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A World of Trading Blocs
Trading blocs have been dramatically expanding throughout the world
economy. In 1992, the European Union (EU) completed the single-market
program and began a historic initiative for monetary union. The United States,
Canada, and Mexico launched the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA) in1994. Even Japan, for years the only industrial country that was not a
member of any regional arrangement, completed a trade agreement with
Singapore in2001. Overall, half of the regional trade agreements notified to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) were negotiated in the last
decade 133 in all since the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO).
Several post-Soviet states and past members of the Eastern bloc have lined up to
enter the EU; thirty-four countries in the Americas envision free trade “from
Alaska to Tierra del Fuego”; the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
is preparing to establish a free trade area; and Japan is exploring trade pacts with
the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, and South Korea.
A trade bloc can be defined as a ‘preferential trade agreement’ (PTA)
between a subset of countries, designed to significantly reduce or remove trade
barriers within member countries. When a trade bloc comprises neighboring or
geographically close countries, it is referred to as a ‘regional trade (or integration)
agreement’. It is sometimes also referred to as a ‘natural’ trade bloc to underline
that the preferential trade is between countries that have presumably low
transport costs or trade intensively with one another. The two principal
characteristics of a trade bloc are that: (1) it implies a reduction or elimination of
barriers to trade, and (2) this trade liberalization is discriminatory, in the sense
that it applies only to the member countries of the trade bloc, outside countries
being discriminated against in their trade relations with trade bloc members.
Though few, there exist as well regional integration agreements in which co-
operation rather than preferential market access is emphasized. Trade blocs can
also entail deeper forms of integration, for instance of international competition,
investment, labour and capital markets (including movements of factors of
production), monetary policy, etc.
The integration of countries into trade blocs is commonly referred to as
‘regionalism, irrespective of whether the trade bloc has a geographical basis or
not. The first waves of PTAs appeared in the 1930s leading to a fragmentation of
the world into trade blocs. This ‘old (first) regionalism’ is also associated with
regional initiatives involving developing countries in the 1950s and 1960s. Based
on the objective of import-substitution industrialization, the rationale was that
developing countries could reap the benefit from economies of scale by opening
up their trade preferentially among themselves, hence reducing the cost of their
individual import-substitution strategy while the trade bloc became more self-
sufficient. More successful experiences followed with the recent proliferation of
trade blocs, the so-called ‘new (second) regionalism’, which involve mostly
countries from the North with the South (the North-South trade blocs).
EU (European Union): The EU is become a most powerful trade block in the
world. It has members of Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Greece,
Ireland, Italy, Lather lands, Porchukcal, Spain, Sweden, and U.K.
NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement): 99% of the goods traded
between Mexico, Canada, and the U.S. It is a large trading block but includes
countries of different sizes and wealth. Additional provisions are: Workers right ,
Dispute resolution mechanism. LAFTA (Latin American Free Trade Association):
LAFTA and the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA) changed their names
to the Latin American Integration Association and Caribbean community and
common market (CARICOM). It has U.S as their major export market. ASEAN
(Association of South East Asian Nations): It is organized in 1967and it has
Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand
and Vietnam. Jan 1, 1993 ASEAN officially formed the ASEAN Free Trade Area
(AFTA). APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation): It was formed in NOV 1989
to promote multilateral economic co-operation in trade and investment in the
Pacific Rim. EFTA (European Free Trade Association): It was established in Jan
1960, EFTA currently joins 4 countries Norway, Iceland, Liechtenstein and
Switzerland. Members are Austria, Finland, and Sweden joined on 1/1/1996.
SAARC (The South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation): The SAARC
involving seven countries, namely India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan,
Sri Lanka, and Maldives, was formally launched in Dec 1985 SAPTA (The SAARC
Preferential Trading Arrangement): The SAPTA has the members of India,
Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan and Maldives. Indo Lanka Free
Trade Agreement: According to the Bilateral Free Trade Area Agreement signed by
India and Sri Lanka on 28th Dec 1998, a large number of items will be eligible for
duty free trade. It has offered to permit as much as 1000 items on Zero duty from
Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka will allow duty free imports of 900 items from India.
Most of the analyses on the effects of trade blocs focus on FTAs and/or
CUs. The effects of a PTA are of two types: the trade effects and the welfare
effects. The trade effects comprise the impact of a PTA on the volume and
quantity of trade, on the terms of trade (i.e. prices) and on the level of protection
(generally tariffs) for PTA members and excluded countries. In analyzing the
welfare effects of a PTA, it is important to distinguish between the impact of trade
bloc (formation and expansion) on the welfare of.
A standard result of international trade theory is that, in a competitive
environment and in the absence of market distortions and externalities, free
trade will maximize global welfare. Removing trade barriers between a subset of
countries could therefore appear to be, a priori, a move in the right direction. Yet,
the ‘theory of second best’ points out that removing a distortion while others
remain in place may not increase welfare. Trade blocs are examples of second
best since a distortion is removed, i.e. trade barriers between member countries,
while another distortion is created in the form of a discrimination between
members and non-members (the latter facing trade barriers from the PTA), as
well as other market imperfections. Hence, the welfare implications of a trade
bloc are ambiguous as they depend on many factors. The demonstration of the
theory of second best situation entailed by a PTA was derived from the seminal
work of Jacob Vainer (1950), which shows that while liberalizing trade between a
group of countries can lead to ‘trade creation’ between members (which should
increase welfare), it can also reduce trade between the CU and its trading
partners. This ‘trade diversion can potentially reduce welfare for all as a member
switches from a relatively efficient, low cost producer outside the CU to less
efficient, higher cost producer within the CU, leading to a global misallocation of
resources.
Most of the debate on the static impacts of trade blocs on the global
economy rests on the theoretical and empirical evaluations of whether a PTA is
more trade-creating or trade-diverting. Another important element in assessing
the trade impact of a PTA are the price, or ‘terms of trade’, effects of a trade bloc.
Again, as intra-bloc trade is liberalized while extra-bloc trade is not, PTA
members buy more from each other (trade creation) and less from third
countries. If the PTA is not economically small, world prices will be affected as
the demand for (and thus the price of) non-member exports decreases, creating
a positive terms of trade effect for PTA members and a likely deterioration of the
terms of trade for third countries. Hence, trade blocs allow member countries to
exploit their joint market power over their terms of trade. This capacity to
influence its terms of trade is an important element in the analysis of the trade
policy determination and welfare effects of a PTA. Due to their increased market
power, the members of a trade bloc can extract rents from the excluded trading
partners by setting ‘optimal tariffs’ and behaving in a co-ordinate strategic way.
Such considerations also led to some predictions with regards the dynamics of
trade blocs. In particular, it is expected that, if countries are symmetric, trade
diversion and optimal tariffs increase as the world integrates in a smaller number
of expanding trading blocs. Although the level of optimal tariffs with expanding
trade blocs depends on the factor endowments (i.e. comparative advantages) of
the member countries, the welfare losses associated to trade bloc formation and
expansions seem to be due more to trade diversion than to potential increases in
optimal tariffs.
Ultimately, the optimal number of trade blocs in the world depends on the
one hand on the potential positive welfare effects resulting from trade creation,
and on the other hand on the potential negative welfare impacts result from trade
diversion and adverse changes in the terms of trade. Besides, a larger market
resulting from the creation and extension of trade blocs does not only increase
the market power of its members, but it also provides opportunities for greater
productivity efficiency for industries facing economies of scale and increased
competition within the PTA market. This in turn may contribute to reduce
distortions within the trade bloc. In this respect, it is worth noting that small
countries could benefit more from joining a PTA than larger countries, in
particular if the trade bloc is initially formed by large members, as small
countries will derive relatively larger economic advantages from gaining access
to the potentially large market of the bloc.
Yet, the main lesson from the new theory of regionalism is that there are no
strict rules and generalizations are dangerous, as the impacts on trade and
welfare of PTAs crucially depends on the model adopted. For instance, although
the notion of ‘natural trade blocs’ (based on lower transport costs associated to
regional trade) is common, it is doubtful that transport costs considerations
provide a justification (over other types of costs) for the desirability or superiority
of regional trade blocs over non-regional blocs. The fact that countries
geographically close trade more together, as suggested by the gravity model,
does not imply that their welfare will improve by forming a trade bloc, nor that
trade barriers with distant trading partners is desirable. Finally, while most
analyses on trade blocs either consider PTAs in general, or associate trade blocs
with CUs, the distinction between the forms taken by the PTA, namely a FTA or a
CU, is crucial to determine the trade and welfare impacts of a grouping of
countries. Focusing on the rules of origin requirements in a FTA, it is tempting to
conclude that CUs are superior to FTAs as the former generate less trade
diversion. However, when considering the strategic interaction between
members and non-members and their potential market power, FTAs could be
considered as more desirable on welfare ground than CUs.
Both GATIT and WTO accommodated regional arrangements. The major
argument for regionalism has been that smaller group of countries would find it
easier to move towards integration than in a much wider multilateral system.
However, as the groupings become larger, this argument tends to lose validity.
Many of the new regional arrangements contain countries as diverse in outlook,
economic size and level of development as any countries in the multilateral
system. Thus the fact remains that regional and geographical arrangements are
exceptions to the MFN principle which is the essence of the WTO rules.
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