Week 2 Reading Notes
Adams, Christine. A Taste for Comfort and Status: A Bourgeois Family in Eighteenth Century France.
University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Pres, 2000.
Author's Credentials:
PhD from John’s Hopkins University in French history; author or editor of several books; specializes in
family history, gender history; currently at St. Mary’s College of Maryland
Research Questions:
Was there a middle class identity and consciousness in eighteenth century France and, if so, how did
they define themselves within the larger context of French society and culture?
Methodology:
This is a work of social and cultural history.
Key Conclusions:
Based on the correspondence of the Lamothe family, they exhibited many of the values attributed to the
nineteenth century bourgeoise.
The letters of the Lamothe family reveal an image of a close family, governed by the patriarch Daniel
Lamothe. Seven children survived into adulthood and corresponded with one another on a variety of
domestic and business matters. The family lived, as a rule, within the same household, and shared the
proceeds of individual real estate holdings as one family unit. There was an emphasis on fiscal economy
and personal restraint, yet also lived in a style that was both comfortable and suitable for their elevated
station within the Third Estate. The choice of profession was of paramount concern in the family; three
of the brothers became barristers, one a priest, and one a doctor. Two sisters remained at home and
never married. The male members formed the family foundation, while the responsibility of the women
was to provide a comfortable and ordered existence for the men. The bulk of the correspondence took
place between the brothers and covered a wide range of subjects. Most of their conversation stressed
the importance of professional reputation based on merit and hard work in the effort to maintain a
good reputation.
In Adams's study, she points out there was little aspiration on the part of the Lamothe family to acquire
a more elevated station in life. Their primary goal, she asserts was to maintain their status as
respectable people and contribute to the public good through the responsible pursuit of their chosen
profession. Professional responsibility is a key to the work. Adams argues that the example of the
Lamothe brothers demonstrate that "professional and social commitments were in a state of flux" in the
eighteenth century, and "the ideals of public service and utility became moral imperatives for lawyers
and doctors throughout France." (257) She further contends that this new idea of public obligation of
the professions was a precursor to nineteenth century expectations.
Most of Adams's subjects died before the turbulent days for the Revolution; therefore, they fail to
provide any clear evidence as to the role this rural professional class played in its origins. In her work,
she effectively presents the case that the bourgeoisie did not create or was not the creation of the
French Revolution. In fact, she makes the case for the existence of a "proto-middle class" that provided
the foundation for class-consciousness associated with the nineteenth century. Her innovative use of
material provides a new way for historians to look at pre-Revolutionary France, and contributes
significantly to the understanding of this realm of French society.
Evidence:
A significant portion of the evidence for this work is the correspondence between the Lamothe family of
Bordeaux housed in various archives in France.
Historiography:
Adams presents her case in direct contradiction to many historians who claim the politics of the
Revolution as the creator of the French middle class. She stresses the existence of the bourgeoisie in the
provinces, not in the urban center of Paris, and further explains that it was the social and cultural
behavior of these rural professionals that defined them, not their political behavior. Her definition of
"bourgeois" is unclear, but based on the nineteenth-century ideal, the Lamothes fall short of the
traditional definition, which is acknowledged by Adams. The marriage patterns and lack of concern for
perpetuation of the family line are distinctly opposite those associated with later members of the
bourgeoisie. In addition, the Lamothe family failed to show any tendency toward individualism that is
associated with the rise in class consciousness. Their writings emphasized utility to the collective,
whether that entailed the family unit, society, or professional organization.
Fine, Ben and Ellen Leopold. "Consumerism and the Industrial Revolution." Social History, Vol. 15, No. 2
(May, 1990): 151-179.
Author's Credentials: Fine – PhD in Economics from University of London; Emeritus Professor of
Economics, University of London: Leopold – Radcliffe College; co-author of The World of Consumption
with Fine
Research Questions:
Fine and Leopold engage with the suggestion that what has been termed the Industrial Revolution
(supply side) should rather be termed a consumer revolution (demand side). It argues that the former
view is largely based on modern ideas and that changing economic theory should shift the focus.
Methodology:
This article focuses on economic history.
Key Conclusions:
The shift from supply to demand would require a corresponding adjustment in the narrative to focus on
consumption rather than production. “It elevates the role of consumption or demand to be both the
precursor to, and of equal stature with, the revolution in production as a major source of change.” (153)
One of the key points in this work is the idea that in order for the Industrial Revolution to really take
hold, there needed to be a corresponding consumer revolution to drive the production of goods. For
these authors, it was emulation that drove the consumer side of this revolution. With the arrival of
foreign trade goods in the early eighteenth century, the wealthy indulged in previously unknown
luxuries. Those who occupied places lower on the socio-economic strata, wanted these luxuries but
were unable to afford them. Enterprising businessmen found ways to produce similar goods at lower
costs, making them increasingly available to the lower classes. Seeking ways to further visibly separate
themselves, the “better classes” then sought novelty in other goods. “It establishes a progressive role
for the upper classes in the creation of consumer society. They are seen as the ultimate source of
demand, introduction ideas for consumption goods which are passed down through all other strata in
society, transformed as they go from luxuries to decencies to basic necessities.” (176)
Evidence:
The article is based on multiple secondary sources but builds primarily on the work of Neil McKendrick
and his advocacy for the new idea of a consumer revolution.
Historiography:
The article advances the work of Neil McKendrick who “has employed a full range of traditional
historical techniques, from the anecdotal to detailed archival research, to highlight the role of
consumption.” (154) The overarching interpretive argument is that of Marxist economic ideas versus
laissez-faire capitalist economic thought.
Vickery, Amanda. The Gentleman's Daughter: Women's Lives in Georgian England. New Haven &
London: Yale University Press, 1998.
Author's Credentials:
PhD from University of London; Professor of Early Modern History at Queen Mary, University of London;
author of four books on gender in Georgian England
Research Questions:
What was the role of women in Georgian England and to what extent were the notions of public and
private spheres applicable to their situation?
Methodology:
This is a work of social and cultural history focused on gender roles.
Key Conclusions:
Much of Vickery's work centers on the letters and diaries of Elizabeth Shackleton. Through them she
recreates the world of the eighteenth-century lesser gentry in the north of England, asserting that
although women of this time did not participate in the public spheres of government and business, they
did exert their own type of influence within the bounds of propriety as household managers and polite
hostesses. The power of women lay in the effective management of servants, thrifty household
management, and responsible care and nurture of children. Social life provided genteel Georgian
women the opportunity to exert their greatest degree of influence, especially in the instances when
hospitality forced the integration of public and private life. Vickery states, "as mistresses of ceremony,
the elite hostess might wield considerable practical power from the head of her dining table." (196)
Evidence:
Vickery makes use of the diaries and correspondence of over one hundred individuals in the Lancashire
elite. Much of Vickery's work centers on the letters and diaries of Elizabeth Shackleton.
Historiography:
The title for Amanda Vickery's work is an intriguing, if somewhat misleading, introduction to her study
on the lives of "genteel" women in eighteenth-century England since she does not focus on all women.
Her wealth of information allows for a partial reconstruction of the daily lives of these women and
provides ample evidence to revise several theories in the doctrine of the separation of spheres.
Proponents of "domesticated femininity" claim that increasing commercialization trapped women in a
tightened "private" sphere of hearth and home. This isolation resulted in a loss of power for women that
persists into the twenty-first century. Vickery's purpose is to change ideas regarding the true nature of
authority wielded by the ladies of the lesser gentility. She contradicts the notions of societal separation
into "public" and "private" spheres, arguing that women were much more involved in areas of
production, consumerism, and philanthropy than previously acknowledged.
Vickery examined an abundance of sources in her work but relies rather heavily and uncritically on the
diaries of Elizabeth Shackleton. Quotes from the diaries appear so often in the work that is appears
more a biography than an examination of a wider range of characters. Vickery alleges that Shackleton is
representative of the typical genteel woman of Georgian England, but her lack of comparative evidence
from other women leaves the argument less than convincing. The tendency to dismiss plausible
arguments due to lack of evidence is an error in logic that appears in more than one instance. Admitting
the need for further research in these instances, would have provided future historians a path to follow.
Although the work is valuable in its look into the lives of genteel women, the argument that Elizabeth
Shackleton is typical of her time is not convincing due to the lack of comparative evidence to that fact.
The case she presents does provide a foundation for greater study and discussion on the place of
genteel women in the mixed social world of the commercial class and landed gentry. Through her work,
Vickery provides evidence that the public and private spheres were not always as clearly delineated as
once thought and provides insight into the motivation that drove Victorian women to seek greater
influence in their world.
Vickery, Amanda. "The Moral Negotiation of Fashion in Regency England." Eighteenth Century Life, Vol.
44, No. 3 (September 2020): 165-191.
Author's Credentials: PhD from University of London; Professor of Early Modern History at Queen Mary,
University of London; author of four books on gender in Georgian England
Research Questions:
Vickery’s article focuses on the ways in which wealth and virtue, and the sartorial choices made as a
result, were negotiated within the world of Anglicanism. It explores how people, primarily women,
navigated their ideas of “religious morality and social status in relation to things.” (166)
Methodology:
This is a work of social and cultural history that brings together religion and the world of goods in
Georgian England.
Key Conclusions:
While many evangelical groups in the long eighteenth century, primarily Baptists and Methodists,
advocated stringent rules for dress and consumption, there was “no coherent doctrine on worldly
goods” in mainstream Anglicanism. (166) “The distinction between decorous fashion and sin was
unclear, and open to competing interpretations, but there was a lack of advice on what a devout woman
might wear.” (167) The diaries of Anna Larpent reveal the opinion that dress was a reflection of both
status and sense. Those that possessed the means to be extravagant still needed to exhibit a certain
level of discretion and express their wealth with refinement. For Larpent it was not a matter of equality
and the possession of wealth in itself, it was economy, frugality, or understanding the necessary luxuries
that was linked to her personal piety. Larpent had no issue with dressing properly to her station but
criticized others for taking too much interest in the frippery of fashion. “Her criticism of the sartorial
performances of others demonstrates that she was mindful of the social, moral, and spiritual messages
relayed by dress.” (172) These sentiments were echoed by Plymley, especially as they applied to those
who acquired new wealth in Atlantic trade. As the nineteenth century approached and advances, the
critique turned to the increasing vanity of the upper classes. Among the religiously observant, it was
domestic economy that was the mark of accomplishment, not the external displays that seemed to
exhibit the shallow character of the rich. The diaries of these women indicate “a conviction that fine
clothes were not inherently sinful, but only iniquitous in one’s attitude to them. As long as dress befitted
the wearer’s rank, circumstances, age, and occasion, it was the wearer’s moral stance that counted.”
(185)
Evidence:
Multiple secondary sources were utilized. The article primarily utilizes the diaries of Anna Larpent and
Katherine Plymley, two Anglicans living at the turn of the nineteenth century. Other primary sources
include sermons regarding politics and religion and works on feminine morals and duties.
Historiography:
There is a great deal of scholarship on religion in the Renaissance and the early modern period, but the
overarching history of the rising consumerism in the long eighteenth century is secular. Though there
are works dedicated to the response to this “secularization” in the Victorian era, the overarching theme
has only brushed against the theme of religion. There are a few articles that seek to discuss the religious
aspects of the Georgian period, but it is not generally a topic of interest. See Jeremy Gregory,
“Introduction: Transforming ‘the Age of Reason’ into ‘an Age of Faiths’: Or, Putting Religions and Beliefs
(Back) into the Eighteenth Century,” Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 32 (2009): 287–305, and
Clarissa Campbell Orr, “The Late Hanoverian Court and the Christian Enlightenment,” in Monarchy and
Religion, ed. Michael Schaich (Oxford: Oxford Univ., 2007), 317–32.
Primary Sources:
Citation: Mary Wollstonecraft, “A Vindication of the Rights of Woman”
Key Conclusions: Mary Wollstonecraft’s work was originally written in response to claims that women
need only be educated in what was necessary in the management of a household. With the changing
economic and social environment of the period, however, she argued that the education that women
receive should match their standing in society. Women, she argued, were fundamental to the nation as
mothers and helpers to their husbands.
Purpose/Significance: Wollstonecraft challenged the norms of the time that placed women in a position
of subservience to men and be given equal opportunities to be educated, take part in business, and
serve in the political realm. This is widely regarded as the seminal work for modern feminism. It reflects
not only the philosophical changes of the period, but the social and economic as well.
Citation: West End placard men, image by George Scharf, 1834-40. British Museum.
Key Conclusion: Images such as this were important to catch the attention of potential customers. As
competition arose among outlets for spending, advertising became increasingly important. The
differences in the costumes worn by those in the image reflects the lengths to which businesses were
willing to go to gain the coin of the customer.
Purpose/Significance: George Scharf was a painter and illustrator, most famously for Charles Darwin.
Images such as this provide a snapshot into the world of the consumer revolution happening in the
Atlantic world at the time.
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