US Politics-Voting
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Week 2 Progressive Era Reforms
The Progressive Era (1890 – 1913) was a period of United
States (US) history that sought to curb many of the excesses of the
patronage period, including the institution of major government
reforms such as civil service. Progressives wanted to clean up
government, use government to advance human welfare and apply
scientific management theories to government.
Famously, during this era (1906), Upton Sinclair wrote The
Jungle chronicling abuses in the meat packing industry, which led
President Theodore Roosevelt to press Congress to pass laws
regulating the meat industry. In addition, Progressives had many
other successes: They attacked voting allegiances between US
Senators and the railroad industry; introduced the direct primary
(to avoid party conventions); obtained more equitable taxes;
obtained regulation of railroad rates; secured the passage of the
Sherman Anti-Trust Act; and secured the passage of the Pure Food
and Drug Law.
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Progressives were also successful at introducing the
Australian ballot, which was a secret ballot printed by the state.
Previously, parties had made the ballots and there were charges of
invasion of privacy and multiple voting. For those opposed to
machine politics, the democratic virtues of secret balloting seemed
obvious. But, the reform had the unintended consequence of
becoming an obstacle to voting for many illiterate foreign-born
voters in the North and uneducated African-Americans in the
South. In some states, this problem was remedied by having
illiterate voters assisted or by attaching party emblems next to the
names of candidates.
The situation in Southern states, however, deteriorated for
African-Americans during this era. The year 1890 marked the
beginning of efforts by southern states to disenfranchise African-
American voters. Faced with recurring electoral challenges,
annoying expense of buying votes and epidemics of fraud and
violence, Southern Democrats chose to solidify their hold over the
region by amending the state voting laws so as to exclude African-
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Americans without overtly violating the Fifteenth Amendment.
Mississippi led the way by imposing a stricter residency
requirement, a two-dollar poll tax and a literacy test that required
voters to demonstrate that they understood the Constitution. Other
southern states soon followed by including some combination of
these requirements, and eventually Democratic primaries were
restricted to only white voters. Laws were also adopted to
disenfranchise men convicted of minor offenses, such as vagrancy
and bigamy: The goal was to keep poor and illiterate minorities (in
Texas this included Mexican Americans) from the polls.
Importantly, local election officials were given a great deal of
discretion in implementing the requirements, which often worked
to the benefit of “gentlemen” whites but was harmful to the poor
and for minorities.
Sadly, these state laws worked. In Mississippi after 1890,
less than 9,000 out of 147,000 voting-age African-Americans were
registered to vote. In Louisiana, where more than 130,000
African-Americans were registered in 1896, as little as 1,342 were
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registered by 1904. Consequently, the African-American
population remained disenfranchised until the 1960s, electoral
participation was low and one-party rule by Southern Democrats
dominated southern politics.
Vote Determinants
What determines the choice a voter will select on election
day is an important question asked by many political scientists.
The most widely accepted view of what drives vote choice is party
identification. Campbell et al. (1960), in their famous work titled
The American Voter, note that “partisan preferences show great
stability between elections.” The strength and direction of party
identification are of central importance in explaining political
attitudes and behaviors (such as voting). Campbell et al., however,
caution that party identification does not fully explain vote choice,
stating “party identification could not account for all aspects of the
image formed by the public of the elements of national politics; but
it gives to this image a central partisan coherence.” Thus, other
facts likely also influence vote choice albeit to a minor extent than
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party identification, and I suggest that such factors may vary for
individuals depending on the nature of any given election.
Niemi and Weisberg draw our attention to many other factors
that can partly explain vote choice. These include the role of
incumbency, media influence, the state of the economy and group
attachments.
Achen and Bartels (2004) present a creative argument that
natural disasters, including drought, flu and shark attacks, also can
influence voter choice. The 1916 New Jersey example, involving
shark attacks, clearly included an economic harm component.
Query whether the true driver of vote choice is the voters’
assessment that the political leaders should have done more to
avoid the damage or is it the damage itself and the economic
consequences that follow from the damage. Achen and Bartels
suggest that a community’s pain and pleasure are key determinants
regardless of how much influence the incumbent really has over
the disaster.