Module 1
Models of Adult Development and Aging
a. Models of Individual–Environment Interactions
Classic developmental psychology evolved around the notion that growth in
childhood occurred primarily as a result of ‘‘nature.’’ This was the assumption of early
20th-century writers who, like Gesell, believed in chronicling the changes that
occurred from birth to adolescence. These changes, it was thought, would reflect the
influence of ontogenesis, or maturational processes, as they unfolded within the child.
The role of the environment was minimal in this approach, restricted to that of parents
providing the right growing conditions, much as you would provide water and light to
a plant seedling. However, it was not long until the ‘‘nurture’’ position emerged
among child psychologists. The founder of American behaviorism, John B. Watson,
writing some 20 years after Gesell, claimed that a child’s future could be molded
entirely by the environment provided by the parents.
The nature–nurture debate stimulated many of the classic studies in child
development, conducted at a time when researchers attempted to prove their position
on the basis of findings such as the differences between identical twins reared together
and apart. Perhaps the most hotly debated of these discussions revolved around
whether intelligence is inherited or acquired. Gradually data began to accumulate
showing that neither influence alone could account for individual differences in
performance on intelligence tests—in children or adults. One contribution that
changed the tone of the nature–nurture debate occurred when the concept of niche-
picking (Scarr & McCartney, 1983) was introduced. According to this concept,
genetic and environmental factors work together to influence the direction that
children’s lives take. Children are born with certain abilities and predispositions that
lead them to explore certain types of activities. Once started down a particular
pathway, further changes occur that influence the later development of those
particular abilities.
Consider the example of a child whose genetic potential predisposes her to be
a talented dancer. She has a great deal of flexibility, poise, and a good sense of
rhythm; all characteristics that reflect strong ‘‘dance’’ genes. At the age of 4, her
parents take her to a ballet performance. She sits glued to her seat, fascinated by the
twirling and jumping that she sees taking place on stage. This event triggers her to beg
her parents to enroll her in ballet lessons, and soon they do. The child has chosen
dancing as her ‘‘niche,’’ having been exposed to the ballet performance, and once
allowed to pursue her talent, she continues to thrive. Thus, her ‘‘dance genes’’ lead her
to develop an interest in exactly the activity that will allow her talents to flourish.
At the same time the notion of a gene– environment interaction was proposed
by child development researchers and theorists, other experts expanded the focus of
child development to include the years of adulthood. The middle years of adulthood
(primarily studied by educators in the field of adult learning) were swept up in the
movement to integrate studies of development previously kept distinct. People in the
field of gerontology, the study of the aging process, began to examine development
prior to old age. Out of these converging interests, a unified view of the life span
began to evolve.
As you look through this table, think about which approach best fits your own
philosophy about why people change over time. Are you on the side of ‘‘nature’’ and
do you therefore assume that people go through life stages as a result of their genetic
blueprint? Alternatively, do you think that people change because the environment
shapes and molds the course their lives take? Or, perhaps you fall in the middle, and
believe that life changes reflect the interaction of both inheritance (nature) and life
circumstances (nurture)? You may also feel that it is too simplistic to take an either/or
position or even conclude that both factors are important without saying how much
each contributes. Perhaps some aspects of behavior reflect a greater proportion of
genetic inheritance and others reflect a greater influence of the environment. Thinking
further about the idea of niche-picking, you may also find it helpful to consider the
ways in which life choices influenced the environments to which you were exposed,
which in turn influenced further choices you made, and so on.
The organismic model (taken from the term ‘‘organism’’) is based on the
notion that ‘‘nature’’ drives development. According to this model, growth in
childhood and beyond is the manifestation of genetic predisposition as expressed in
the physical and mental development of the individual. Those who believe in this
model propose that qualitative or structural alterations in the individual’s
psychological qualities such as intelligence and personality are the cause of change.
This model is the basis for stage theories of development, which postulate that change
over the life span occurs in ‘‘leaps’’ or steps rather than in a continuous fashion.
The mechanistic model of development (taken from the word ‘‘machine’’) is
based on the premise that ‘‘nurture’’ is the primary force in development. People who
believe in the mechanistic model propose that growth throughout life occurs through
the individual’s exposure to experiences that present new learning opportunities.
Because this exposure is gradual, the model assumes that there are no clearcut or
identifiable stages. Instead, development is a smooth, continuous set of gradations as
the individual acquires new experiences.
According to the interactionist model, not only do genetics and environment
interact in complex ways (as suggested by the niche-picking concept), but the
individual also actively participates in his or her development through reciprocal
relations with the environment. Another important aspect of this model is the
proposition of multidirectionality. According to this principle, there are multiple paths
in development; development does not proceed according to a series of linear stages
operating along a single pathway. Researchers who ascribe to the interactionist model
assume that there is plasticity in development, meaning that the course of
development may be altered (is ‘‘plastic’’), depending on the nature of the individual’s
specific interactions in the environment.
Each theory of development can be classified within one of these three
models. Theories proposing that development is the result of ontogenetic changes fall
within the organismic model. Learning theory, which proposes that development
proceeds according to environmental influences, is categorized into the mechanistic
model. Theories that regard development as the product of joint influences fit within
the interactionist model. Clearly, the biopsychosocial perspective falls within the
interactionist model of development because it considers multiple influences on
development and views the individual as an active contributor to change throughout
life.
As we explore the processes of development in adulthood and old age, the
usefulness of the concepts of multidimensionality, multidirectionality, and plasticity
will become apparent. We have already discussed the need to examine the aging
process from a multidimensional point of view, and along with this notion is the idea
that development can proceed in multiple dimensions across life. The concept of
plasticity fits very well with the notion of compensation and modifiability of the aging
process through actions taken by the individual, a concept that we will continue to
explore throughout this book. From our point of view, the interactionist model
provides an excellent backdrop for the biopsychosocial perspective and a basis for
viewing the processes of development in later life on a continuum with developmental
processes in the early years.
You can see that an important assumption of the interactionist model is that
adults are products of their experiences. However, adults also shape their own
experiences, both through active interpretation of the events that happen to them and
through the actions they take. These observations emphasize the reciprocal nature of
development, the explicit recognition that people both influence and are influenced by
the events in their lives (Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994). Consider the reciprocal
process as it has affected your own life. You were influenced by earlier events to
choose a particular course that has brought you to where you are right now. Perhaps
you and your best friend from high school decided to apply to the same college and as
a result you are here now. Perhaps you chose this college because you knew you
wanted to major in psychology and you were impressed by the reputation of the
faculty in your department. Or perhaps your choice was made randomly, and you are
unsure of what exactly led to your being in this place at this time. In any case you are
where you are, having been influenced one way or another by your prior life events.
That is one piece of the reciprocal process.
The second piece relates to the effect you have on your environment, and this
in turn will affect subsequent events in your life. For example, by virtue of your
existence you affect the people who know you, your ‘‘life footprint,’’ as it were. It is
not only very possible but very likely that their lives may have already been altered by
their relationship with you. Your impact as a student at your college may have lasting
effect on both you and your institution. Everyone knows of great student athletes,
scholars, or musicians who bring renown to their institutions. Even if you don’t
become a famous alum, your contributions to the school may alter it nevertheless.
Have you ever asked a question in class that may have taken your professor by
surprise? Perhaps, as a result, you may have permanently altered the way that
professor approaches the problem in the future. It is not improbable to imagine that
your question stimulates your professor to investigate a new research question, and
the investigation may ultimately produce new knowledge in the field, drawing
attention to your school’s contributions to the area.
A fascinating and unexpected journey of discovery unfolded for a colleague at
the University of Massachusetts, all beginning with a simple yet thought-provoking
question from a student during a class discussion. This query sparked a deep interest
in the World War II-era political cartoons created by the beloved children's author, Dr.
Seuss, who hailed from nearby Springfield, Massachusetts. Intrigued by this relatively
unknown aspect of Dr. Seuss's career, the professor decided to delve deeper into the
topic, uncovering a rich and complex history that had largely been overshadowed by
his later success as a children's writer.
Initially, the professor's investigation started as a modest academic inquiry,
aiming to answer the student's question and provide more context in future lectures.
However, as the research progressed, it became evident that Dr. Seuss's political
cartoons were not only prolific but also carried significant historical and cultural
weight. These cartoons, published during a tumultuous period of global conflict,
provided sharp social and political commentary, revealing a side of Dr. Seuss that was
starkly different from the whimsical, rhyming storyteller known to millions.
The professor's research uncovered a treasure trove of cartoons that tackled
pressing issues of the time, such as anti-fascism, racism, and war propaganda. These
works were published in various newspapers and magazines, illustrating Dr. Seuss's
strong political stance and his commitment to using his art as a form of activism. The
more the professor explored, the more layers of meaning and historical significance
were revealed, transforming the initial curiosity into a full-fledged research project.
Engaging with archives, historical records, and previously published analyses,
the professor meticulously pieced together the story of Dr. Seuss's early career as a
political cartoonist. This research not only shed light on Dr. Seuss's contributions to
the political discourse of the 1940s but also highlighted the broader role of cartoons
and visual satire in shaping public opinion during wartime.
The professor's findings culminated in a series of scholarly articles and
presentations, which garnered attention from both the academic community and the
public. The research provided a new perspective on Dr. Seuss, enriching the
understanding of his legacy and the multifaceted nature of his work. It also sparked
renewed interest in political cartoons as a powerful medium for commentary and
critique, prompting further studies and discussions.
Ultimately, this journey from a student's inquisitive question to a
comprehensive exploration of Dr. Seuss's political cartoons stands as a testament to
the power of curiosity and the profound impact that unexpected academic inquiries
can have on our understanding of history and culture. The professor's dedication and
passion for uncovering the hidden facets of Dr. Seuss's career have not only expanded
the field of research but also inspired others to look beyond the surface and explore
the deeper stories behind well-known figures.
Though you may not become the source of groundbreaking research by a well-
known academic writer, you may influence the people around you in much smaller
ways that would nevertheless lead to important changes. Some of these influences
may be good ones, as when you express kindness to a stranger who in turn has reason
to smile, and for that instant, feels a bit better about the world. Others may be less
positive, as when a single wrong turn while you are behind the wheel has the
unfortunate effect of causing an accident. In a split second, any person can influence
others for better or worse, and the same is true of the way that others affect each
individual. The reciprocal process takes as a basic assumption the idea that people are
not passive recipients of environmental effects. Instead, choices and behaviors made
by each person leave a mark on the environment.
Subsequently, the changes in that environment may further alter people in
significant and multifaceted ways, leading to a cascade of additional impacts on
society as a whole. This interplay between environmental shifts and human
development is a dynamic and intricate process, where each alteration in the
environment has the potential to trigger a series of responses and adaptations among
individuals. These adaptations, in turn, can influence social structures, cultural norms,
and collective behaviors in profound ways.
Reciprocal views of development emphasize that these continuing processes
are not only ongoing but also characterized by a degree of unpredictability. This
unpredictability arises from the complex nature of the interactions between
individuals and their surroundings. Environmental changes—whether they be
physical, social, economic, or technological—do not occur in isolation. They interact
with an array of factors, including individual differences, cultural contexts, and
historical backgrounds, resulting in a unique and ever-evolving tapestry of human
experience.
For instance, consider the rapid advancements in technology and how they
reshape our daily lives. The advent of the internet, social media, and mobile devices
has revolutionized the way people communicate, access information, and form
relationships. These technological changes alter cognitive processes, social dynamics,
and even identity formation. As people adapt to these new tools and platforms, they
also shape the trajectory of technological development through their usage patterns,
preferences, and feedback. This creates a feedback loop where technological and
social changes continually influence and drive each other forward.
Similarly, environmental changes such as climate change and urbanization
have significant implications for human development. As communities face new
challenges related to resource scarcity, natural disasters, and changing ecosystems,
individuals must adapt their lifestyles, livelihoods, and behaviors to navigate these
shifts. These adaptations can lead to new forms of social organization, policy changes,
and cultural transformations, which in turn influence future environmental conditions.
Reciprocal views of development highlight the bidirectional nature of these
interactions. People are not passive recipients of environmental changes; they actively
engage with, respond to, and shape their environments. This engagement can lead to
both intended and unintended consequences, creating a complex web of cause and
effect that is difficult to predict with certainty. The unpredictability of these processes
underscores the importance of flexibility, resilience, and creativity in human
development.
Understanding the reciprocal nature of development also has important
implications for addressing societal challenges. Policymakers, educators, and
community leaders must consider the multifaceted interactions between people and
their environments when designing interventions and initiatives. By recognizing the
ongoing and reciprocal nature of development, they can create more adaptive and
responsive strategies that account for the diverse and evolving needs of individuals
and communities.
In summary, the changes in the environment can significantly alter people in
numerous ways, leading to further societal impacts. Reciprocal views of development
regard these processes as both continuous and, to some extent, unpredictable,
emphasizing the dynamic and interconnected nature of human-environment
interactions. This perspective encourages a holistic approach to understanding and
addressing the complex challenges of human development in an ever-changing world.
b. Sociocultural Models of Development
The models of development we have just examined set the stage for looking in
more depth at particular theoretical approaches to adult development and aging. We
begin by focusing on those approaches that give relatively more emphasis to the
environment as an influence on development.
The ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner, 1995) identifies multiple levels
of the environment that interact with individual processes of change. The inner
biological level represents the physiological changes that take place over time that
affect the functioning of the body. The next level of individual functioning includes
cognition, personality, and other processes of adaptation. The third level is the
proximal social relational level, which involves the individual’s relationships with
significant others, peers, and members of the nuclear family. At the sociocultural level
are relations with the larger social institutions of educational, public policy,
governmental, and economic systems. Although interactions at both social levels
occur throughout development, the interactions regarded as having the greatest impact
on an individual’s life occur at the proximal level in the immediate environment.
In thinking about this model, it is important to keep in mind the fact that
development in one sphere interacts with development in other spheres. The
concentric circles are not just static in that sense. Events that take place in the outer
perimeter of the circle, such as changes in your country’s economy or political
systems or changes in the world as a whole, also have an impact on your life, even at
the inner biological level. For example, when the economy suffers, as it has in the late
2000s and early 2010s, people experience deprivation in ways that affect their
physical functioning and overall health, not to mention their mental health as well.
Research from the Whitehall II Study (Marmot & Brunner, 2005), a large-scale
prospective cohort study conducted in the United Kingdom on Civil Service
employees, provides compelling evidence to support the importance that social factors
play in determining health status. Although you may typically think of your overall
health as functioning within your inner biological level, researchers working within
the Whitehall II Study are continuing to demonstrate the significance of relations with
others and social roles on health.
A later study provided evidence of an association between psychosocial
factors at work (such as social support in the workplace) and coronary heart disease
(Hintsa et al., 2009), even after controlling for factors such as family history of the
disease and education. Given that a key objective of Whitehall II is to examine health
from a biological, psychological, and social context, we will continue to describe
findings from this landmark study throughout the book to illustrate the
biopsychosocial perspective.
The life course perspective emphasizes the importance of age-based norms,
roles, and attitudes as influences that shape events throughout development. Through
the life course perspective, sociologists and social gerontologists attempt to form links
between these broad social factors and individual adjustment. These social scientists
distinguish the term life ‘‘course’’ from life ‘‘span’’ in emphasizing the non-biological
factors that influence changes over time. Falling broadly within the life course
perspective are theories that attempt to link social factors with individual adaptation.
Disengagement theory (Cumming & Henry, 1961) was one of the first theories in the
field of social gerontology to propose a set of specific linkages between social roles
and well-being among older adults. It was given the name ‘‘disengagement’’ because
it proposed that the normal and natural evolution of life causes older adults to wish to
loosen their social ties. This natural loosening, it was argued, is not only inevitable but
desirable. Aging is accompanied, so the theory says, by a mutual process of
withdrawal of the individual and society. Within this approach, retirement and
isolation from family members are circumstances that older adults wish for and
benefit from in terms of having higher levels of well-being.
When it was first proposed in the early 1960s, gerontologists were shocked
and outraged by the propositions of disengagement theory. The idea that older adults
wanted to be put ‘‘on the shelf’’ and even benefited from social isolation was
considered reinforcement of the negative treatment of older adults by society. Rather
than describing a desirable end product of a mutual withdrawal process,
disengagement theory was seen by its critics as disrespectful of older adults and
justification for what is already harsh treatment by society of its older adult members.
The prevailing views in social gerontology in the late 1950s were based on activity
theory, the view that older adults would rather be involved and not forced out of
productive social roles. According to activity theory, older adults do not seek
disengagement from society but instead prefer to remain active and involved. Older
adults should be given as many opportunities as possible, according to activity theory,
to be engaged in their work, families, and community.
Eventually a resolution of sorts was forged between the countervailing views
of disengagement and activity theory. Continuity theory (Atchley, 1989) proposes that
whether disengagement or activity is beneficial to the older adult depends on the
individual’s personality. Some older adults prefer to withdraw from active
involvement with their families and communities; others are miserable unless they are
in the thick of the action. According to continuity theory, older adults will be
negatively affected and suffer a loss of wellbeing by being excluded from social roles
—if this exclusion goes against their will. One implication is that forced retirement or
forced activity will lead to lower adjustment and self-esteem in middle-aged and older
adults than would finding their own ‘‘just right’’ amount of involvement.
The social context in which aging occurs is, unfortunately, one that is not
necessarily favorable to the overall well-being of older adults, many of whom are
affected by ageism, a set of beliefs, attitudes, social institutions, and acts that
denigrate individuals or groups based on their chronological age. Similar to other
‘‘isms’’ such as racism and sexism, the components of ageism represent stereotyped
views of different age groups. Theoretically the term could also apply to teenagers,
who are often stereotyped as lazy, impulsive, rebellious, or self-centered. However,
for all practical purposes, ageism is used to refer to stereotyped views of the older
adult population. Disengagement theory was thought of by its critics as a justification
for ageism, as a way to conveniently move older people to the backdrop of society.
Moreover, by implying that all older adults have the same drive to withdraw, the
theory perpetuates the stereotype that all older adults have similar personalities. The
primarily negative feature of ageism is that, like other stereotypes, it is founded on
overgeneralizations about individuals based on a set of characteristics that have
negative social meaning. Oddly enough, that negative social meaning may have a
positive spin.
Ageism, a pervasive and often overlooked form of discrimination, applies to
any view of older adults as having a set of characteristics that are uniformly applied to
everyone within this demographic, whether those characteristics are perceived as
positive or negative. This reductionist perspective fails to acknowledge the vast
diversity and individuality among older adults, and it can manifest in a variety of
ways that are subtly embedded in everyday language and attitudes.
For instance, calling an older adult "cute" or "with it" might seem harmless or
even complimentary at first glance. However, these terms can be just as patronizing
and reductive as more overtly negative descriptors such as "cranky" or "senile." The
implication behind these seemingly positive labels is that it is surprising or
noteworthy when an older adult displays traits associated with youthfulness,
competence, or vitality. This subtly reinforces the stereotype that aging is inherently
linked to decline, incompetence, or disengagement, and that exceptions to this
stereotype are remarkable rather than normal.
Expressions of ageism, whether positive or negative, contribute to a broader
societal narrative that homogenizes the aging population, ignoring the unique
experiences, capabilities, and personalities of individuals. For example, referring to an
older adult as "cranky" or "senile" perpetuates the harmful assumption that irritability
or cognitive decline are inevitable and defining features of aging. This not only
misrepresents the reality of aging but also can lead to discrimination and exclusion in
various aspects of life, such as the workplace, healthcare, and social interactions.
On the other hand, terms like "cute" or "with it" may be intended to express
admiration or approval, but they still frame older adults within a narrow set of
expectations. When older individuals are praised for being "with it," it suggests that
being engaged, informed, or technologically savvy is unusual for their age group.
Similarly, describing someone as "cute" can be infantilizing, reducing their identity to
a simplistic and condescending stereotype.
Ageism also manifests in the way society talks about the needs and abilities of
older adults. For example, assumptions that all older people require the same type of
care, have the same health issues, or share the same preferences can lead to a one-
size-fits-all approach in policies and services. This overlooks the fact that older adults
are a heterogeneous group with a wide range of experiences, skills, and desires.
Combating ageism requires a conscious effort to challenge these stereotypes
and promote a more nuanced and respectful understanding of aging. This includes
recognizing and valuing the contributions of older adults in various fields, fostering
intergenerational dialogue, and advocating for policies that support the diverse needs
of the aging population. It also involves reflecting on and changing the language we
use to describe older individuals, ensuring that it respects their individuality and
avoids reductive or patronizing connotations.
Ultimately, addressing ageism involves a cultural shift towards viewing older
adults as individuals with varied and rich life experiences, rather than through a lens
of preconceived notions. This shift can help create a more inclusive society where
people of all ages are valued and respected for who they are, not just for how well
they conform to or deviate from age-based stereotypes. By promoting a more
balanced and individualized view of aging, society can better support the well-being
and dignity of older adults, fostering a more equitable and respectful environment for
everyone.
One effect of ageism is to cause younger people to avoid close proximity to an
older person. In fact, ageism may also take the form of not being overtly hostile but of
making older adults ‘‘invisible’’; that is, not worthy of any attention at all. Ageism is
often experienced in the workplace, and although prohibited by law, older workers are
penalized for making mistakes that would not incur the same consequence if made by
younger workers (Rupp, Vodanovich, & Crede, 2006). Ironically, aging is the one
stereotype that, if you are fortunate enough to survive to old age, you will most likely
experience. Unlike the other ‘‘isms,’’ people who hold aging stereotypes will
eventually become the target of their negative beliefs as they grow old. Those young
people most likely to experience ageist attitudes are actually the ones who identify
most strongly with their own age group. Young adults who have less of an
identification with their own age group seem to have more favorable attitudes toward
older adults.
Ageism has many possible causes. One plausible notion is that negative
attitudes toward aging represent fear of death and dying. By their very presence, older
adults remind younger people of the inevitability of their own mortality. A second
view is that the status of older adults is negatively related to the degree of industrial
development in a given society. According to the modernization hypothesis, the
increasing urbanization and industrialization of Western society have led to lower
social value for older persons. Critics, however, argue that this hypothesis is overly
simplistic. For example, in the United States, even when life expectancy was lower
and there were fewer older adults in the population, attitudes toward age were not
consistently positive (Achenbaum, 1978). Evidence for negative attitudes toward
elders is found in current preindustrialized societies.
Conversely, in some highly developed countries, older adults are treated with a
great deal of reverence and respect, reflecting the societal value placed on their
experience, wisdom, and contributions over the years. These societies often have
comprehensive systems in place to ensure that older adults are well provided for,
through robust healthcare services and economic security programs that offer
financial stability and access to necessary medical care. These measures are designed
not only to address the physical and economic needs of older adults but also to
support their mental and emotional well-being, fostering a sense of dignity and
belonging.
In countries such as Japan, Sweden, and Norway, for example, the status of
older adults is elevated through various cultural, social, and policy-driven
mechanisms. In these societies, older adults are often viewed as esteemed members of
the community whose life experiences and knowledge are invaluable. This reverence
is reflected in family structures, community interactions, and national policies. For
instance, multi-generational households are common in Japan, where older family
members play a crucial role in guiding and nurturing younger generations. Similarly,
in Scandinavian countries, extensive social welfare programs ensure that older adults
have access to high-quality healthcare, affordable housing, and pensions that allow
them to live comfortably and independently.
The high status of older adults in these societies is determined by a complex
interplay of factors, including cultural traditions, economic resources, and policy
frameworks. Cultural values play a significant role; in many East Asian cultures,
Confucian principles that emphasize filial piety and respect for elders deeply
influence social norms and behaviors. These cultural attitudes are often reinforced by
educational systems, media representations, and public discourse, which collectively
promote a positive and respectful view of aging.
Economic factors are also crucial in shaping the status of older adults.
Wealthier nations generally have more resources to allocate towards social welfare
programs, healthcare systems, and public infrastructure that support the needs of an
aging population. These resources allow for the development of comprehensive
services that enhance the quality of life for older adults, from state-funded pensions
and retirement benefits to accessible healthcare and community-based support
networks.
Policy frameworks further determine the status of older adults by establishing
legal and institutional structures that protect their rights and provide for their needs.
Progressive policies might include anti-age discrimination laws, caregiver support
programs, and initiatives to promote active aging and lifelong learning. Such policies
are often the result of advocacy by older adults themselves and by organizations
dedicated to aging issues, reflecting the political influence and societal commitment to
ensuring the well-being of older citizens.
In these highly developed societies, the integration of older adults into the
social fabric extends beyond mere provision of services; it encompasses active efforts
to involve them in community life and decision-making processes. Older adults may
participate in volunteer work, local governance, and various social activities that keep
them engaged and valued. These opportunities for participation not only benefit older
adults by giving them a sense of purpose and connection but also enrich the
community by leveraging their skills and experiences.
The positive treatment of older adults in these countries stands in contrast to
the challenges faced in other parts of the world, where aging populations may struggle
with insufficient resources, social isolation, and limited access to essential services.
By examining the factors that contribute to the high status of older adults in certain
societies, policymakers and advocates can gain insights into effective strategies for
improving the quality of life for older populations globally.
In summary, the status of older adults in a given society is determined by a
myriad of complex and interrelated factors, including cultural values, economic
resources, and policy frameworks. In highly developed countries, the combination of
reverence for older adults, robust healthcare and economic security programs, and
inclusive social practices creates an environment where aging is viewed positively
and older individuals are well-supported. This multifaceted approach ensures that
older adults can enjoy a dignified, fulfilling, and respected place within their
communities, highlighting the importance of comprehensive strategies to address the
needs and potentials of an aging population.
Related to the concept of ageism is the multiple jeopardy hypothesis (Ferraro
& Farmer, 1996) which states that older individuals who fit more than one
discriminated-against category are affected by biases against each of these
categorizations. Thus women are subject to ageism and sexism, and minority-status
women are subject to racism, ageism, and sexism. Heterosexism and classism (biases
against people of working class backgrounds) further add to multiple jeopardy. These
systematic biases interact with age to produce greater risk for discrimination in
attitudes and the provision of services to specific subgroups of older adults. One
alternative to the multiple jeopardy hypothesis is the age-as-leveler view, which
proposes that as people become older, age overrides all other ‘‘isms.’’ Older adults,
regardless of what characteristics have been applied to them, become victims of the
same stereotypes. In this view, minorities and women are no more disadvantaged than
other persons of their age. A second alternative is the inoculation hypothesis, which
proposes that older minorities and women become immune to the effects of ageism
through years of exposure to discrimination and stereotyping. These years help them
to develop a tolerance, so that they are better able to withstand the negative attitudes
applied to older adults than their counterparts.
The process known as the social clock, the normative expectations for the ages
at which major life events should occur (Hagestad & Neugarten, 1985), may account
for some of the preoccupation that people have with age. Events such as parenthood
have a biological component; other life events are based on calendars that are set by
society, such as the need to establish one’s career by the early 30s. Such events are
evaluated according to whether they For many people, the social clock provides a
measure of evaluating their life’s successes. are ‘‘on-time’’ or ‘‘off-time’’ with regard
to the social clock. When a person’s life is off-time, the individual may feel a great
deal of personal distress and perhaps criticism from others who expect people to
follow the normative prescriptions for their age group. Nonevents, which are the
failure to experience an expected life change, may have as much of an influence on an
individual’s life as actual events. Increasingly, however, individuals are setting their
own unique social clocks, as exemplified by people like former astronaut and Ohio
senator John Glenn. At the age of 77, Glenn joined the space shuttle Discovery crew
on a 9-day orbital mission. His ability to meet the arduous physical requirements of
the voyage was aptly captured in his statement: ‘‘Too many people, when they get old,
think that they have to live by the calendar.’’ These views of ageism become
important in examining the health and well-being of older adults. Interestingly
enough, neither ageism nor multiple jeopardy appears to have deleterious effects on
feelings of happiness and well-being. However, the effects of less access to health
care and exposure to negative views of aging on those who are subjected to the
‘‘isms’’ may take their toll on physical health and therefore are a matter of vital
concern.
c. Psychological Models of Development in Adulthood
In the broadest sense, psychological models attempt to explain the
development of the ‘‘person’’ in the person–environment equation from the standpoint
of how adaptive abilities unfold over the course of life. It is taken as a given that the
body undergoes significant changes, but of interest within the psychological
approaches are the changes that occur in the individual’s self-understanding, ability to
adjust to life’s challenges, and perspective on the world.
Perhaps the best known life span psychological theory is Erik Erikson’s
(1963), which focuses on the development of the self or ego through a series of eight
stages. In this theory, each stage of development is defined as a crisis in which
particular stage-specific issues present themselves as challenges to the individual’s
ego.
Erikson proposed that individuals pass through a series of transitions in which
they are particularly vulnerable to a complex interaction of biological, psychological,
and social forces characteristic of their period of life. For example, during the
intimacy versus isolation stage, the young adult is biologically capable of engaging in
sexual relationships, psychologically capable of serious emotional involvement with
another adult, and socially expected to ‘‘settle down’’ and find a partner. The ‘‘crisis’’
is not truly a crisis in the sense of being a catastrophe or disaster. Instead, each
psychosocial stage is a time during which the individual may move closer to either a
positive or negative resolution of a particular psychosocial issue. The success of this
resolution is measured by favorable or unfavorable attributes. These attributes are
qualities of the ego that will develop based on how the crisis is resolved. Depending
on the outcome of the stage, you will be more or less able to adapt to the changing
demands that life presents to you.
Another aspect crucial to Erikson’s theory is the epigenetic principle, which
asserts that each stage unfolds from the previous stage according to a predestined
order. These stages are set in much the same manner as the programming for the
biological development of the individual throughout life. They are built, according to
Erikson, into the hard-wiring of the human being. Erikson’s theory has fascinated
researchers and developmental theorists, in part because of his compelling writing and
in part because it presents an organized, cohesive view of development from birth to
death. The matrix of ages by stages, which forms the heart of the theory, is elegant but
deceptively simple. At first glance, it might appear that development proceeds in a
series of steps moving steadily from childhood to old age. However, a more careful
inspection shows that the diagonal line is not the only possibility for development of
the ego, although it may be the most evident. The matrix format implies that
developments may occur in boxes outside of the diagonal line. Thus, the issues
characterizing each stage (such as Trust versus Mistrust for infancy) may coexist as
relevant concerns throughout adulthood. Any stage may reach ascendancy in response
to events that stimulate its reappearance.
Consider the example of an 80-year-old woman who is mugged while walking
on a city sidewalk, robbed of her purse, and left emotionally shaken and in pain. This
incident may traumatize her for some time and in the process, she becomes fearful of
leaving her home. In Eriksonian terms, she is reliving the issues of ‘‘trust’’
experienced in infancy, and must regain the feeling of safety in her environment. The
woman may also be left feeling vulnerable that with her increasing years, declines in
her physical functioning have made her a target. Autonomy may be revisited as an
issue in later adulthood when the individual begins to experience limitations in
mobility associated with the physical aging process. Another implication of the
epigenetic matrix is that a crisis may be experienced before its ‘‘time.’’ A 35-year-old
woman diagnosed with breast cancer may be faced with issues relevant to mortality,
precipitating her to contemplate the psychosocial issues that normally confront much
older people. The crisis stages can be considered ‘‘critical periods’’ during which
certain issues are most likely to be prominent, but they are not meant to be discrete
steps that proceed from youth to old age.
Given these qualifications regarding the correspondence of the stages with
chronological age, let us move on to look at the stages that most typically are
associated with the adult years. The first of the eight stages directly relevant to
adulthood is Identity Achievement versus Identity Diffusion. This stage first emerges
in adolescence, yet continues to hold importance throughout adulthood and forms a
cornerstone of subsequent adult psychosocial crises. An individual who achieves a
clear identity has a coherent sense of purpose regarding the future and a sense of
continuity with the past. By contrast, identity diffusion involves a lack of direction,
vagueness about life’s purposes, and an unclear sense of self.
Intimacy versus Isolation is the next stage to emerge in early adulthood. The
attainment of intimacy involves establishing a mutually satisfying close relationship
with another person to whom a lifelong commitment is made. We can think of the
perfect intimate relationship as the intersection of two identities but not a total overlap
because each partner preserves a sense of separateness. The state of isolation
represents the other end of the spectrum, in which a person never achieves true
mutuality with a life partner. Theoretically, isolation is more likely to develop in
individuals who lack a strong identity because establishing close relationships with
others depends to some extent on how securely formed the individual’s sense of self
is. The motive for caring for the next generation emerges from the resolution of the
intimacy psychosocial crisis. The stage of Generativity versus Stagnation focuses on
the psychosocial issues of procreation, productivity, and creativity.
The most common pathway to generativity is through parenthood, an endeavor
that involves direct care of the next generation. However, individuals who do not have
children can nevertheless develop generativity through such activities as teaching,
mentoring, or supervising younger people. A career that involves producing
something of value that future generations can enjoy is another form of generativity.
The main feature of generativity is a feeling of concern over what happens to the
younger generation, along with a desire to make the world a better place for them.
Stagnation, by contrast, occurs when the individual turns concern and energy inward
or solely to others of one’s own age group rather than to the next generation. A person
who is high on the quality of stagnation lacks interest or may even go so far as to
reject the younger generation. Of course, being a parent is no guarantee of achieving
generativity; the crucial component of generativity is concern and care for the people
who will follow one’s own generation.
Toward the end of adulthood, individuals face psychosocial issues related to
aging and facing their mortality, and enter into the stage of Ego Integrity versus
Despair. Older individuals who establish a strong sense of ego integrity can look back
at their experiences with acceptance. Ego integrity also involves an ability to look at
and accept the positive and negative attributes of one’s life and self, even if it may be
painful to acknowledge past mistakes or personal flaws. This sense of acceptance of
the past and present self allows the individual to also view mortality with the
acceptance that life inevitably must end. It may be difficult for a young person to
imagine how a person who is happy with life could also be happy with or at least not
devastated by the thought of death. According to Erikson, acceptance of the past and
present helps people attain acceptance of the end of life. In contrast, despair is the
outcome of the individual’s realization that death is unavoidable and that it will come
too soon to make possible a righting of previous wrongs. The individual in a state of
despair feels discontent with life and is melancholic, perhaps to the point of
despondency, at the thought of death. Although this person’s daily life is filled with
unhappiness, the thought of life ending before past mistakes can be corrected is more
frightening.
Erikson’s views about development were a radical departure from the
personality theories prevalent at the time of his work. His theory was proposed as a
reaction to other psychologists who felt that human development was completely
shaped, if not by childhood, then no later than adolescence. Erikson’s radical re-
envisioning of the life span challenged these notions by contending that development
is a lifelong process, with struggles that help to mold and shape and reshape the
individual. Identity, intimacy, generativity, and ego integrity are now considered
central themes of adult development and inform much of what we cover in this book.
Jean Piaget, a Swiss psychologist, became fascinated with the development of
intelligence after watching his own young children at play as they explored their
environment. Based on watching them gain mastery over their toys and surroundings,
he theorized development as the reciprocal relationship between the child and the
physical-social environment. Although the focus of Piaget’s theory was cognitive
development in childhood, the terms and concepts central to his theory can be applied
more generally to a life span model of psychological functioning.
A major feature of Piaget’s cognitive-development theory is the description of
a series of stages occurring in childhood cognition. More generally, Piaget identified
two basic ways in which people interact with their experiences. The process of
assimilation is engaged when individuals interpret new experiences in terms of their
existing mental structures, what he referred to as schemas. The term assimilation, in
this context, does not have its common meaning, as when you say that a person has
become assimilated to a new culture. In Piaget’s model, assimilation has the opposite
meaning, referring to the situation in which individuals try to fit their experiences into
their schemas or current ways of viewing the world. As an example, let’s say that you
have a very limited understanding of different varieties of birds. You may call all little
birds ‘‘sparrows’’ and all large birds ‘‘crows.’’ You are forcing into two categories
what actually may be eight or ten different varieties of birds in your neighborhood.
According to Piaget, people engage in this assimilative process until they are able to
gain experiences that allow them to refine their concepts or schemas.
If you go for a walk with an avid bird watcher who points out the differences
among sparrows, finches, and chickadees (all small birds), you will emerge with a
refinement to your previous categorization system. In Piaget’s terms, you have
changed your existing schema, a process he referred to as accommodation. Such
processes occur throughout early development, as young children learn to differentiate
and categorize objects in their world. In Piaget’s theory, children become better able
to adapt to the world through alternating between assimilation and accommodation.
The ideal state is one in which people are able to interpret experiences through a
consistent framework (assimilation) but are able to change this framework when it no
longer is helpful in organizing experiences (accommodation). Such an ideal state is
referred to as equilibrium, and the process of achieving this balance is called
equilibration.
Integrating Erikson’s and Piaget’s theories provides an excellent vantage point
for making predictions about psychosocial development in adulthood and, in
particular, the way that people adapt to the aging process. According to identity
process theory, the processes of assimilation and accommodation can account for
interactions between the individual and experiences through the schema or framework
provided by identity. In identity process theory, we assume that people approach their
experiences from the vantage point provided by their personal identities, namely, their
ideas or concepts about the self. Everyone has a certain bias to view oneself in a
favorable light. Most people prefer a self-view that includes being physically and
mentally competent, being liked by others, and adhering to such principles as honesty
and concern for the welfare of others. Using Piaget’s terminology, identity
assimilation refers to a tendency to interpret new experiences relevant to a person’s
self-view as competent, well liked, and ethical. A positive feature of identity
assimilation is that people are able to feel happy and effective, despite being less than
perfect. The downside of identity assimilation is when it leads to a distorted
interpretation of experiences that challenge the rosy view people have of themselves.
For example, receiving a bad grade on an exam could lead you to question
your intelligence, causing a significant blow to your self-esteem and sense of self-
worth. This experience might prompt a cascade of negative thoughts, making you
doubt your academic abilities, future success, and overall competence. Such self-
doubt can be particularly damaging, as it may lower your motivation, increase
anxiety, and even discourage you from pursuing challenging opportunities in the
future.
However, using the concept of identity assimilation, you might find a way to
protect your self-esteem from the potentially debilitating effects of this poor grade.
Identity assimilation involves maintaining a consistent self-view by interpreting
events in a way that aligns with your existing self-concept. In this case, instead of
internalizing the bad grade as a reflection of your intelligence or academic
capabilities, you might attribute it to external factors beyond your control. For
instance, you could blame the poor score on the exam itself, arguing that the test was
poorly written, confusing, or unfairly difficult. Alternatively, you might attribute the
grade to the ineptitude of the professor, suggesting that their teaching methods were
ineffective, the material was inadequately covered in class, or the grading was too
harsh and subjective.
By shifting the blame away from yourself and onto these external factors, you
can protect your self-esteem from the immediate impact of the bad grade. This
cognitive strategy allows you to preserve a positive view of your intelligence and
capabilities, maintaining a stable and resilient self-concept. This approach is
particularly useful in mitigating the risk of falling into a negative cycle of self-
criticism and lowered self-confidence, which can have far-reaching effects on your
overall mental health and academic performance.
However, while identity assimilation can provide short-term relief and protect
your self-esteem, it is also important to strike a balance and remain open to
constructive self-reflection. Solely blaming external factors for your failures without
considering your own role can prevent you from learning from your mistakes and
making necessary improvements. For example, if you consistently attribute poor
grades to unfair tests or bad teaching, you might overlook the need to develop better
study habits, seek additional help, or engage more actively with the course material.
A balanced approach might involve initially using identity assimilation to
maintain your self-esteem, followed by a more nuanced self-assessment to identify
areas for growth. After the initial emotional impact of the bad grade has subsided, you
can take a step back and objectively evaluate your study strategies, time management,
and understanding of the material. This way, you can identify specific actions you can
take to improve your performance in future exams without undermining your overall
sense of self-worth.
Moreover, combining identity assimilation with identity accommodation—a
process where you adjust your self-concept to incorporate new experiences—can
foster both resilience and personal growth. For instance, after using identity
assimilation to protect your self-esteem, you might later acknowledge that while the
exam was challenging, there are specific areas where you could enhance your
knowledge or skills. This balanced approach allows you to maintain a positive self-
view while also being open to self-improvement and personal development.
In summary, receiving a bad grade on an exam can challenge your self-esteem
and prompt self-doubt. Through identity assimilation, you can protect your self-
esteem by attributing the poor score to external factors, such as the test's difficulty or
the professor's teaching effectiveness. While this strategy offers short-term emotional
protection, it is important to balance it with constructive self-reflection and a
willingness to learn from the experience. By doing so, you can preserve your self-
esteem while also fostering personal growth and academic improvement, leading to a
more resilient and adaptive approach to challenges.
Although identity assimilation preserves a positive view of the self, continual
failure that people refuse to incorporate into their self-appraisals can ultimately have
negative consequences. As with the example of the bird classification, it may be
necessary to resolve a discrepancy between the self-view and reality of experiences
that challenge these views in order for development to continue successfully. If you
continue to blame the professor or the test for your poor grades, you will never find
yourself at fault for your failures. Eventually, these limitations need to be confronted.
Whether this signifies that you are in the wrong major, are not studying hard enough,
or may not be as smart as you once thought, learning to accept your imperfections is
vital to your own growth. Ideally the realization of your flaws will trigger the process
of identity accommodation, through which people change their identity to incorporate
a view of the self that is not perfect.
d. Biological Approaches to Aging in Adulthood
Biological changes throughout later life, as is true in the years of infancy,
childhood, and adolescence, are based on genetically determined events or changes in
physiological functioning brought about by intrinsic changes within the organism. As
we discussed at the beginning, the interactionist model of development predicts that
environmental factors influence the expression of biological or genetic
predispositions. According to the principle of reciprocity, the individual’s activities
interact with preset biological programs based on genetic inheritance. The result is
that relatively large individual differences occur in the nature and timing of age-
related changes in physical and cognitive functioning. Ultimately, the aging of the
body sets the limit of the life span, but compensation through behavioral measures for
many of the changes associated with the aging process alters the timing of these
events. Inevitably, the body’s biological clock continues to record the years.
Having acknowledged this ‘‘fact of life’’ about the biological aging process,
the next step is to question why aging happens. Why do living organisms grow old
and die? If you are a fan of science fiction, you have surely read stories of a world in
which biological aging does not occur, or develops at a different rate so that people
live for hundreds of years. While these fictional accounts may be engrossing and even
tempting to imagine, there are some obvious problems associated with prolonged or
eternal life. Outcomes such as overpopulation, a lack of adequate resources, and
intergenerational strife are just some of the possibilities. Birth rates would be reduced
to a virtual standstill to account for the overpopulation. The problems of a static
society highlight the fact that while the process of death may be unpleasant, it also
keeps the cycle of life moving along. Perhaps it is far more ‘‘efficient’’ to have a
world in which the older generation is continually turned over, making room for new
generations whose entry into the population assures its vitality.
The idea that aging is the result of a correctable defect in living organisms
underlies concepts of some of the major biological theories that we will turn to
shortly. Also reflected is the theory that organisms are programmed to survive until
they reach sexual maturity. Having guaranteed the survival of their species, organisms
are programmed to deteriorate or diminish once the genes programmed to keep them
alive past that point are no longer of use to the species. Biologically speaking,
reproduction is the primary purpose of life, and once this criterion has been met, there
are no longer guidelines for what happens next.
Inherited characteristics are found in the genome, the complete set of
instructions for ‘‘building’’ all the cells that make up an organism. The human genome
is found in each nucleus of a person’s many trillions of cells. The genome for each
living creature consists of tightly coiled threads of the molecule deoxyribonucleic acid
(DNA). DNA resides in the nucleus of the body’s cells as two long, paired strands
spiraled into a double helix, a shape that resembles a twisted ladder. The components
of DNA encode the information needed to manufacture proteins, which are large,
complex molecules made up of long chains of subunits called amino acids. Protein is
the primary component of all living things. There are many kinds of proteins, each
with different functions. Some proteins provide structure to the cells of the body,
whereas other proteins called enzymes assist biochemical reactions that take place
within the cells. Antibodies are proteins that function in the immune system to
identify foreign invaders that need to be removed from the body. The entire process of
protein manufacture is orchestrated by the genetic code contained in DNA.
A gene is a functional unit of a DNA molecule carrying a particular set of
instructions for producing a specific protein. Human genes vary widely in length, but
only about 10% of the genome actually contains sequences of genes used to code
proteins. The rest of the genome contains sequences of bases that have no apparent
coding or any other function. Some of the proteins that the genes encode provide
basic housekeeping functions in the cell. These genes constantly stay active in many
types of cells; more typically, a cell activates just the genes needed at the moment and
suppresses the rest. Through this process of selective activation of genes, the cell
becomes a skin cell, for example, rather than a bone cell.
The genome is organized into chromosomes, which are distinct, physically
separate units of coiled threads of DNA and associated protein molecules. In humans,
there are two sets of 23 chromosomes, one set contributed by each parent. Each set
has 23 single chromosomes: 22 are called ‘‘autosomes’’ and contain nonsex-linked
information, and the 23rd is the X or Y sex chromosome. The presence of the Y
chromosome determines maleness, so that a normal female has a pair of X
chromosomes and a male has an X and Y pair. Although each chromosome contains
the same genes, there is no rhyme or reason to the distribution of genes on
chromosomes. A gene that produces a protein that influences eye color may be next to
a gene that is involved in cellular energy production.
Genes may undergo alterations, called mutations, when DNA reproduces
itself. When a gene contains a mutation, the protein encoded by that gene will most
likely be abnormal. Sometimes the protein can function despite the damage, but in
other cases, it becomes completely disabled. If a protein vital to survival becomes
severely damaged, the results of the mutation can be serious. Genetic mutations are
either inherited from a parent or acquired over the course of one’s life. Inherited
mutations originate from the DNA of the cells involved in reproduction (sperm and
egg). When reproductive cells containing mutations are combined in one’s offspring,
the mutation is in all the bodily cells of that offspring. Inherited mutations are
responsible for diseases such as cystic fibrosis and sickle cell anemia. They also may
predispose an individual to developing cancer, major psychiatric illnesses, and other
complex diseases. Acquired mutations are changes in DNA that develop throughout a
person’s lifetime. Remarkably, cells possess the ability to repair many of these
mutations. If these repair mechanisms fail, however, the mutation can be passed along
to future copies of the altered cell. Mutations can also occur in the mitochondrial
DNA, which is the DNA found in the tiny structures within the cell called
mitochondria. These structures are crucial to the functioning of the cell because they
are involved in producing cellular energy.
Biologists have provided many fascinating perspectives on the aging process.
The completion of the Human Genome Project in 2003 and progress by the
International HapMap project (Frazer et al., 2007) paved the way for researchers to
identify successful analytic techniques to map complete sets of DNA. Genome-wide
association studies, in which the entire genome is searched for genetic variations
related to complex diseases, offer a promising avenue for aging research. Hundreds of
studies have successfully identified novel genes involved in agingrelated diseases
such as heart failure (Velagaleti & O’Donnell, 2010), Alzheimer’s disease (Harold et
al., 2009), and osteoarthritis (Richards et al., 2009). For around $1,000, you can have
your entire genome scanned, and receive a personal genetic profile that calculates
your risk of developing certain diseases. As exciting as this research is, it is important
to keep in mind that genetic variations do not account solely for the likelihood of
disease progression; environmental variables (and their interaction with genetic
variables) play an important role in disease development.
The biological theories of aging are divided into two categories (Hayflick,
1994): programmed aging and random error. Programmed aging theories are based on
the assumption that aging and death are built into the hard-wiring of all organisms.
Following from this assumption is the notion that there are ‘‘aging genes’’ that count
off the years past maturity, just as ‘‘development genes’’ lead to the point of maturity
in youth. One argument long used to support this assumption is based on the fact that
the life span varies according to species, suggesting that life span is part of an
organism’s genetic makeup. For example, butterflies have life spans of 12 weeks, and
giant tortoises have life spans of 180 years. Humans, the mammals with the longest
life spans, have life spans of 120 years.
The relationship between the age span of a species and the age of its death (or
life span), is expressed in the Gompertz equation, a mathematical function showing
the relationship between age and probability of death. The originator, Benjamin
Gompertz, was an 18th-century British mathematician who worked as an actuary, a
profession where the financial impact of risk is calculated. In 1825 he applied calculus
to mortality data and showed that the mortality rate increases in a geometric
progression with age. When plotted as a logarithmic function, it takes the form of a
straight line. The horizontal axis of this graph shows the age of the organism in days
with the longest-living species reaching about 9 years and the shortest-living for about
one year. The vertical axis shows the death rate per day and the plot points show the
number that die per day with increasing age of the species. There is a different
Gompertz function for each species, supporting the idea that longevity is an inherited,
species-specific trait.
