chapter 2.

History

The United States Children’s Bureau

Established in 1912, the United States Children’s Bureau compiles and publishes state and national data on foster care, adoption, infant mortality, child abuse, neglect, and other matters relating to child welfare. It was created by President William Howard Taft after nearly a decade of lobbying by social activists Lillian Wald and Florence Kelly, and other child advocates, including President Theodore Roosevelt.

The Social Security Administration reports that one morning in 1903, Wald and Kelly were reading the newspaper and reviewing letters sent to them from mothers around the country. The mothers described an array of problems they faced trying to support and raise their children. On the front pages of the paper, meanwhile, Wald and Kelly read about how the Secretary of Agriculture was investigating crop damage in the southern part of the country. Reading about these different events side-by-side struck Wald profoundly. “If the Government can have a department to take such an interest in what is happening to the Nation’s cotton crop,” she wondered, “why can’t it have a bureau to look after the Nation’s crop of children?” Over the next nine years, she and other devoted child advocates sought to establish such a department.

Created in a time when child labor was a serious and common problem, one of the initial goals of the Bureau was to end this exploitative practice, and the social conditions and attitudes that facilitated it. As child labor was eradicated, the Bureau began to concern itself with child health and welfare issues, a change that many believed reflected its initial success. It has continued to advocate for the rights, health, and safety of all American children regardless of where they live or their socioeconomic status.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.6 The Progressive Era

1.6 The Progressive Era

At the turn of the 20th century, investigative journalists called muckrakers, such as Ida Tarbell and Upton Sinclair, exposed industrial corruption as well as horrific working condi-tions in factories, mines, and canneries. As a result, many people in the expanding middle class became acutely aware of the rampant political corruption and growing social malaise that existed, particularly in larger cities. As citizens’ concern grew over corruption in local, state, and national governments, those who were dissatisfied with the status quo joined forces with reform- ist politicians to form the Progressive movement.

Progressive reformers were staunch advocates for the modernization of society, and they fought to expose corruption in government, industry, education, and finance. The reformers felt that additional legislation was the way to curb social problems. As a result, most Progressives sup- ported Prohibition, which outlawed the making, selling, and transporting of alcohol. The contro- versial law was enacted by the 18th Amendment in an attempt to rid the country of the social ills and crime that alcohol was thought to promote.

The plight of hungry families and the public health problems for those living in poverty were a major concern for the Progressives. The number of peo- ple who lived in poverty was increasing rapidly as an almost constant influx of immigrants, mostly unskilled laborers, arrived in major cities every day looking for work and a better life. Cities such as New York and Chicago were not equipped to handle the vast number of newcomers, in part because there were many more people looking for work than there were jobs, and housing was scarce. As a result, fami- lies had to crowd together in shared living spaces, sometimes with other families, and into small apart- ments in large, poorly constructed buildings called tenements. Such circumstances forced people to live together in filthy, crowded conditions called slums.

Life for people in slums was particularly difficult. Ten- ements were often located above or near factories that produced toxic fumes, and few apartments had sufficient heat during cold winter months or ade- quate ventilation during hot summers. Malnutrition was a major issue for most families, who could not afford to buy fresh food. The sanitation infrastruc- ture could not meet the needs of the growing popu- lation, and rats, fleas, and lice were common prob- lems. Many people, especially small children and babies, suffered from infected bites. As a result of severe poverty, disease, and generally unhealthy conditions, fatality rates were significantly higher in tenement areas than any other area of the country.

Courtesy Everett Collection

Overpopulation and lack of jobs in cities led to tenement living and increased poverty.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.6 The Progressive Era

History

Prohibition

For 13 years, from 1920 to 1933, the production and sale of alcoholic beverages in the United States were legally banned through a constitutional amendment and series of federal laws. What became known as Prohibition also brought with it a rise in organized crime and widespread unpopularity, which led to its eventual repeal.

Evangelical Protestant groups began the movement to ban alcohol in the early 1800s. By the 1916 presidential election, Prohibitionists had developed strong constituencies in both major political parties. In December 1917, a constitutional amendment banning the production, transportation, and sale of alcohol passed both houses of Congress and circulated in the state governments. Eventually, 36 states supported the amendment, and Prohibition took effect on January 17, 1920, under the 18th Amendment and the federal Volstead Act.

Federal law called for the enforcement of the amendment, but few federal agents or resources were devoted to what would become an overwhelming task. Many citizens never accepted Prohibition as legitimate, and a widespread, decentralized economy of alcohol production and distribution thrived across America. Illegal saloons, known as speakeasies, opened in nearly every American city—New York City alone reportedly had as many as 100,000 speakeasies by the mid-1920s.

Organized crime flourished under Prohibition. Previously confined to activities such as prostitution or gambling, a variety of organized criminal groups rose to prominence because they suddenly had a popular product to sell—and a widespread client base. Major cities became the grounds for turf wars between rival gangs and crews. Violent crime blossomed in the black market environment.

Prohibition had a number of unintended consequences beyond organized crime. A burgeoning American wine industry was nearly destroyed, and nearly half of the breweries in America did not survive the alcohol ban. Various forms of industrialization were reversed, as large breweries or distilleries were replaced by many small-scale or home operations. Prohibition also made its mark culturally: jazz became popular throughout America, as it was typically the music played in the speakeasies.

Eventually, Prohibition-related violence, crime, the high cost of controversial enforcement, and the lost revenues from possible alcohol taxes made Prohibition more unpopular than the original offense of drinking alcohol. Even some of the nation’s most prominent politicians were against it: President Woodrow Wilson had vetoed the act calling for its enforcement (his veto was overridden by Congress), and Franklin Delano Roosevelt was quick to promote the repeal of Prohibition as part of his run for the office.

Prohibition was eventually repealed through the 21st Amendment to the Constitution, although some states and cities chose to continue to prohibit alcohol within their borders. Following Prohibition, crime decreased and police expenditures fell or were able to be redirected toward other uses. The federal government also began to tax alcohol, which represented a valuable and lucrative stream of revenue for financing relief efforts during the Great Depression.

The First Social Worker

For Jane Addams (1860–1935), the problems of the poor became a lifelong cause. Addams, con- sidered to be the first social worker in the United States, believed that middle-class women had a responsibility that extended beyond their own families to work for the improvement of liv- ing conditions for everyone in the community. In 1889, Addams and cofounder Ellen Gates Starr

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.6 The Progressive Era

established Hull House, a settlement house in Chicago. Settlement houses offered poor families clean places to live and provided the added benefit of training programs for workers. Volunteers from middle-class families managed the houses and also lived in them for short periods of time. Hull House programs provided English lessons for nonnative speakers, as well as immediate hous- ing and meal services. The Hull House complex consisted of several buildings and served approxi- mately 2,000 people a week, thanks to fundraising and volunteer efforts.

Biography

Jane Addams, “Hull House”

Hull House was founded by Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr in 1889. Still operative, it provides more than 60,000 men, women, children, and seniors each year with various types of social support, including foster care, job training, childcare, counseling, education, and other social programs. Hull House offers counseling to victims of domestic violence, homeless transition programs that help people become self-sufficient, after-school recreational programs intended to keep at-risk youth off the streets and away from drugs, and numerous other programs that reflect the beliefs and philosophies embraced by its founders.

Among its many programs is a robust workforce development program, in which clients can job- train, work toward degrees, and participate in other educational and skill-building programs to make them more marketable. Hull House also offers small-business training, counseling, and development programs through its Small Business Development Center, which offers clients a 10-week entrepreneurial training program, small-business workshops, guidance writing business plans, and other help.

One person who has benefited from these programs is Assefa Retta, an Ethiopian immigrant who came to the United States in 2000 from Addis Ababa. Retta found work as a parking lot attendant and in gas stations, but he dreamed of opening his own business. With the help of Hull House’s Small Business Development Center, Retta opened Kukulu Market in 2003, where he sells his native country’s delicacies, including freshly made injera bread and savory sambusas. Hull House helped him get a loan, find a shop location, and market his business. More than 120 years after Hull House’s founding, Retta is one of the many people Addams sought to help build responsible, self-sufficient lives.

Addams recognized that while the services provided by settlement houses assisted some families in need, the sheer number of people who lived in poverty continued to increase. She therefore expanded her efforts to lobby for legislation that would improve living and working conditions. Specifically, Addams sought to mandate education for children, to force industry leaders and gov- ernment to recognize labor unions, and to establish safety standards for the industrial workplace. In 1931, Addams was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her social work, and yet her advocacy for women and poor people made her a very controversial figure.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.6 The Progressive Era

Women’s Suffrage

Though Addams tried to mobilize middle-class women to help people who lived in poverty, she realized that women needed equality and the right to vote if they were to have any real influence on legislation that would protect workers and their families. Addams, therefore, became an instru- mental figure in garnering support for voting rights for women; her political connections with Progressive politicians and candidates were critical to the movement’s success. Granting women the right to vote was hotly debated. On one side of the argument, supporters urged that women should have the same political, legal, and social rights as men. The opposition argued against giv- ing voting rights to women on the grounds that it would destroy existing social structures, includ-

ing the family unit.

The argument over whether women should be granted the right to vote was not new. In fact, women could vote in the United States during the formative years of the nation. Then in 1787 the U.S. Constitutional Convention determined that it was up to each state to determine voting qualifications, and all states but New Jersey established that only white males could vote. Eventually New Jersey also revoked women’s right to vote. This divisive social issue con- tinued to resurface, especially during the antislavery movement. In 1848, at the women’s rights conven- tion in Seneca Falls, New York, Elizabeth Cady Stan- ton led the delegation to adopt a formal proposal to promote equal voting rights. Although there was substantial support for the proposal, women were not given the right to vote until August 18, 1920—72 years after the delegation met in Seneca Falls.

Another contemporary of Jane Addams, Ida B. Wells (1862–1931), was a leading advocate for African American rights who also fought for women’s suf- frage. She participated in protests and used her jour- nalistic skills to promote the causes she cared most about. Well educated and known as a fearless advo-

cate for African American rights, Wells was considered one of the most powerful female leaders of her time. She worked closely with W. E. B. Du Bois on social reform issues, and together with Jane Addams she fought against the segregation of Chicago schools.

Wells formed the first suffrage organization for African American Women in 1913, and she offered her support to the Whites-only organization, the National American Women’s Suffrage Associa- tion, when they planned to march in Washington, D.C., on the eve of President Woodrow Wilson’s inauguration. Some organizers thought she should march in the back of the parade with other African Americans so that the issues of suffrage and African American rights would not be per- ceived as parts of the same fight. But Wells did not distinguish between the two issues, maintain- ing that equality was an inalienable civil right for all. At the protest, she took her place at the front and marched with White supporters under her state flag.

Ida B. Wells was a prominent advocate for social equality.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.7 The Great Depression and the New Deal

1.7 The Great Depression and the New Deal

Though the Progressive era inspired a great deal of social transformation, nothing could have prepared Americans for the devastating stock market crash of 1929 and the subsequent decline into the Great Depression. No social group went unaffected when the New York Stock Exchange experienced a disastrous plunge on October 29, 1929, known as Black Tuesday, after days of instability. Financial institutions worldwide were affected as stock values continued to decline over the next 3 years. This series of events decimated the savings of over 9 million Americans almost instantly, sent many people into bankruptcy, caused countless banks to fail, and crippled the U.S. economy.

The stock market crash set in motion a chain of events that led to the Great Depression. Both facto- ries and farms suffered tremendous losses because people could not afford to buy anything even though prices for goods plummeted. Unemployment rates for the nation reached 25 percent, and more than half of farmers were put out of work. Thousands of people in every major city were homeless, and fore- closure proceedings on homes were so numerous that banks could not keep up. As a result, families continued to live in houses without gas, electricity, or water until they were forcibly evicted. The effects of the Great Depression were so far-reaching and devastating that suicide rates soared as millions of people were plunged into poverty. Even large enti- ties, like municipalities, were on the verge of bank- ruptcy. Still, many public workers, such as police- men and firefighters, continued to do their jobs for months without a paycheck. Most owners of small farms lost their land as banks foreclosed. Those farm workers who were forced from their land drifted to cities looking for work, only to join thousands of oth- ers who were also unemployed.

In 1930, President Herbert Hoover (1874–1964) signed the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, which raised taxes on imported goods. Foreign nations retaliated by raising prices on American products, and some went so far as to boycott goods made in the United States. President Hoover also increased taxes with the Revenue Act of 1932 to try to make up for some of the economic losses of the Great Depression, which further constricted spending. As the economy continued to suffer, so did the American people. The growing population of homeless citizens congregated in tent cities, or shan- tytowns, called Hoovervilles because popular perception was that President Hoover had allowed the country to slide into economic devastation.

In 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt defeated Hoover and was elected president. Roosevelt was a fierce critic of Hoover’s policies, and he began to launch his New Deal initiatives in hopes that the pro- grams would rescue the nation from years of poverty and economic decline. New Deal programs focused on the 3 Rs, “relief, recovery, and reform,” and comprised a number of social assistance programs targeted at the farm, industry, and building sectors. Some programs even funded proj- ects for artists and musicians. The focus of New Deal legislation was to mitigate the damage

Courtesy Everett Collection

The Great Depression affected every level of society.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.7 The Great Depression and the New Deal

inflicted by the Great Depression and to provide relief to people who were unemployed or living at poverty level. The goal was to stimulate the economy and to initiate legislation that would pre- vent another Great Depression.

Frances Perkins and Workers’ Rights

One of the unprecedented actions Roosevelt took was to appoint the first woman to a hold a position in the Cabinet. In 1933 he chose Frances Perkins (1880–1965) to fill the position of secretary of labor. Although Frances Perkins was not a sociologist, she had a noteworthy impact on social reform legisla- tion, particularly in the workplace. Perkins valued economic security for all Americans and believed that legislation, rather than social or political ideals, was the only practical approach to achieving it.

History

The Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire

On March 25, 1911, a heap of scrap fabric caught fire in New York City’s Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, creating a blaze so deadly that it still ranks as one of America’s worst industrial disasters. As a result of the fire—and inadequate safety precautions within the factory—146 people died, mainly young immigrant women. The Triangle Shirtwaist Fire remains the fourth deadliest industrial disaster in American history and served to catapult the issues of workplace safety and workers’ rights to the national consciousness.

The Triangle Waist Company operated on the top three floors (the 8th, 9th, and 10th) of the Asch Building in New York City’s Greenwich Village. The women who worked there made women’s blouses (known as shirtwaists) during a 6-day, 52-hour workweek.

The fire started on the 8th floor, but communication with the other floors was difficult. A telephone call to the 10th floor warned those workers, but there was no alarm on the 9th floor and no way to tell those workers that the fire was growing. With little or no advance knowledge of the fire, many workers had but moments to escape.

The human toll of the fire was made worse by the fact that the factory owners, or possibly the managers, had locked numerous doors to stairwells and exits from the outside. They later claimed they had done this to prevent employees from stealing factory materials, but no matter the reason, the result was deadly. To escape the fire, workers were forced to jump to their deaths from the windows—some as suicides, and some as failed attempts to seek safety. Others fled to a weakly constructed outdoor fire escape, which soon collapsed. Since the stairways were either locked or unusable because of flames, some workers jumped on top of the elevator, attempting to ride it downward to safety. But their weight and impact broke the elevator car, trapping the remaining workers on floors above.

As a sign of the times, the factory owners were acquitted of criminal charges and faced limited financial damages in a civil lawsuit. Yet following the disaster, numerous other measures were taken to improve workplace conditions and workers’ rights. For example, the American Society of Safety Engineers was formed in New York City in October 1911. The New York legislature created the New York State Factory Investigating Committee, and the New York City Fire Department conducted its own investigations in attempts to avoid future disasters.

The Asch Building was eventually renamed the Brown Building and designated a National Historic Landmark in 1991. The fire was New York City’s single worst disaster until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.8 Major Factors That Have Shaped the 21st-Century Workplace

Perkins witnessed firsthand the tragic Triangle Shirt- waist Factory fire in 1911, when 146 workers, mostly young women, died and 80 more were injured when a tenement factory caught fire in New York City. Per- kins watched helplessly as many women jumped to their deaths because the fire escapes were in dis- repair (it was later discovered that exit doors were blocked and fire hoses were disconnected). She cred- ited this terrible event as the catalyst for her lifelong efforts to attain safe conditions in the workplace.

Perkins began her political career when she was appointed to the New York State Industrial Com- mission, where she accomplished a great deal on behalf of workers. There she advocated for worker safety and expanded the guidelines for factory safety inspections. She promoted the role of labor unions and was instrumental in establishing the 40-hour workweek. Perkins also initiated the minimum wage law and championed unemployment insurance legis- lation. Additionally, Perkins served on the Economic Security Committee, which drafted the legislation for the Social Security Act establishing unemploy- ment benefits and ensuring protected income for senior citizens. As labor secretary during the New Deal era, Perkins initiated several landmark policies that impacted the rights of workers and led to yet another paradigm shift in the way work was done in the United States.

1.8 Major Factors That Have Shaped the 21st-Century Workplace

In the 20th century, the paradigm shift from an agricultural to an industrial society caused tre-mendous upheaval at every layer of American society. Since that shift, the influence of technol-ogy, globalization, and changing demographics in the workplace has ushered in yet another era in the United States, the postindustrial society. This term, aptly referring to the period following the industrial society, was coined by Harvard professor and sociologist Daniel Bell (1919–2011). In his 1973 book, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting, Bell pre- dicted that postindustrial society would shift away from production and manufacturing and move toward an information- and service-based economy. His predictions describe a society reliant on an information system remarkably similar to the Internet, an invention that revolutionized and globalized the American workplace. And as social, political, economic, and intellectual changes have evolved along with the technologies that fueled them, so have the accompanying social problems that impact the workplace.

Frances Perkins, the first woman Cabinet member in U.S. history, championed the cause of workers’ rights.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.8 Major Factors That Have Shaped the 21st-Century Workplace

Technology: From Efficiency to Access

During the 20th century, advancements in technology in the United States were a key factor in the transition from an agricultural to an industrial society. During this time, the primary goal of technological innovation was to improve efficiency in the workplace, emphasizing the development of machinery and automation. In the 21st century, these technological advances continue to affect the types of jobs available that require edu- cated, technology-savvy workers who function well in fast-paced and ever changing environments.

With machines or computers handling basic tasks, employers often seek people who are considered to be knowledge workers, or employees who can solve problems and communicate effectively. As technologi- cal advances continue to shape the workplace, employ- ers value workers who can easily adapt to changes as quickly as they evolve (Bresnahan, Brynjolfsson, & Hitt, 2000). In fact, Rand Corporation researchers and economists Lynn Karoly and Constantijn Panis (2004) note that technology is both an incentive and a solu- tion for lifelong learning. The availability of technology- mediated learning, such as online classes, provides an ongoing opportunity to keep skills current as well as a way for lesser skilled workers to enhance their qualifi- cations and affect their own social mobility.

Indeed, the changes set in motion during the Industrial Revolution led to the invention and popular use of the Internet for personal, educational, political, and busi- ness purposes. In the postindustrial era, the essential issue regarding technological innovation is access. For example, access to the Internet has caused American society to feel connected to a global community, which is a major paradigm shift away from the Amer- ican isolationism that existed during the Great Depression. The ease of access to information about other cultures and social structures invites a sense of connectedness and allows the workplace to become more diverse, strongly influencing the legislation of and attitudes within work settings.

This new sense of connectedness and the immediate availability of information have established some new norms. The Internet has become essential to how people communicate both person- ally and professionally. For example, during the devastating 9.0 earthquake that struck Japan on March 11, 2011, the world watched and responded in real time, horrified by the catastrophic earthquake and subsequent tsunami that ravaged the northeast coast of Japan. People were able to check on their affected loved ones by following posts on Twitter and Facebook and through e-mailed reports. Cell phone videos showed the crushing force of the tsunami on YouTube even as the water continued to rise and gain momentum. When the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power

Jeffrey Hamilton/Getty Images/Thinkstock

Technology is changing many social aspects of the workplace.

Jack Hollingsworth/Photodisc/Thinkstock

Technology-mediated learning provides one means of keeping skills current.

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CHAPTER 1Section 1.8 Major Factors That Have Shaped the 21st-Century Workplace

plant was critically damaged, engineers and scientists from several nations were able to offer their immediate support and expertise in an effort to reduce the harm caused by the disaster. Some traveled to Japan, and others communicated with those inside the failing nuclear plant via the Internet. As a result, the previously homogeneous workplace of the nuclear plant was trans- formed into an international workstation.

Global responses to this disaster reflected a new value system founded by access to technology and the sense of connectedness that stemmed from the ability to share expertise instantly and globally. This integration of technology into a globalized workforce requires modern-day workers in many fields to have nearly constant access to the Internet.

Globalization

Perhaps one of the most significant impacts of tech- nology on the American workplace so far in the 21st century is globalization. In the past, segments of the workforce were insulated from workers in other countries. Today, it is quite common for busi- ness meetings to include employees from all over the world using conferencing technology such as Skype. Production processes now involve workers in more than one country. For example, a truck may be assembled in Texas with seats made in Argentina and a dash panel made in China. Trade has been international for many centuries, but in the 21st cen- tury the worldwide integration of capital, technolo- gies, and expertise is creating a new workforce and altering the organization of the workplace. Given the expansiveness of the global marketplace, work- ers can expect to experience very rapid changes not only in the goods and services offered but also in the demands of the workplace itself and the resulting social issues. Globalization will be further discussed in later chapters.

Demographics of the 21st-Century Workplace

In addition to technology and globalization, demographic trends also modify the workplace. Iden- tifying changes in the composition of the workforce over a period of time requires researchers to look at factors such as gender, race, ethnicity, ability, employment status, and age. For example, a major demographic trend is the impact on the workplace of the Baby Boom generation—the unusually large number of people born between 1946 and 1964. The Baby Boomers, because of their sheer numbers in the workforce, have established new work norms and greatly influenced the workplace. And as they retire, workplace demographics will shift again.

In the 1970s the workforce growth rate spiked to 2.6% annually as millions of Baby Boomers entered the job market in record numbers. In the 1990s, however, the growth rate averaged 1.3%,

Ryan McVay/Digital Vision/Thinkstock

In today’s workplace, new technology makes it possible for employees from around the world to “attend” meetings together.

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CHAPTER 1Case Study

which is a more typical reflection of population growth and retirement. Now, with the high rate of Baby Boomers set to retire, the growth rate is predicted to slow to 0.4% in the 2020s (Karoly & Rand Corporation, 2007).

Given the reduction in workforce growth and the increased demand for technically skilled work- ers, the workplace in the 21st century will evolve to become very different from that of the last century. One demographic trend that has already changed is the education requirements for professional employment. The 20th-century education requirement for workers was based on a model in which individuals went to college and then entered the labor force. However, in the 21st century, it is essential for employees to not only attain an undergraduate degree but to also continue their education even after employed so that they can adapt to emerging industries, orga- nizational modifications, and technological advances.

Case Study: The BP Oil Spill: Workplace Crisis Aboard the Deepwater Horizon

On April 20, 2010, an enormous explosion aboard the Deepwater Horizon oil rig killed eleven Brit- ish Petroleum (BP) workers and critically damaged a well thousands of feet beneath the ocean’s surface. Over the next three months, nearly five million gallons of oil gushed into the Gulf of Mexico in what would turn out to be the worst oil spill in U.S history.

The following case study by Ian Urbina was originally published in the New York Times. It explains that a catastrophic blend of workplace-related problems and issues contributed to the disaster, including mechanical negligence, subpar safety measures, and a culture of fear that made employ- ees reluctant to speak out about problems or potentially hazardous mistakes in their midst.

As you read the case study, consider the following issues and questions:

1. Urbina reports on how a corporate culture of fear led at least some Deepwater Hori- zon workers to worry about getting in trouble, or even fired, if they voiced concerns about rig equipment that was in need of repair or complained about unsafe working conditions. In your opinion, what should companies be required to do to encourage their workers to raise problems, mistakes, or issues that affect safety in the workplace? Imagine that you must come up with a plan to pitch to a political representative or the head of a human resources department at a large company such as Transocean or British Petroleum. In your opinion, can this be done without compromising profits or efficiency? Why or why not, and should this even be a concern? Explain your reasoning.

2. In this chapter, you read about another catastrophic workplace disaster: the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire of 1911. What are at least two similarities between these two deadly accidents? What are at least two differences? In what ways do you think these similarities and differences are significant, given that a century of workplace legislation and social trends have occurred between the 1911 fire and the 2010 oil spill?

3. Given what you know about the BP oil spill and the issues raised by this case study, what might Max Weber have to say about the role rationalization, bureaucracy, and moder- nity may have played in this disaster? In what way, if any, does the BP oil spill reflect

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CHAPTER 1Case Study

the importance of getting work done as quickly as possible? What relationship does the accident have to the trend Weber identified of work increasingly focusing on efficiency and quantifiable outcomes?

By Ian Urbina

A confidential survey of workers on the Deepwater Horizon in the weeks before the oil rig exploded showed that many of them were concerned about safety practices and feared reprisals if they reported mistakes or other problems.

In the survey, commissioned by the rig’s owner, Transocean, workers said that company plans were not carried out properly and that they “often saw unsafe behaviors on the rig.”

Some workers also voiced concerns about poor equipment reliability, “which they believed was as a result of drilling priorities taking precedence over planned maintenance,” according to the survey, one of two Transocean reports obtained by The New York Times.

“At nine years old, Deepwater Horizon has never been in dry dock,” one worker told investigators. “We can only work around so much.”

“Run it, break it, fix it,” another worker said. “That’s how they work.”

According to a separate 112-page equipment assessment also commissioned by Transocean, many key components—including the blowout preventer rams and failsafe valves—had not been fully inspected since 2000, even though guidelines require inspection of the preventer every three to five years.

The report cited at least 26 components and systems on the rig that were in “bad” or “poor” condition.

A spokesman for Transocean, who confirmed the existence of the reports, wrote in an e-mail mes- sage that most of the 26 components on the rig found to be in poor condition were minor and that all elements of the blowout preventer had been inspected within the required time frame by its original manufacturer. The spokesman, Lou Colasuonno, commenting on the 33-page report about workers’ safety concerns, noted that the Deepwater Horizon had seven consecutive years without a single lost-time incident or major environmental event.

The two reports are likely to broaden the discussion of blame for the April 20 explosion, which killed 11 workers and led to the gusher on the seafloor that has been polluting the Gulf of Mexico for months.

Transocean has sought in federal court to limit its liability to $27 million under the limitation of liability act of 1851. Under the law, the limitation of liability is removed if the vessel owner acted negligently.

BP has been under the harshest glare for its role, but the Justice Department has said its criminal investigation of the disaster will look at the role of the many companies involved.

Together, these new reports paint a detailed picture of Transocean’s upkeep of the rig, decision- making and its personnel.

BP was leasing the rig from Transocean, and 79 of the 126 people on the rig the day it exploded were Transocean employees.

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CHAPTER 1Case Study

The first report focused on the its “safety culture” and was conducted by a division of Lloyd’s Register Group, a maritime and risk-management organization that dispatched two investigators to inspect the rig March 12 through 16. They conducted focus groups and one-on-one interviews with at least 40 Transocean workers.

The second report, on the status of the rig’s equipment, was produced by four investigators from a separate division of Lloyd’s Register Group, also on behalf of Transocean.

These investigators were scheduled to inspect the rig in April. While the report described workers’ concerns about safety and fears of reprisals, it did say that the rig was “relatively strong in many of the core aspects of safety management.” Workers believed teamwork on the rig was effective, and they were mostly worried about the reaction of managers off the rig.

“Almost everyone felt they could raise safety concerns and these issues would be acted upon if this was within the immediate control of the rig,” said the report, which also found that more than 97 percent of workers felt encouraged to raise ideas for safety improvements and more than 90 percent felt encouraged to participate in safety-improvement initiatives.

But investigators also said, “It must be stated at this point, however, that the workforce felt that this level of influence was restricted to issues that could be resolved directly on the rig, and that they had little influence at Divisional or Corporate levels.”

Only about half of the workers interviewed said they felt they could report actions leading to a potentially “risky” situation without reprisal.

“This fear was seen to be driven by decisions made in Houston, rather than those made by rig based leaders,” the report said.

“I’m petrified of dropping anything from heights not because I’m afraid of hurting anyone (the area is barriered off), but because I’m afraid of getting fired,” one worker wrote.

“The company is always using fear tactics,” another worker said. “All these games and your mind gets tired.”

Investigators also said “nearly everyone” among the workers they interviewed believed that Trans- ocean’s system for tracking health and safety issues on the rig was “counter productive.”

Many workers entered fake data to try to circumvent the system, known as See, Think, Act, Rein- force, Track—or Start. As a result, the company’s perception of safety on the rig was distorted, the report concluded.

Even though it was more than a month before the explosion, the rig’s safety audit was conducted against the backdrop of what seems to have been a losing battle to control the well.

On the March visit, Lloyd’s investigators reported “a high degree of focus and activity relating to well control issues,” adding that “specialists were aboard the rig to conduct subsea explosions to help alleviate these well control issues.”

The mechanical problems discovered by investigators found problems with the rig’s ballast system that they said could directly affect the stability of the ship. They also concluded that at least one of the rig’s mud pumps was in “bad condition.”

The report also cited the rig’s malfunctioning pressure gauge and leaking parts and faulted the decision by workers to use a type of sealant “proven to be a major cause of pump bearing failure.”

Federal investigators have been focusing on the role that inadequate mud weight played in the blowout. Shortly before the explosion, workers on the rig replaced the heavy drilling mud with a

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CHAPTER 1Summary

lighter seawater. Drilling experts have speculated that having chosen a better mud weight could have prevented the disaster.

Transocean’s equipment report also may shed new light on why the blowout preventer failed to stop the surging well, which is one of the biggest remaining mysteries of the disaster.

Federal investigators said Tuesday at a panel that continuing to drill despite problems related to the blowout preventer might have been a violation of federal regulations that require a work stop- page if the equipment is found not to work properly.

While the equipment report says the device’s control panels were in fair condition, it also cites a range of problems, including a leaking door seal, a diaphragm on the purge air pump needing replacement and several error-response messages.

The device’s annulars, which are large valves used to control wellbore fluids, also encountered “extraordinary difficulties” surrounding their maintenance, the report said.

Despite the problems, multiple pressure tests were taken of the blowout preventer’s annulars and rams and the results were deemed “acceptable,” the report said.

The two Transocean-commissioned reports obtained by The Times echo the findings of a main- tenance audit conducted by BP in September 2009. But the Transocean-commissioned reports indicate that maintenance concerns existed just days before the explosion and the rig owner was aware of them. The 2009 BP audit found that Transocean had left 390 maintenance jobs undone, requiring more than 3,500 hours of work. The BP audit also referred to the amount of deferred work as “excessive.”

From The New York Times, July 21, 2010 © 2010 The New York Times. All rights reserved. Used by permission and protected by the Copyright Laws of the United States. The printing, copying, redistribution, or retransmission of this Content without express written

permission is Prohibited. Available online at: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/22/us/22transocean.html.

Summary

The discipline of sociology emerged in the 19th century. It was prompted by the significant paradigm shift from an agricultural to an industrial society, ushering in what is known as modernity. Before this shift, changes in values and norms evolved slowly for centuries, allowing life and society to be fairly stable. However, advances during the Industrial Revolution caused rapid and dramatic changes to existing social structures. As sociology emerged, both quan- titative and qualitative inquiry became legitimized in science. Sociologists used various types of data and methodologies to frame social inquiry within three major theoretical perspectives:

• Functionalism • Conflict perspective • Symbolic interactionism

The paradigm shift to modernity brought with it major trends that stimulated substantial social changes. The Industrial Revolution and the expansion of capitalism completely altered the work- place as emphasis shifted from what could be produced to what could be purchased. The Pro- gressive era emerged after slavery ended, but racism and segregation were still rampant. As a result, the time period was marked by a series of civil rights movements, including the passage of women’s suffrage in 1920.

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CHAPTER 1Summary

Critical Thinking Questions

1. Why is Cesar Chavez an example of someone who acquired achieved social status regardless of his ascribed social status? Did the social stratification (the hierarchical divi- sion of society) within which Chavez operated contribute to his ability to attain power, though he was not an authority figure? Explain.

2. According to our text, the functionalist perspective and the conflict perspective may be used for macro-level approaches to studying social issues in the workplace. What issues does each target specifically? Which is the most effective approach in understanding (and thus addressing) social issues in the workplace? Explain.

3. Bureaucracy is a necessary byproduct of capitalism. Discuss how bureaucracy helped to create a paradigmatic shift toward capitalism in contrast to prior economic and govern- mental systems. Consider Max Weber’s role of capitalism in this context—what were the major changes to authority, for instance?

4. What were some of the contributing factors that led to the Great Depression? What were the responses of presidents Herbert Hoover and Franklin Delano Roosevelt? Are there lasting effects of the New Deal that affect our social, economic, and political envi- ronments today?

The devastating effects of the Great Depression were studied along with the relief programs in New Deal reforms during the Roosevelt administration. Historical events altered the role of gov- ernment, social structures, and conditions of the workplace, many of which are still in place today.

Further chapters in this text will examine the topics touched on in this chapter: workplace leg- islation and social problems, exploring the rise and decline of labor unions, wage standards and work parameters, unemployment protection, and issues related to technology, globalization, and workplace demographics.

Key Terms

access

achieved social status

ascribed social status

capitalism

conflict perspective

demographic

functionalist perspective

globalization

interpretive

knowledge workers

macrosociology

mesosociology

microsociology

modernity

norms

paradigm

power elite

qualitative methods

quantitative methods

social issue

social mobility

social movement

social status

symbolic interactionism

trend

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CHAPTER 1Summary

5. What are the three major forces—perceived, internally manifested, or socially con- structed—that affect social status and experience in the workplace?

6. What is a paradigm? Why is it crucial to understanding trends and social movements? 7. Who were some of the major figures fighting for better working conditions in 19th and 20th

century United States? What were their causes and how did they attempt to affect change?

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