Signature Project Part 3 XL Negotiation and Conflict Resolution

Negotiation and Conflict Resolution

Name

Institution

Course Code

Professor

Date

Therefore, to undertake the second part of this project it becomes critical to also assess the failed undertakings that have been used to solve the conflict between Israel and Palestine and why they have not worked.

Another approach that has evidently not worked includes outsourcing mediation efforts from third parties especially from the United States. However, because the US has always supported Israel in particular and has, therefore, never been considered neutral by the Palestinians (Caplan, 2019). This lack of trust has in fact reduced the efficacy of the US facilitated peace negotiations. Furthermore, the existing Israeli and Palestine conflict, culminating in machine power and political diplomacy has sharply hampered negotiations (Dwiastuti, 2021). Compared to Israel Palestinians have much less support and resources around the globe and in these negotiations while Israel enjoys the most powerful backing in the world, Palestinians are divided between Palestinian authority and Hamas both wanting power in Palestine.

The other counterproductive approach is the ongoing cycles of violence so as a response to provocations witnessed among the two parties. The work shows how Israeli responses to attacks are all too often solely determined by assertions of security needs, a strategy that only serves to provoke Palestinians further, and therefore provoke a response (Gelvin, 2021). Such a cyclical violence has entrenched primal suspicion, ruling out reasonable negotiations all together.

Internal politics have also a major influence on no formation and thus preventing a solution to the conflict. This remains a challenge on both sides because the extreme elements tend to silence the moderates, therefore impounding any chance of compromise. In Israel, any of the settler movements groups is extremely resistant to any form of concessions as far as the geographical considerations of their territory is concerned, On the Palestinian side, leadership is divided between the more centralized Palestinian authority and the militants Hamas which has made it almost impossible for any advances to be made (Rouhana, 2019). Therefore, these strategies have not worked mainly because they entail power imbalances, suspicion, and force instead of negotiation, empathy and sustainable solutions. For any case to be finally settled, these underlying factors must be dealt with.

References

Caplan, N. (2019).   The Israel-Palestine conflict: contested histories. John Wiley & Sons.

Dwiastuti, I. (2021). The Roots of Israel-Palestine Conflict: A Political Culture Analysis.   AEGIS: Journal of International Relations,   4(2), 19-33.

Gelvin, J. L. (2021).   The Israel-Palestine conflict: a history. Cambridge University Press.

Rouhana, N. (2019). Palestinians in Israel: Responses to the uprising. In Echoes of the Intifada (pp. 97-117). Routledge.

Negotiation and Conflict Resolution

Name

Institution

Course Code

Professor

Date

Therefore, to undertake the second part of this project it becomes critical to also assess the failed undertakings that have been used to solve the conflict between Israel and Palestine and why they have not worked.

Another approach that has evidently not worked includes outsourcing mediation efforts from third parties especially from the United States. However, because the US has always supported Israel in particular and has, therefore, never been considered neutral by the Palestinians (Caplan, 2019). This lack of trust has in fact reduced the efficacy of the US facilitated peace negotiations. Furthermore, the existing Israeli and Palestine conflict, culminating in machine power and political diplomacy has sharply hampered negotiations (Dwiastuti, 2021). Compared to Israel Palestinians have much less support and resources around the globe and in these negotiations while Israel enjoys the most powerful backing in the world, Palestinians are divided between Palestinian authority and Hamas both wanting power in Palestine.

The other counterproductive approach is the ongoing cycles of violence so as a response to provocations witnessed among the two parties. The work shows how Israeli responses to attacks are all too often solely determined by assertions of security needs, a strategy that only serves to provoke Palestinians further, and therefore provoke a response (Gelvin, 2021). Such a cyclical violence has entrenched primal suspicion, ruling out reasonable negotiations all together.

Internal politics have also a major influence on no formation and thus preventing a solution to the conflict. This remains a challenge on both sides because the extreme elements tend to silence the moderates, therefore impounding any chance of compromise. In Israel, any of the settler movements groups is extremely resistant to any form of concessions as far as the geographical considerations of their territory is concerned, On the Palestinian side, leadership is divided between the more centralized Palestinian authority and the militants Hamas which has made it almost impossible for any advances to be made (Rouhana, 2019). Therefore, these strategies have not worked mainly because they entail power imbalances, suspicion, and force instead of negotiation, empathy and sustainable solutions. For any case to be finally settled, these underlying factors must be dealt with.

References

Caplan, N. (2019).   The Israel-Palestine conflict: contested histories. John Wiley & Sons.

Dwiastuti, I. (2021). The Roots of Israel-Palestine Conflict: A Political Culture Analysis.   AEGIS: Journal of International Relations,   4(2), 19-33.

Gelvin, J. L. (2021).   The Israel-Palestine conflict: a history. Cambridge University Press.

Rouhana, N. (2019). Palestinians in Israel: Responses to the uprising. In Echoes of the Intifada (pp. 97-117). Routledge.