Writing

Chapter Outline

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Learning Objectives

After studying this chapter, you should be able to do the following:

1. Identify the key behavioral theorists and their contributions to psychology.

2. Employ key principles of classical conditioning, including an unconditioned stimulus, an uncon- ditioned response, a conditioned stimulus, a conditioned response, and a neutral stimulus.

3. Summarize the conditioning experiment involving Little Albert; explain its relationship to counterconditioning.

4. Compare and contrast classical conditioning and operant conditioning.

5. Illustrate the shaping process.

Learning and Cognition 3

Introduction

3.1 Introduction to Behaviorism: Pavlov and Classical Conditioning

• Ivan Pavlov • Classical Conditioning • Stimulus Generalization and Stimulus

Discrimination • Extinction • Conditioning Attitude

3.2 John Watson • Conclusions • Ethical Considerations

3.3 Counterconditioning

3.4 B. F. Skinner and Operant Conditioning • Shaping • Autoshaping

3.5 Cognitive Theory • Postformal Thought • William Perry • Reflective Judgment Model • Logic and Emotion

3.6 Schaie’s Stage Theory of Cognitive Development

3.7 Executive Function

3.8 Other Kinds of Learning • Priming • Latent Learning

Chapter Summary

6. Assess the strengths and weaknesses of adult cognitive theories.

7. Apply Schaie’s stage theory to adult cognitive development.

8. Explain how executive function represents growth in cognitive development.

9. Recognize the relationship between priming and latent learning to memory and cognition.

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CHAPTER 3Introduction

Introduction: What Is Learning?

When people initially try to define what learning is, they usually focus on acquired knowledge or a specific skill. A student can learn a list of state capitals; I can learn to count in a new language; you are learning about psychol- ogy right now. You may not first think of walking, discovering visual perspective, or making friends as learning processes, but they too are all forms of learning. Psychologists define learning as a relatively permanent change in behavior that occurs due to experience or practice. In the broadest sense, you can learn to play a musical instrument or how to add numbers, but learning also takes place when people turn their eyes away from the sun, take a second bite of tasty food, and hold a phone to one ear instead of the other.

There are many kinds of learning. Behavioral per- spectives are popularly regarded as those that teach people (and animals) how to act. Social cognitive learning allows people to learn by watching others and recreating what they have observed. Cognitively, learning can occur in relatively simple ways when someone reads information then remembers it. However, it can also occur when observing an abusive parent or mentally solving a problem. In the first part of this chapter, we will explore these fundamental approaches to psy- chology from both a historical and an applied perspective. Later, the focus will shift to integrate these traditional theories with contemporary models of adult cognitive development.

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Learning continues throughout all stages of human development.

Using Psychology to Inform Learning: Andragogy

Major proponents of adult education believe that adults learn differently from children. Malcolm Knowles, a famous North American adult educator, is well-known for his theoretical approach towards adult learning. Andragogy, or adult learning strategy, is grounded in psychological and developmental assumptions that are unique to adult learners. Notice the theme of self-direction and responsibility that runs through each of the assumptions (Knowles, 1970; 1984):

• Self-concept—Adults mature into a self-concept of accepting responsibility for decisions, and choosing their own learning paths.

• Experience—Adult learners (as compared to children) have accumulated a wealth of experience that contributes to learning activities.

• Motivation to learn—As adults mature, there is more intrinsic motivation to learn (i.e. self-satisfaction) than extrinsic motivation (e.g. higher salary).

(continued)

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Introduction to Behaviorism: Pavlov and Classical Conditioning

3.1 Introduction to Behaviorism: Pavlov and Classical Conditioning

Along with Freud and the attractiveness of the psychodynamic perspective, psychology continued its rise in prominence with the behaviorists, including Ivan Pavlov, John Wat-son, and B. F. Skinner. Contemporary developmentalists who strictly adhere to the behav- ioral perspective reject the idea that people pass through universal stages. Instead, behaviorists generally focus on actions that can be measured through contact with the environment. They focus on certain principles, like rewarding and ignoring behavior according to the law of effect. These principles can help explain why people choose particular friends and are motivated to pur- sue specific interests.

Ivan Pavlov The behavioral perspective has its origins in the work of Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936), who, though technically not a psychologist, became an iconic figure in the advancement of psychological sci- ence. Pavlov was a Russian physiologist who in 1904 won a Nobel Prize in medicine for his study of digestion. He collected saliva by exposing dogs to food without allowing them to eat it. However, just as pet owners know that the sound of a bag or can of food being opened will initiate a change in behavior, Pavlov accidentally discovered that dogs salivated to objects and circumstances that were associated with food, even though no food was present. Specifically, dogs began to salivate when they heard familiar footsteps or observed white lab coats of the technicians that normally delivered food.

Using Psychology to Inform Learning: Andragogy (continued)

• Application of Knowledge—Adults need to know how learning will apply to their life situations before they become immersed in learning activities.

• Orientation to learning—Adult learning is problem-centered in that adults are immediately ready to usefully apply learned concepts. School children’s learning, in contrast, is subject-centered, in that learning is necessitated by preset subject matter.

Analyze Knowles’s assumptions and identify how they relate to your life as an adult learner. What knowledge do you hope to gain as a college student? What drove you to seek knowledge? How can your life experiences enrich discussions and assignments? What problems will the knowledge you acquire help solve? What do you hope to achieve from your learning?

Knowles, M. (1970). The modern practice of adult education: Andragogy vs. pedagogy. New York: Association Press. Knowles, M. (1984). Andragogy in action. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Introduction to Behaviorism: Pavlov and Classical Conditioning

For a number of years after his initial discovery, Pavlov conducted experiments in an extensive, sound-controlled laboratory. The experiment for which he is most famous occurred when he pre- sented food to a dog while ringing a bell. He learned that after a number of presentations of the food plus the bell, the sound of the bell alone would produce salivation (Pavlov, 1927/2003). At the time, Pavlov called this process learning through association, since dogs learned to associate food with the sound of the bell. We refer to this learning process as conditioning.

Classical Conditioning Psychologists now alternately refer to the way that Pavlov paired stimuli as both classical condi- tioning and Pavlovian conditioning, which is a type of learning through association. Because Pav- lov was primarily interested in physiology, the sole focus of classical conditioning is on automatic processes like salivation, fear, and nausea—responses that the autonomic nervous system mostly controls below the level of consciousness. In a laboratory, classical conditioning first begins with a natural stimulus that leads to a natural (or reflexive) response. Examples of natural stimuli that elicit natural responses include touch leading to a response of sexual arousal, a puff of air leading to the response of blinking your eyes, and being scared or cold leading to the response of piloerec- tion (or “goose bumps”).

In Pavlov’s experiment, when presented with the natural stimulus of meat, the dogs reflexively salivated. The food-salivation association is unlearned, or unconditioned. Therefore, the meat is an unconditioned stimulus (UCS), and salivation is an unconditioned response (UCR).

Pavlov’s second step was to introduce a neutral stimulus (NS), an object that normally elicits no salivation response, like a bell. This NS was paired with the UCS (food) a number of times. The dogs eventually associated the bell with the food. Then, whenever the bell was rung, the dogs sali- vated. Because the dogs had learned that the bell meant “food is coming,” the previously neutral bell became a conditioned stimulus (CS) (see Figure 3.1). Salivation is not a natural response to a bell, so we call it a conditioned response (CR) in the dogs.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Introduction to Behaviorism: Pavlov and Classical Conditioning

Figure 3.1: Pavlovian conditioning

Before conditioning, the bell had no effect on the dogs’ behavior; it was a neutral stimulus. After it was paired with food, an unconditioned stimulus, the buzzer alone elicited the conditioned response of salivation.

NS

Bell

BEFORE CONDITIONING

UCS

Food UCR

Salivation

• elicits No response (or neutral response)

• elicits

CS

Bell

AFTER CONDITIONING

CR Salivation

• elicits

CS

Bell

CONDITIONING PROCESS (REPEATED SIMULTANEOUS PAIRING)

+ UCS

Food UCR

Salivation • elicits

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Introduction to Behaviorism: Pavlov and Classical Conditioning

Pavlov and his lab associates experimented with a number of different stimuli. For instance, his original experiments used a musical metronome, a device used by musicians to keep a steady tem- po. He later paired the scent of vanilla (NS) with lemon juice, which naturally caused salivation. Af- ter the lemon juice was removed, the vanilla scent (CS) alone caused the salivation response (CR). Further experiments using moving objects and shapes of different colors as the CS were similarly successful in eliciting a CR (Pavlov, 1927/2003).

It generally took Pavlov’s dogs a number of pairings to learn the stimulus-response relationship. But classical conditioning can occur with just one pairing too. A bite of food when you are particu- larly hungry will be associated not only with the production of saliva but also with extra enjoy- ment. It is the reason that food samples are commonplace in some food stores. The association between a particular food and cessation of appetite strengthens as a function of hunger—the hungrier one is, the more enjoyable the food becomes (Egerton et al., 2009).

Aversive Conditioning People and animals also avoid situations due to classical conditioning. For instance, after a per- son is robbed, the victim is usually apprehensive about revisiting the location where the incident occurred. Animals at a game reserve often stay away from electrified fences after just one encoun- ter; even though its new owners may be kind and gentle, a previously abused dog may cower at the sight of any adult. When certain stimuli result in the avoidance of certain behaviors, we refer to it as aversive conditioning.

Applications Classical conditioning has tremendous practical value that helps to explain behavior. A teacher who witnesses a child cringe or avoid eye contact when an adult approaches may suspect that the child associates adults with fear, perhaps due to abuse. Classical conditioning explains why many people forever avoid the last food item they consumed before vomiting due to the flu. The food did not cause the vomiting, but it is nevertheless associated with nausea through classical conditioning. The virus was an unconditioned stimulus (paired with the food item) that elicited the unconditioned response of vomiting. Similarly, if wolves are (purposely) made sick from eating mutton (meat from sheep), when they later encounter sheep, they will avoid them rather than attack them. This knowledge assists ranchers and environmentalists in managing herds and preda- tory animal populations (Gustafson, Garcia, Hawkins, & Rusiniak, 1974).

Responses to songs or photos are also classically conditioned. We may associate them with tender emotions. Feeling apprehensive on encountering a smell of disinfectant may trigger a (perhaps unconscious) reminder of a visit to the hospital. Nostalgia sometimes offers a bit of flavor to foods that you otherwise might reject. Classical conditioning can even modify the immune system. Ader and Cohen (1975) famously paired saccharin water with a drug that suppresses the immune sys- tem in rats. Upon removal of the drug, the saccharin water alone produced immune suppression. Coincidentally, like Pavlov’s, their discovery was accidental. And also like Pavlov’s, their findings led to a surge of studies that demonstrated the effects of classical conditioning, this time in regards to immune system functioning in animals (Kusnecov, King, & Husband, 1989; Miller & Cohen, 2001).

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Introduction to Behaviorism: Pavlov and Classical Conditioning

Though potential clinical application of associative learning on immune functioning in humans is still in its infancy, initial results appear promising. Possibilities include reducing negative side effects of chemotherapy and strengthening immune responses (Pacheco-López, Niemi, Engler, & Schedlowski, 2011). Just as there is strong evidence that stress suppresses immune function and reduces resistance to infectious diseases (Glaser & Kiecolt-Glaser, 2005), perhaps we can harness Pavlovian conditioning to increase immune responses during cold and flu season by con- ditioning a flavored beverage—or even a song carried on a portable mp3 device—with a strong immune response. Exploiting the placebo effect of these stimuli (“Drinking this liquid will help you fight off the flu”) could provide further immune system enhancements (Enck, Benedetti, & Schedlowski, 2008).

Using Psychology to Inform Learning: Classical Conditioning

There are all sorts of unconditioned stimulus-response relationships. Some involve voluntary muscles, such as when you withdraw a hand due to an electrical shock or after contact with a hot frying pan. Others involve emotions or involuntary processes like those related to the immune, reproductive, digestive, or even visual system. For instance, normally, when you walk into a dark- ened room, the pupils in your eyes dilate involuntary; when there is bright light they constrict. Therefore, light is a UCS leading to pupil constriction, which is a UCR. Likewise, darkness is a UCS for pupil dilation, which is the UCR.

Try duplicating an experiment suggested by Hock (2009). You can set up your own laboratory and experience the involuntary Pavlovian conditioning process directly. You will need a room that becomes completely dark when the light is switched off, a mirror, and a bell, loud clicker, or other instrument that makes a distinctive sound. A bathroom without windows usually provides an ideal setup.

Facing the mirror with the lights on, observe your pupils. Ring the bell (or other sound) and then immediately turn off the lights. The room should be completely dark. Wait about 15 seconds (do not use a timer!) and turn the lights back on. Wait another 15 seconds or so, ring the bell, and turn the lights off. Repeat the process of (1) lights on, (2) bell, (3) lights off 15 to 20 times. When you are ready, ring the bell and do not turn the lights off. Look closely in the mirror and you will see your pupils dilate slightly. The previously neutral bell has become the CS leading to pupil dila- tion, the CR.

Stimulus Generalization and Stimulus Discrimination Pavlov discovered that similar stimuli would produce the same conditioned responses. For instance, dogs responded the same to bells that were of different tones. Similarly, adults often associate one physical trait with increased attractiveness. This tendency is called stimulus gen- eralization. In another study based on Pavlov’s work, researchers conditioned dogs to salivate to a circle (Shenger-Krestovnikova, 1921). They generalized the same response to an ellipse but not

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.1 Introduction to Behaviorism: Pavlov and Classical Conditioning

Extinction Pavlov also experimented with removing the CR in the presence of the CS. After he rang the bell, he did not present the dogs with food. After a number of trials, the strength of the salivation response began to die out. This process is called extinction. Perhaps the dogs stopped salivating because they learned that the bell meant “no food.” However, it is difficult to unlearn something, and classical conditioning is no exception. When Pavlov presented the CS a number of weeks later without the CR, the dogs again salivated. This time the CR (salivation) was weaker than when it was first conditioned, and lasted for less time than the first phase of extinction. The restoration of the CS–CR relationship is called spontaneous recovery, which demonstrates that the CR is not completely gone from memory.

Spontaneous recovery occurs for many people when an image or circumstance brings forth thoughts of a former relationship. The CS of a name, image, or event can reignite a CR of warm feelings. This unrecognized association could lead people to make poor relationship decisions when warm, classically conditioned feelings cloud cognitive assessment (see Psychology to Inform Learning: Following Your Heart).

to a square shape. Therefore, though the square stimulus had the same size and color characteris- tics as the round shapes, dogs were able to learn the difference between the two. This process is called stimulus discrimination. It is the reason that you can tell the difference between a cotton sweater and one made of wool.

Further, if animal lovers experience warm feel- ings for a small number of dog breeds, they have generalized to some dogs but also discriminated among different subspecies. Most people gener- alize their fear of stinging flying insects to large carpenter bees because they look like the stinging variety of bees, though they are essentially harm- less. A specific perfume might remind a person of a past relationship (discrimination), while the smell of any cigar might be reminiscent of a long ago visit to a grandparent’s house (generalization).

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A person who had a fearful encounter with a dog might be conditioned to run away at the sight of any dog. This response is called stimulus generalization.

Think and Review:

How do stimulus generalization and stimulus discrimination apply in the assessment of teachers and subjects in school?

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.2 John Watson

Using Psychology to Inform learning: Following Your Heart

Although it is common advice to “follow your heart” or “go with your gut,” this is not always good advice. Though it is certainly appropriate to consider why you have a particular feeling about a pending decision, normally you are better off making choices that are based on intellectual delib- eration. It is a myth that the best decisions are always made by “going with your feelings.” Those types of decisions can lead to unplanned pregnancies, spontaneously quitting jobs, remaining in bad relationships, and other poorly planned activities that “feel good.” Feelings may be part of the decision-making process, but the best outcomes usually originate with cognitive reflection.

Conditioning Attitude Politicians, marketing professionals, media personalities, and others know that attitudes can be classically conditioned as well. Advertisers pair cars and alcohol with sex, hoping that consumers will get aroused at the thought of buying specific products. Lobbyists often associate political par- ties and candidates with specific words, resulting in the public’s intense feelings toward politicians that are largely impersonal. In addition, conditioning is largely responsible for the wide cultural and regional variation in attitudes toward preferred foods as well as unfamiliar foods that are sometimes considered repulsive.

Think and Review:

Describe the UCS, UCR , CS, and CR toward a former boyfriend or girlfriend who you meet up with after a period of time away.

3.2 John Watson

Though Pavlov’s studies in classical conditioning set the foundation for behavioral explana-tions of development, John Watson (1878–1958) was instrumental in advancing psychology as a science. He created an academic environment that promoted the recording of quan- tifiable behavior. Considered the father of behavioral psychology, Watson said that psychologists should only study observable behaviors, like how long a person looks at an object, how many calories someone consumes, or a person’s blood pressure.

Along with his assistant, Rosalie Rayner, Watson classically conditioned 11-month-old “Little Albert” to fear a white rat (Watson & Rayner, 1920). In this experiment, Watson used a method that would not be permitted today because of egregious ethical violations. He first brought a white rat to Albert, who appeared to enjoy being exposed to it. When Albert later played with the rat, Watson stood behind him and struck an iron bar with a hammer, making a loud sound (UCS) that provoked fear (UCR) in the baby. Little Albert “jumped violently, fell forward and began to whimper” after only two exposures (p. 4).

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.3 Counterconditioning

Think and Review:

How can principles of classical conditioning be used to explain why some adults are excited to be around dogs and others fear them?

A week later, after another eight exposures, Albert began to cry the instant the rat was presented. At that point, Watson and Raynor viewed the conditioning as complete. Albert was then alter- nately exposed to the rat and then other furry and nonfurry objects. It was found that he consis- tently generalized his fear to furry objects such as a seal-fur coat and a rabbit, but not to wooden blocks. Had he also been afraid of the blocks it would have been concluded that he was afraid of the laboratory rather than furry objects.

Conclusions Watson decisively demonstrated that the association between a stimulus and a response governs learning and that these associations are built through repetition. In a sharp rebuke of Freudian psy- chology, Watson concluded that future therapy to uncover Albert’s fear of a seal-fur coat based on Freud’s theory of the psychodynamic, “will probably tease from him the recital of a dream which upon their analysis will show that Albert at three years of age attempted to play with the pubic hair of the mother and was scolded violently for it” (Watson & Raynor, 1920, p. 14). Furthermore, he remarked that we cannot account for emotional disturbances only by unconscious processes. Watson and Raynor concluded that many phobias are probably the result of conditioning.

Ethical Considerations Although it was reported that Watson’s original intent was to reverse the conditioning by replac- ing the fear with something pleasant, it apparently never took place. For many years there was lit- tle knowledge about what happened to the little boy. However, recent evidence strongly suggests that Little Albert was quite ill as a child and died in 1925, 5 years after the original experiment (Fridlund, Beck, Goldie, & Irons, 2012). It would never be acceptable today to traumatize anyone in a psychological study as Watson and Raynor did. In order to prevent future ethical violations, beginning in 1953, the American Psychological Association published an ethical code of conduct1, which it most recently amended in 2010 (APA, 2010).

3.3 Counterconditioning

A few years after Watson and Raynor published their study, Mary Cover Jones, a student of Watson’s, wanted to further explore phobias. First, she conditioned “Little Peter” to fear a rabbit. Later, she placed the rabbit and Peter in opposite corners of a room. Peter was then given food items that he particularly liked. Over several sessions, the rabbit was moved closer and closer to Peter. Eventually, Peter associated pleasure (brought about by eating) with the rabbit and no longer showed any fear in its presence (Jones, 1924).

1American Psychological Association. (2010a). Ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct (2002, amended June 1, 2010). Retrieved from http://www.apa.org/ethics/code/index.aspx

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.3 Counterconditioning

This process of replacing an unpleasant response (like fear) with something pleasant (food, relax- ation) is called counterconditioning. Counterconditioning has helped people lose weight, quit smok- ing, improve social skills, and change other unwanted behaviors (Skinner, 1938; Skinner, 1957; Skin- ner & Ferster, 1957). It is most often used in the treatment of anxiety and phobias. For instance, associating a medical procedure with pleasant activities that are not compatible with anxiety can been successful in preparing patients for unpleasant treatments (Slifer, Avis, & Frutchey, 2008).

Though Mary Cover Jones was perhaps the first to document the principles of countercondition- ing, Joseph Wolpe (1969) was the first to popularize a general method for its use, which he called systematic desensitization. The goal of systematic desensitization is to pair a fear response with relaxation. There are three steps to systematic desensitization. First, individuals make a hierarchi- cal list of 15–20 situations that evoke anxiety and fear. For instance, on a scale of 100, a person who is fearful of dogs may rank a photo of a puppy as a 10, walking next to a fenced-in dog park a 60, and a barking dog running down the street at 90. The next step is to learn a specific relaxation technique. Finally, beginning with less fearful situations and moving up the hierarchy, relaxation is paired with anxiety-provoking events. Because the body cannot physiologically be both relaxed and fearful, the relaxation response replaces the fear.

Using Psychology to Inform Learning: Applying Aversive Conditioning

Counterconditioning usually introduces a pleasant stimulus–response association. When an unpleas- ant stimulus (punishment) is delivered instead, it is called aversive conditioning. Examples include the tainted mutton for wolves, an angry stare, or burning your tongue on hot liquid. These stimuli cause later avoidance behaviors. Other examples of aversive stimuli include mild electrical shocks paired with cigarette smoking, and distasteful chemicals applied to fingernails to reduce nail-biting behavior. Aversion therapy has been successfully used in the treatment of alcoholism too, usually involving a drug that causes nausea when paired with alcohol (e.g., Wiens & Menustik, 1983).

A home remedy based on the same principles involves wearing a rubber band on your wrist. Rather than applying an aversive stimulus to an unwanted behavior, though, it usually entails responding to an unwanted thought, such as self-criticism or longing to reignite a destructive relationship. To proceed, place a rubber band on your wrist in such a way that it is close to your skin but not be so tight as to cut off circulation or leave a mark. When the intrusive thought becomes conscious, snap the rubber band. The resulting sting is similar to an electric shock. The goal is to eventually replace the intruding thought with the aversive stimulus (mild pain), and avoid both. Even though you are consciously in control of the strength of the stimulus, it still works. Though professional aversion therapy has sometimes been fraught with ethical complica- tions (especially when prescribed for children), various forms of it have been used to treat eat- ing disorders, relationship anxiety, and a number of mild psychological issues (Mastellone, 1974; Abramson & Jones, 1981).

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.4 B. F. Skinner and Operant Conditioning

3.4 B. F. Skinner and Operant Conditioning

Pavlov provided behaviorism’s initial theoretical foundation, Watson expanded its applica-tion in psychology, and B. F. Skinner (1904–1990) became its strongest and best-known proponent. Skinner is considered one of the founders of modern psychology. His theory of operant conditioning is one of the most influential theories in the history of psychology. Operant conditioning is learning that occurs when consequences lead to changes in behavior. The conse- quence can consist of either reinforcement or punishment, as introduced earlier.

In classical conditioning, a response is usually condi- tioned to appear after the presentation of a stimu- lus. In operant conditioning responses come first and then reinforcement is delivered. Rather than forming an association, in operant conditioning reward is the motivating factor for behavior. A consequent smile or attention can motivate people to raise a hand in class. The reward of grades, a diploma, or a job can all motivate students to perform well. So can the promise of money. However, immediate rewards are generally much more effective than delayed ones, and so behavior theory is somewhat incomplete in fully explaining the completion of long-term goals like earning a diploma.

Recall that Edward Thorndike’s law of effect stated that reinforced behaviors tend to be repeated, and those that are not reinforced tend to die out. For instance, if a student outlines the key points of a chapter, feels good about learning new material, then earns an A on the test, the good grade provides reinforcement and makes it more likely that the stu- dent will repeat the outlining behavior. When people get paid for going to work, they are likely to continue working. If soaking in a tub full of warm water gives pleasure, you are likely to repeat that behavior too. On the other hand, if walking alone at night makes you fearful, you are likely to avoid that behavior; if wearing a particular outfit causes physi- cal or emotional discomfort, it is less likely to be worn again. Skinner called these responses oper- ant behaviors because they occur when operating within the environment to produce a change.

BananaStock/Thinkstock

If raising your hand is greeted with attention or praise, you are likely to repeat this behavior.

Think and Review:

How can experiences be conditioned so that school-related activities have positive associations?

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.4 B. F. Skinner and Operant Conditioning

Shaping One of Skinner’s key contributions concerns the process of shaping. It involves reinforcing succes- sive approximations to a target behavior. For instance, service animals are trained to perform spe- cific behaviors, but they cannot simply be rewarded for the final behavior. If a trainer is teaching a dog to open a door, the dog first must turn toward the door, then approach it, then elevate, then grab the handle, then pull it, then push against the door. With each successive event, the dog is rewarded until the desired outcome is achieved. When children play “Hot–cold,” a game where an adult tells them they are “getting warmer” or “getting colder” as they get closer to or farther from a desired object, they are shaping behavior until the reward of discovery occurs. When adults are lost in a shopping mall but get closer to their target with each successive inquiry or error, behavior is being gradually shaped.

Skinner’s most famous invention was the Skinner box. Using scheduled rewards (usually food pel- lets), Skinner easily trained pigeons to move or peck in specific ways, and rats learned to pull levers. Rats are routinely trained to play basketball and engage in other behaviors for high school projects. These principles of behavior continue to be the method of choice for animal trainers (and parents) alike. (Videos of people training dogs through shaping and training rats to play bas- ketball are easily found on YouTube.)

Shaping is also used in mental health treatment centers and with children who have behavioral problems. For instance, in applied behavior analysis (ABA) children earn rewards when they engage in prosocial behaviors (Johnston, Foxx, Jacobson, Green, & Mulick, 2006). It is a preferred method of treatment to teach social skills to children with autism (see more at Autism Speaks). Though ABA is more effective than other techniques, children with autism who are trained with ABA have a par- ticularly difficult time generalizing learned behaviors from one situation to another. This finding has led to controversy about whether failure in learning is due to an inherent lack of ability to general-

ize or whether professionals have just not found the right intervention design (Arnold-Saritepe, Phillips, Mudford, De Rozario, & Taylor, 2009). Lack of gener- alization over a wide range of settings has led some to question the applicability of strict behavioral meth- ods in teaching (Reynolds & Fletcher-Janzen, 2007).

Sometimes, constant behavior reinforcement is ideal, such as getting paid for each item sold or for each hour worked. Other times, behaviors are strength- ened when rewards are unpredictable. For instance, we may meet flower deliveries with excitement because they are relatively rare and unexpected. If they were an everyday occurrence, they would quickly become less interesting. People who become addicted to gambling are always anticipating the next pay off. The more unpredictable it is, the stronger the urge to pursue it. Therefore, some situations are bet- ter suited to continuous reinforcement, and others are better suited for variable schedules. There is no ideal schedule of reinforcement that can be general- ized to all situations (Skinner, 1961).

Mimi Forsyth/age fotostock/SuperStock

With the use of a Skinner box, Skinner showed that by rewarding successive approximations, we can shape a desired behavior.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.5 Cognitive Theory

Think and Review:

Make a list of five noises that you hear at least occasionally, like a siren or a person yelling your name. Decide whether your responses to those stimuli are conditioned classically or operantly.

Autoshaping Skinner demonstrated that superstitious behavior might largely be the result of “random” shaping. He found that pigeons would engage in any number of behaviors depending on when they were reinforced. If a food pellet randomly appeared after pigeons made a turn to the right, then the pigeons might turn to the right until another pellet appeared, again randomly. Each subsequent pellet reinforced the rotating behavior, even though they were unconnected (Skinner, 1948).

People act the same way. They attribute causes to random events. If enough people walk under enough ladders, at some point something bad will happen. These superstitious behaviors are referred to as autoshaping because behavior is shaped automatically without anyone providing specific reinforcement. Athletes are notoriously superstitious. They may randomly relate an out- standing performance to all sorts of events, like looking in a particular direction toward the stands or wearing a specific kind of underwear, hat, or jewelry. The coincidence did not cause the out- standing performance, but their association causes superstition.

3.5 Cognitive Theory

Watson, Skinner, and other behaviorists were essential in elevating psychology to the respected science it is today. Consequently, learning theory has countless applica-tions in the advancement of skills and in the drive to change behavior. On the other hand, behaviorists sometimes have a difficult time explaining some repeated behaviors. Domestic abuse is one example. It is too simplistic to merely argue that a spouse is somehow reinforced for remaining in an abusive relationship. Pain is a punishment and yet people continue to place themselves in harm’s way. Perhaps, once again, the key to explaining how a person develops is using an interactionist perspective. Each perspective adds another piece of information that can more fully explain behavior.

While learning theory has remained essential in understanding how humans and other organisms learn, another movement became focused on how the mind processes information. Cognitive psychology became a prominent subdiscipline of psychology beginning in the 1960s. With the advent of the computer, psychologists became interested in how those “thinking processes” took place—in both the mechanical and human machines.

Traditional cognitive theories of development begin with Piaget, a stage theorist who described four kinds of cognitive change. Because he theorized the stages as distinct, they provide a good example of discontinuous development. Piaget felt that cognitive processes reach their high- est level of sophistication sometime during early adolescence. Although Piaget acknowledged

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.5 Cognitive Theory

that adults absorb greater quantities of information as they age, especially in specific areas that are relevant to their lives, he theorized that adult thinking does not qualitatively change after adolescence.

Modern psychologists who study adult development do not disagree with Piaget as much as they extend his theory. Since Piaget’s theory ends with formal operations, it makes sense that some theorists refer to further sophistication in thinking as postformal. Many alternative models express differences as a qualitative change. On the other hand, information-processing theory describes a more gradual quantitative change in thinking that occurs throughout the lifespan. We will explore these perspectives next.

Postformal Thought During adolescence, deductive reasoning emerges and provides solutions based on logic. Beliefs need little justification if they are based on experts or personal experience. And because reason- ing is based on logic and experience, there are few gray areas. On the other hand, adult thinkers understand that logic cannot always provide absolute answers. Decision making is more nuanced, and correct solutions can vary from one situation to another (Sinnott, 1998). In this kind of post- formal thought, adults increasingly engage in more complex reflective thought.

For example, there is much debate in the criminal justice system about whether or not minors who commit violent crimes should be charged as adults. Adolescents tend to think in absolutes, such as, “He knew what he was doing; he should be tried as an adult.” Although legal guidelines exist, court officers, judges, and attorneys take multiple factors into account when deciding to try young offenders as juveniles or adults. Subjective factors like emotions and beliefs influence their thinking. This kind of sophistication is a qualitative change from Piaget’s last stage. Rather than only one answer being possible, individuals recognize that even people with different ideas can be right about the same question, depending on the situation (King & Kitchener, 2004a). Numerous studies have found that while adolescents use limited information to support narrow conclusions, adults take more factors into consideration.

William Perry William Perry (1999) concluded that early adulthood is a time when understanding of the world begins to change. After studying the intellectual and moral growth of college students, he argued that entering freshmen tend to use dualistic thinking. That is, they view the world in polarities of right/wrong, for/against, and good/bad with little middle ground. This type of rigid, absolutist thinking relies on authorities for answers, including books, professors, and other experts. During college (and adulthood in general), people begin to use more reflective, relativistic thinking, as adults realize there are fewer absolutes and multiple perspectives.

Perry found that cognitively mature students begin to trust their own sense of expertise when they were able to develop it logically. Students move from seeing a world marked by absolute stan- dards and values to one where diverse societies, cultures, and values could be endorsed equally. It is difficult to recognize whether changes are due to natural maturation or, since Perry studied college students, whether the environment specifically prescribed the changes he identified. His conclusions may not apply to a broader population. On the other hand, his college students may indeed have been more cognitively sophisticated.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.5 Cognitive Theory

Reflective Judgment Model Like Perry’s findings, the reflective judgment model proposes that there are distinct stages of postformal cognitive development. According to this model, reasoning goes beyond logic and occurs in three graduated levels, each with two or three substages (King & Kitchener, 2004b). In the first stage of prereflective thinking, individuals can glean knowledge with certainty. A state- ment that characterizes this level is, “As long as information is heard from a respected professor or a popular news site, it must be true.” At this level there is usually an inability to recognize that two points of view may be equally logical.

Next comes quasi-reflective thinking. At this level, knowledge is not always certain, but that is because there is missing evidence. In education, students learn that knowledge is subjective. Therefore people are entitled to their own views, and judgments should be withheld. Statements that are typical of this level include, “I would embrace Erikson’s theory more completely if you could show me concrete evidence.” A higher stage of this level might be, “Perhaps both Freud and the behaviorists were correct about phobias, but they just use different evidence.”

During the last level of reflective thinking, knowledge may be uncertain, but individuals can still make reasonable judgments with critical inquiry and synthesis of ideas. There are “degrees of sureness.” People gather evidence and opinion and take a reasoned, personal stance. A typical example is, “There is substantial evidence to support the view that sexuality is determined at birth. Therefore, society should treat sexual orientation as a continuum of behavior, with all orien- tations equally respected.” Like the first level, students hold firm convictions, but they are based on sound reflection.

Although not universally accepted, evidence indicates that qualitative changes in cognition do begin sometime during early adulthood (Sinnot, 2009). Students generally move from a position of absolutes to nonjudgmental acceptance of multiple solutions. Various studies have found that as educational level increases, so does this kind of reflective judgment (Brabeck, 1984; Fried- man, 2004; King & Kitchener, 1994; King, Kitchener, Davison, Parker, & Wood, 1983). Teachers are increasingly incorporating these teaching standards into classroom education (Friedman & Schoen, 2009).

Evaluation of Reflective and Relativistic Thought While the ability to engage in reflective thought might signify cognitive sophistication, some would question the stipulation that nonjudgmental responses are inherently better than true right and wrong. For instance, to suggest that one culture is “better” than another would probably be met with gasps in a college community, especially among experienced students. Reflective thought assumes one has achieved a higher level of development to be able to make multiple judgments (leading perhaps to a nonjudgment) about any one culture. To be able to see the good and bad of all cultures is to understand nuanced decision making. However, what about a culture in which women are subordinated and children are exploited, or where education, social movement, and independence are restricted? It is safe to say from an academic standpoint that a culture that sup- ports equality for everyone is inherently better than those that are racist, sexist or engage in other forms of institutionalized discrimination or oppression. This conclusion is contrary to higher-level reflective thought and relativistic thinking.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.5 Cognitive Theory

Another example concerns values in college education. Professors generally have a reputation for espousing specific political beliefs (in both directions), a finding that has remained relatively consistent for many decades (e.g., Allgood, Bosshardt, van der Klaauw, & Watts, 2010; Eitzen & Maranell, 1968; Guimond & Palmer, 1996). Professors support positions both implicitly and explic- itly when, according to the reflective judgment model, young adults are particularly vulnerable to manipulation. Therefore, it would seem that students in college would exit with an appreciation for both sides of the political spectrum, rather than the more typical outcome of becoming more polarized (Hastie, 2007).

Using Psychology to Inform Learning: Making Judgments

The push to raise levels of reflective judgment assumes that most controversies have multiple solutions, each equally important. It follows that making absolute judgments is most often taboo. However, people constantly make judgments, as doing so is a survival mechanism. Every day you embrace friends and avoid people who might be harmful. These are judgments that you make, and it is okay to do this. The problem occurs when you prejudge (where the word “prejudice” comes from) based on incomplete information. Though a fine line sometimes exists between bias and sound decision making, judgment itself is not a taboo concept.

Logic and Emotion In addition to understanding multiple points of view, we characterize adult thinking by the grad- ual integration of emotion and pragmatism in the place of strict rules of logic, as in the juvenile offender example mentioned earlier (Labouvie-Vief, Grühn, & Studer, 2010). Furthermore, there is an increased tolerance for ambiguity and potential compromise. Mature thinkers tend to analyze situations and make decisions on the basis of realistic and emotional grounds, recognizing that the most practical solutions often involve compromise and a willingness to accept different thinking in different situations (Jain & Labouvie-Vief, 2010).

These cognitive shifts are apparent when researchers study how people of different ages manage social dilemmas. In one study, researchers presented high school students, college students, and middle-aged adults with three different dilemmas. The first was about a past conflict between two fictitious countries and had little emotional charge. The second concerned a family disagreement about a visit to the grandparent’s house and was more strongly charged. The last strongly charged dilemma involved an unwanted pregnancy between a couple that had opposing views on abortion (Blanchard-Fields, 1986).

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.6 Schaie’s Stage Theory of Cognitive Development

Figure 3.2: Effect of age and emotion on reasoning

Blanchard-Fields showed that little difference existed in reasoning ability (probed reasoning) between adolescents and adults when there was an absence of emotional content. However, when the dilemma was emotionally charged, adults showed more cognitive sophistication.

Source: Blanchard-Fields, F. (1986). Reasoning on social dilemmas varying in emotional saliency. Psychology and

Aging, 1, 325–333. Copyright .1986 by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.

2.5

3.0

3.5

Age Group

P ro

b e d

R e a s o

n in

g Livia task “Visit” story Pregnancy dilemma

Adolescents Young adults Middle adults

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In the first scenario, when there was not much emotional content, the level of reasoning between adolescents and young adults was similar. However, in the other two more emotionally charged situations, both groups of adults used better reasoning processes than the adolescent group (see Figure 3.2). This study famously demonstrated that maturity of emotions affects level of rea- soning. Postformal adults gradually integrate emotions with cognition, supporting the idea that adult cognition goes through qualitative change.

Think and Review:

In what way do these review questions facilitate postformal thought, as conceptualized by Perry and others?

3.6 Schaie’s Stage Theory of Cognitive Development

Based on his work in the Seattle Longitudinal Study, Schaie specified an alternative stage model that goes beyond Piagetian formal operations (Schaie, 1977–1978). Rather than focusing on changes in the way adults understand information, Schaie used empirical data from thousands of tests to focus on how adult use of information changes (see Figure 3.3). Before adulthood, he noted that the main cognitive task is acquisition of knowledge. Hence, he uses the term acquisitive stage to describe this process. During this stage, young people learn and store information in order to prepare for the future.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.6 Schaie’s Stage Theory of Cognitive Development

Next comes early adulthood, a time of transition, necessarily marked by increased efficiency. In practical terms, a focused field of study replaces a liberal arts education. There is also a drive toward independence because there is less parental and societal protection from errors in judg- ment. Adults must therefore be fully competent to use their acquired knowledge. Schaie called this period the achieving stage, which begins in the late teens to early twenties and is concerned with finding orientations toward goals of independence. These include social goals like finding a romantic partner and the right career.

Figure 3.3: Schaie’s stage theory of adult development

K. Warner Schaie suggested a stage theory of adult thinking that expands Piaget’s model beyond formal operations.

Source: From Schaie, K. W. (1977-78). Toward a stage theory of adult cognitive development. The International Journal of Aging, 8(2), 129–138. Republished with permission from Baywood Publishing Company, Inc.; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

Extending into middle adulthood is the responsible stage, which spans the late thirties to the early sixties, and the executive stage that typically occurs during the thirties and forties. During this period adults care for the needs of their families (responsible) and may give greater concern to larger societal systems (executive). Individuals may become involved in community activities and care for the world beyond themselves. The foundation for cognition occurs during acquisition and achieving, but middle-age cognitive function is transformed. It matures into being more orga- nized, integrated, and interpretive to meet increasing levels of demands.

The last stage begins in late adulthood. Older people tend to focus on activities that have particu- lar interest. There is a transition from acquiring information to using information to streamlining information. If there is no immediate use for information, it becomes less important. For instance, after deciding they will never move residences again, older people may become less interested in real estate values. Schaie called this final phase the reintegrative stage.

ACQUISITIVE

ACHIEVING

RESPONSIBLE

EXECUTIVE

REINTEGRATIVE

YOUNG ADULTHOOD

MIDDLE AGE

OLD AGECHILDHOOD AND

ADOLESCENCE

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.7 Executive Function

Using Psychology to Inform Learning: Thinking About the Future

An important part of cognitive development in young adults revolves around developing the abil- ity to rationally consider alternate futures for themselves. To make choices about future plans, adolescents and young adults must project themselves into different roles that they might occupy. Nonhypothetical thinking can sometimes lead to poor decision making. For instance, many young teens (and older people too) romanticize child rearing. They look only at how cute little babies are and how easy they are to feed, change, and put down to nap. And they are easy—as long as you only see them temporarily. Mothers and fathers alike know that the reality of raising an infant—including sleepless nights, exhausting days, financial responsibilities, and the difficulty of simply taking a shower or running errands—is nothing like the projection that people sometimes idealize. Only by developing the ability for deeper reasoning and seeing the world without “rose- colored glasses” can adults make informed decisions about their futures.

Think and Review:

Reflect on and/or project into the future how you see yourself engaging in each of Schaie’s stages. Think of concrete examples of how you would identify with each stage of development.

3.7 Executive Function

In contrast to stage theories, the information-processing model stresses that cognition becomes more complex as a function of gradual changes in the processing, use, and storage of infor-mation. As people mature, the brain continues to make more connections, increasing mem- ory capacity by becoming physically more elaborate. The gradual physical changes coincide with changes in the way people organize the world, solve problems, and ultimately take in and process additional information. This increase in sophistication allows people to more efficiently manage their own thinking and behavior, a process of self-regulation called executive function.

The executive system is theorized to be a kind of overseer to cognitive processes. For instance, when deciding how to guess on a multiple-choice exam, students consciously analyze all the possible answers. That is, there is consideration of why each possibility might be correct or not, based on the instructor’s lectures, attitudes, a mass email, or what the students have heard in the past. This kind of “thinking about thinking” is called metacognition. It involves the ability to plan, hypothesize about possible outcomes, and make reasonable informed decisions regarding cognitive–behavioral strategies (Flavell, 1976). You engage in metacognitive processes when you actively plan a daily schedule while thinking about your different obligations and time commit- ments. Metacognitive processes also occur while balancing a chemistry equation or comparing psychological theories. There is constant planning and evaluation. Pieces of information often occupy consciousness while a search for complementary parts goes on simultaneously.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.7 Executive Function

Using Psychology to Inform Learning: Self-Regulation

Understanding your limits of attention is also part of self-regulation. Activities like attending to a lecture or watching an uninteresting video take specific conscious effort; it is not always easy. If you find yourself attending less intensely than you would like, it is important to understand how to best exploit your own resources.

For students in a face-to-face class, many have found that sitting in the front row reduces dis- tractions. Other students find that taking notes on everything helps them focus, whether they are sleepy or not. Annotating texts or modules in an online classroom serves the same purpose. When you assess your own ability to be distracted and actively improve your work habits, you increase self-regulatory behavior. It is like consciously making a decision to move tempting cook- ies from view—where you will be drawn to eat them whenever you pass by—to a pantry where you will not see them. It is a metacognitive process because you are assessing your own knowl- edge and experience while understanding hypothetical outcomes.

There is a significant increase in use of metacogni- tive strategies during adolescence (Weil et al., 2013). Adult learners continue to advance memory capac- ity and become more proficient at estimating time necessary to complete tasks, including reading and preparing for an exam. Compared to their younger counterparts, older students are generally better at judging whether or not they have learned mate- rial sufficiently, and hence are better able to com- plete short-term educational goals. On average, adults continually improve their ability to self-assess strengths and weaknesses and revise goals. These types of behaviors are powerful predictors of learn- ing outcomes (Desoete, Roeyers, & DeClercq, 2003; Veenman, Van Hout-Wolters, & Afflerback, 2006; Wang, Haertel, & Walberg, 1990).

Executive functioning also includes self-regulation, the ability to control emotions and behavior. It is involved in the delay of gratification. For instance, some people talk themselves through the process of resisting warm bread placed on a table before a meal (e.g., “I can have one piece; I really want to enjoy my dinner without stuffing myself.”) Whenever a per- son thinks twice about sending a potentially inflammatory email, there is an intentional part to the thought process that oversees and directs the flow of information. In a learning environment, experimental findings show that self-regulatory functions improve with age. It is likely that aging and emotional regulation in general are positively correlated (Scheibe & Blanchard-Fields, 2009).

George Doyle/Stockbyte/Thinkstock

The ability to self-regulate emotions and behaviors improves with age.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.8 Other Kinds of Learning

Think and Review:

Explain how the concept of executive function can be applied to the Using Psychology to Inform Learning features in this text.

3.8 Other Kinds of Learning

Sometimes learning does not fall neatly into one discipline or another. The way that observa-tion affects memory and subsequent behavior is the subject of two final types of learning that will be addressed here: priming and latent learning. Priming One of the more interesting questions that cognitive psychologists attempt to answer is how the mind “sees” and organizes patterns based on experience. Priming effects occur when exposure

to one stimulus unintentionally affects perception and recognition of another. This shows that the mind is inherently biased. For example, in one study par- ticipants were unknowingly exposed to words asso- ciated with hostility (they were primed for hostility) and then asked to describe the behavior of a neutral person. After priming, the number of hostile words participants had seen were positively associated with the hostility ratings of the neutral person (Bargh & Pietromonaco, 1982). Subtle visual cues therefore prime the way we mentally represent information and interpret behavior. Researchers have observed this phenomenon in a wide range of social situations (Bargh, 2006).

Performance on a task that has been primed can improve or decline depending on the association of the prime. Because sports drinks are associated with persistence in athletics, being primed with them has been found to increase performance compared to viewing a bottle of water. We can affect athletic achievement simply by being exposed to one bottle or another while participating in a seemingly unre- lated task (Friedman & Elliot, 2008). In another study, older adults 60 to 90 years of age were primed to activate stereotypes about aging (Levy, 1996). Partic- ipants engaged in a standard priming task that asked them to evaluate whether words that were quickly

iStockphoto/Thinkstock

Perceptions and experiences may be biased depending on previous exposure to stimuli. If you were primed for hostility, you are more likely to describe this person as hostile than if you were not.

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CHAPTER 3Section 3.8 Other Kinds of Learning

Using Psychology to Inform Learning: Priming

Some students often remark that multiple-choice items are “tricky,” yet others disagree about the same exams. One reason is due to priming. Exams are written in such a way that students are primed to answer incorrectly when the correct answer is unknown. That is, incorrect choices consist of words and concepts to which you have been exposed, even if you do not consciously recall it. If you guess at an incorrect answer because it “sounds” correct, chances are that you were primed for it in some way. If you really know an answer, priming will not matter, because you have conscious awareness of accuracy.

This idea also contributes to many students’ misperceptions of being a “poor test taker.” Although some individuals have legitimate learning disabilities or perceptual issues that affect performance, most people do not. It is rare that someone who truly knows the material con- sistently underperforms on exams. Recognizing a number of terms on an exam is not the same thing as integrating concepts. In the meantime, when students label themselves as poor test takers, they can be priming themselves to underachieve. Conversely, establishing a more self- affirming mindset (“I will do whatever it takes to learn this material!”) is likely to increase per- formance (Wakslak & Trope, 2009). A focus on positivity has other benefits as well, and we will explore this in upcoming chapters.

flashed (100–250 ms) on a computer screen were above or below a particular mark. The task was only important in that it exposed participants to positive (e.g., “wisdom”) or negative (e.g., “senility”) words associated with aging. When positive stereotypes were activated, participants improved on cognitive tasks like memory performance. On the other hand, when negative ste- reotypes were primed, memory, self-efficacy, and self-perception of aging all declined. The same changes in performance did not occur among similarly primed young adults, presumably because the stereotypes did not apply to them. Similarly, being exposed to age stereotypes famously caused research participants to walk slower when leaving an experimental lab (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996).

Priming effects facilitate other stereotypes too, like those related to gender and race (e.g., Bargh et al., 1996; Yao, Mahood, & Linz, 2010). Women have been found to put in reduced effort in math when primed in the negative gender math stereotype (Jamieson & Harkins, 2012). People can even be primed to act rudely. Researchers presented participants with words to unscramble that were neutral, related to rudeness (e.g., “bother”), or related to politeness (e.g., “courteous”). Unaware of how they were primed, 64% of the “rude” group but only 18% of the “polite” group behaved rudely, as measured by willingness to interrupt. The neutral group was about midway between the other two groups (Bargh et al., 1996).

These findings are used in consumer research as well. Shoppers will pay attention to different characteristics of a product depending on the background features of a website. If, for example, the background consists of graphics related to money, buyers will more closely consider the costs of the product; if the background is associated with comfort, then search preferences change toward comfort (Mandel & Johnson, 2002).

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CHAPTER 3Wrapping Up and Moving Ahead

Latent Learning Priming research shows that in many cases we absorb stimuli without intending to or being rein- forced for doing so. A procedure that introduced rats to three different maze conditions famously demonstrated that information can be stored even though it is not demonstrated or initially rein- forced (Tolman & Honzik, 1930). In the experiment, researchers placed three groups of rats in the same maze. The first group was reinforced if they successfully made their way to the exit. Over nine days, whenever they made it out of the maze, researchers placed them back in to attempt to get out again.

Researchers allowed rats in the second group to run around the maze over nine days without any reinforcement. If they exited the maze, the researchers simply placed them back in. However, on the tenth day rats in this group were offered reinforcement if they escaped the maze. The third group served as a control and never received any reinforcement. At the time of this experiment, behavior- ism was proving to be a predictable science. Therefore, it would have been assumed that rats in the first group would outperform the second group because learning is dependent on reinforcement.

Rats in the first group did indeed outperform the other two groups for nine days. However, on the tenth day, when both the first and second groups received reinforcement, rats in the second group that had never before been reinforced ended up solving the maze faster. They had apparently constructed a cognitive map of the maze that allowed them to solve it almost immediately, even though they were not being reinforced. The rats had acquired knowledge and formed memories through a hidden process called latent learning.

This type of cognitive learning occurs when bus passengers learn how to get to a particular loca- tion without ever being the driver. Learning occurs, but individuals do not demonstrate it until it is reinforced. Parents learn to care for and discipline children in both explicit ways (books, con- versations) and by latent learning. Parents may not realize they had gathered certain kinds of knowledge until they use it later. During elementary school, future teachers learn many classroom techniques that they do not usually demonstrate until they later become employed as adults.

Think and Review:

How does priming affect the way you might view support for educational achievement from teachers, spouses, or parents?

Chapter Summary

Wrapping Up and Moving Ahead Learning permeates all of psychology and human behavior. Psychology became the respected science it is today beginning with the work of Pavlov, Watson, and Skinner. Because of this, we understand how to shape both positive and negative behavioral outcomes. It is unquestionable that conditioning influences adult behavior, including the choices you make every day. In addi- tion, sometimes learning occurs strictly as a result of cognitive processes, even without conscious awareness. Adult theories of cognitive development move beyond formal operations and usually include a description of a transition from dualistic thinking to relativistic thinking.

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CHAPTER 3Key Terms

Although the next chapter addresses the strong biological foundation that forms the basis for much of adult development, keep in mind that there are many ways that we learn to change outcomes.

Summary of Major Concepts • The school of behaviorism grew out of the frustration that psychodynamics could not be

adequately tested. • Ivan Pavlov, a physiologist, first demonstrated the conditioning process while collecting

saliva from dogs. • Classical conditioning is a specific process whereby specific stimuli and responses can

be identified. • Aversive conditioning is one of many ways that principles of classical conditioning can be

employed in practice. • Stimulus generalization occurs when similar stimuli result in the same behavioral response. • Stimulus discrimination occurs when different stimuli result in different behavioral

responses. • John Watson and Rosalie Raynor famously conditioned “Little Albert” to be fearful of

rats and other furry stimuli. • Mary Cover Jones was first to systematically record the process of counterconditioning. • B. F. Skinner was perhaps the most influential early behaviorist. He developed extensive

laboratories to record and shape behavior. Skinner and Watson were instrumental in promoting psychology as a science.

• Cognitive theory has expanded beyond the early ideas of Piaget to include conceptual- izations of postformal thought.

• Models of postformal thought often differentiate between the dualistic thinking, indicative of adolescence, and the more cognitively advanced relativistic thought.

• K. Warner Schaie used data from the Seattle Longitudinal Study to outline a stage model of cognition, which describes changes from childhood into old age.

• Executive function includes cognitive processes that are involved in self-regulation and other aspects of executive management of thought. It includes metacognition, or thinking about thinking.

• Priming and latent learning occur without the same kind of conscious attention that is indicative of other types of cognition. Exposure to certain stimuli may enhance and bias later memory for actions and perceptions.

Key Terms

autonomic nervous system Branch of the nervous system that controls mostly auto- matic processes like digestion, heartbeat, and salivation.

autoshaping Behaviors that arise by random reinforcement. Similar to superstitions.

aversive conditioning A previously neutral stimulus is paired with a naturally aver- sive stimulus to produce the same nega- tive response once the natural stimulus is removed.

B. F. Skinner An early proponent of behavior- ism and its most famous figure.

classical conditioning A type of learning that occurs when a previously neutral stimulus elic- its a previously unassociated learned response. Also known as Pavlovian conditioning.

conditioned response (CR) A learned response as a result of a conditioned stimulus.

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CHAPTER 3Key Terms

conditioned stimulus (CS) Previously neutral stimulus that now produces a conditioned response.

counterconditioning The process of replac- ing an unpleasant response with something pleasant.

executive function An umbrella term that encompasses processes of attention, self- regulation, memory, problem solving, mental organization, reasoning, metacognition, and other cognitive tasks.

extinction The disappearance of a learned response.

Ivan Pavlov Russian physiologist who acci- dentally discovered the classical conditioning process.

John Watson Instrumental in establishing the field of behavioral psychology as a science.

latent learning Cognitive learning that occurs without any reinforcement and is not demon- strated until it is ready to be used.

learning A relatively permanent change in behavior.

metacognition A part of executive function that is like “thinking about thinking.”

neutral stimulus (NS) In classical conditioning, a stimulus that has no response by itself; when paired with an unconditioned stimulus, it later elicits a conditioned response.

operant conditioning Learning that occurs due to reinforcement or punishment.

Pavlovian conditioning See classical conditioning.

postformal thought A broad term that extends cognitive theory beyond formal operations.

priming effects Occurs when exposure to one stimulus unintentionally affects perception and recognition of another.

reflective judgment model Cognitive model that proposes distinct stages of postformal thought.

schedule of reinforcement Describes varia- tion in quantity or frequency of reinforcement.

self-regulation Ability to control one’s own emotions and behavior.

shaping The reinforcement of a series of behaviors that lead to a specific target behavior.

Skinner box B. F. Skinner’s invention that provided a laboratory to observe how animals would respond to reinforcement.

spontaneous recovery The reemergence of a previously extinguished response.

stimulus discrimination The tendency to be able to distinguish between two different stimuli.

stimulus generalization The tendency to respond the same way when similar stimuli are presented.

systematic desensitization A type of counter- conditioning whereby a graduated hierarchy of anxiety-producing stimuli are paired with relax- ation to systematically diminish the anxiety.

unconditioned response (UCR) A reflexive response that occurs naturally as a result of an unconditioned stimulus.

unconditioned stimulus (UCS) A naturally occurring stimulus that causes a reflexive response.

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