1 / 6100%
Cost of Health Care and Community Participation
According to merriam-webster online dictionary, defines cost as the amount or equivalent
paid or charged for something. O'Sulliva, (2003) says value of money used up to produce
something, and hence is not available for use any longer is referred as cost. Due to
differences used to evaluate costs, comparisons of costs across studies are difficult. Cross-
country contrasts of cost data are also challenging as the unit costs of interventions may
differ significantly across countries owing to variances in resource availability and costs,
( Odhiambo, 2013). India experiences same economic difficulties and is said to be one of the
key reasons for reduced uptake of maternal healthcare services. For instance in Bihar, one of
India’s poorest states where above 80% of births are home births, nearly 50% of women
reported financial concerns as the purpose for not choosing skilled delivery care, despite the
fact that maternal healthcare services are in theory offered without charges in public health
facilities in India,(Leone James, &Padmadas, 2012). Nonetheless, out-of- pocket
expenditures account for more than 70% of total health spending. These extra costs
discourage women from seeking healthcare services and likewise push families more into
poverty. Lack of transport or its exorbitant is one of the barriers to accessing health care for
women in rural areas of Nigeria, not well served by health facilities. The best cost effective
model was described in Nigeria, Ogunjimi, (2012) using trained drivers from local transport
union, with cost per transportation amounting to US$4.67 per case. Example of Ghana
(Senah, Richardson, Kwofie, 1997) specifies that the renewal of a neglected structures to
serve as a health centre and offer MCH/FP clinics was very economical. Costs of patients
have been projected in a number of papers, for instance: antenatal care charges, delivery
care (Knowles 1998); antenatal care charges, delivery care: normal and c-section (Mirembe,
Ssengooba & Lubanga 1998); charges and unofficial fees for c-section in Bangladesh
(Kawnine, Guinness, Amin 1998); direct and indirect costs including charges for antenatal
care, vaginal delivery, c-section (Levin, McEuen, Dymatraczenko, 2000); direct and indirect
costs including charges for antenatal care (Borghi, Bastus, Belizan , 2000). One study
(Anand, Pandav, Kapoor 1995) projected cost of home-based in Sub-Saharan countries and
postnatal care as the same as for antenatal care. Additional study (Mitchell, Littlefield &
Gutter 1997) assessed that the cost at US$5.43 per visit, is like that of antenatal care. In
Nigeria, (Kalu- Umeh, 2013) states that almost half of the women delivered at home as
opposed to a health facility. On average, women spent between Nigerian Naira (N) N1, 350-
N14, 850 (USD$9-99) for a entire package of maternal health services. Out of pocket
expenditure by the husbands or household heads and the women themselves accounted for
73.3% of expenses, (Ogunjimi, 2012)
According to Borghi,et al., (2003) write that a study in Uganda valued the payment of
treatment for postoperative infection with procaine penicillin during an ectopic pregnancy
was at US$31.22 and US$24.50 for ampicillin prophylaxis (including the cost of hospital
admission) (Reggiori, Ravera, Cocozza et al. 1996). The same study projected the price of
antibiotic treatment for postoperative contamination after caesarean section, at US$44.79 for
treatment with penicillin and US$28.06 for ampicillin prophylaxis. The cost of dealing with
after birth bleeding/postpartum haemorrhage varied from US$35.44 in a Ugandan public
hospital to US$114.83 in a mission hospital in Uganda. However, for lesser estimate for
Uganda, it was not clear whether the cost matched to the management of before/antepartum
or after/postpartum haemorrhage. Extra cost in public health settings, are mainly attributed
to the absence of medicines and diagnostics facilities. This is a big concern specifically in
rural households where women rely on public clinics situated in small towns or cities and
regularly borrow money to cover transport, food and accommodation costs,(Leone T,
James KS, &Padmadas SS2012) Women should never die during pregnancy and childbirth.
Regrettably, no significant progress have been made yet by Kenya in reducing the maternal
mortality rate, which at last stood at 360 maternal deaths per 100,000 births. Over the last 20
years, this rate has only come down by ½ of one percent per year. With year 2015 having
passed, no achievement on MDG 5, (Gill, 2007). WHO, UNICEF, UNFPA and the WB’s,
(2012) report that the government of Kenyan is devoted to eradicating avoidable maternal
deaths, both as a health goal and because of its wider effects for the well-being of Kenya’s
families and communities being hindered by the expenses of provision of maternal
services. There are even unknown costs when services are provided with no charges or for
a nominal charge. Efforts to overcome these economic barriers include health insurance
schemes, through membership contribution in NHIF.
While comparing costs associated with seeking care during pregnancy, labour and
postpartum, discloses that women who died experienced dramatically greater overall costs
than women who experienced safe or uneventful pregnancy and delivery. The charges
during pregnancy included fees, transport costs, and other medical and non-medical costs
incurred outside of the health facility. The average total cost during pregnancy was KES
7,322 for cases and KES 934 for controls, and the average total costs during labour and
postpartum for cases was KES 8,127 compared to controls at KES 1,970, WHO’s (2016).
One woman stated that “Whenever I want to go to the antenatal care, if asked my husband
for transport, he complained that he doesn’t have money, and if I insisted, it resulted in
problems. He gets annoyed easily and will start to insult me”. Asking for money may even
bring about incidences of domestic violence as reported by several participants. Pregnant
women do not enjoy privileges such as taking sick leave from ordinary work or receiving
assistance in having antenatal check-ups as shown in the statement. Lack of economic
independence may be part of the problem but further reasons may contribute to their
unfavorable position within the household, (Namasivayam et al, 2012). Woman’s death
during their most productive years can have profound consequences for their household and
the community at large given their critical roles in the family and society. Nevertheless, half
of the households in cases of maternal death had to seek financing from sources outside of
the household, including fund drive and welfare groups, versus only a fifth of the control
households. In addition, over a quarter of the families reported selling assets, and close to
15% reported seeking help from a financier or lender to pay for burial costs, ( Odhiambo,
2013).
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