Intimate Partner Violence: The Silent Enemy Among
African Immigrant Women
Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study
Despite global efforts to eliminate violence against women and girls in Canada,
progress remains slow (Buzawa & Buzawa, 2017; Fotheringham et al., 2021; Quinlan et
al., 2017). Some of the factors identified for the slow pace are systemic in nature,
including patriarchy, gender inequality, systemic factors, negative stereotypes, the impact
of colonization, the lack of consideration for intersectionality, cultural factors,
socioeconomic status issues, poverty, and lack of education (Baskin, 2012; Brownridge,
2008; Jewkes et al., 2015; Leguizamon et al., 2020; Menjovar & Salcido, 2002). In
Canada, between 29% to 36% of married women and women in common-law
relationships have experienced physical or sexual assault by their partner at some point in
the relationship (Burczycka et al., 2019; Grunfeld et al., 1996; Perreault, 2020). Statistics
Canada (2018) revealed that 99,000 of the individuals who experience intimate partner
violence are between 15 and 89 years of age. About 30% of police-reported violent crime
victims and 79% of victims reported are women (Burczycka et al., 2019). These numbers
suggest that intimate partner violence affects a startlingly large number of women in
Canada.
Intimate partner violence includes all forms of abuse targeted toward women and
girls worldwide, and is described as an act of violence perpetrating oppression against
women (Adams & Beeble, 2019; Ahmadzai, 2015; Allen, 2012; Borisov et al., 2020;
Bostock et al., 2009; Tastsoglou et al., 2020; Wathen, 2012). The Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention (CDC, 2016) defines intimate partner violence as violent and
controlling behaviors in a close relationship that result in physical, sexual, verbal,
emotional, and psychological harm to a woman. This definition aligns with that of the
World Health Organization (WHO, 2017), which defines intimate partner violence as
behaviors intended to exert power and control over an intimate partner in any
relationship. These behaviors can include physical, sexual, emotional, economic, or
psychological threats. Although other studies have elucidated the experiences of men
experiencing intimate partner violence, and yet others have looked at intimate partner
violence in non-heterosexual relationships, I chose here to focus only on the abuse
perpetrated by men towards women (Chan, 2011; Straus & Gozjolko, 2014; Wathen et
al., 2018).
When a woman is attacked, terrorized, intimidated, manipulated, humiliated,
beaten, and controlled in both violent and nonviolent ways, these behaviors can inflict
physical, psychological, and emotional pain and injury. The victim is afraid and lacks
power and control over their lives, thus losing self-esteem, confidence, and identity
(Adams & Campbell, 2012; Collinson, 2021). Therefore, I believe no woman should live
in an abusive relationship.
According to the WHO (2009), intimate partner violence is a human rights issue
that is gaining attention across the globe. Globally, knowledge and awareness of the
impact of gender-based violence and inequality against women and girls should be on
every country’s agenda (Arief, 2018; United Nations Development Plan [UNDP], 2019).
All violence against women violates their fundamental human rights (Bunch, 1990;
WHO, 2017).
Addressing the problem of intimate partner violence is valuable from a public
health perspective as well, given the magnitude of the problem and its burden and cost on
the health care system in Canada (CDC, 2003; Zhang et al., 2012). Furthermore, Tutty et
al. (2021) found that as much as 81% of visible minority women residing in shelters may
be there due to intimate partner violence complications, as compared to 64% of
Indigenous women and 59% of white Canadian women. These findings suggest that this
research topic is both relevant and timely, especially for the African immigrant women of
Edmonton, Alberta. Presently, researchers have examined the effects of intimate partner
violence, the coping strategies, and the challenges faced by women living with an abusive
partner among racialized populations. Unfortunately, studies on the prevalence of
intimate partner violence among the African immigrant population in Edmonton, Alberta,
are limited. Furthermore, the literature specific to African immigrant women’s
experiences of intimate partner violence, the effects of that violence, their coping
strategies, and their motivations for leaving or remaining in abusive relationships in
Edmonton are far more limited. Therefore, research in this area is much needed to create
awareness and education about the impact of intimate partner violence on African
immigrant women’s physical, psychological, physiological, emotional, and mental health
in Edmonton, Alberta.
This study addressed the gap in the existing literature on the effects of intimate
partner violence among African immigrant women and the coping strategies shared by
survivors in Edmonton. The knowledge generated in these areas will help educate other
women about the behaviors that constitute violence in an intimate relationship, the effects
of such violence, and potential coping strategies. In addition, different themes that
emerge from participants’ stories about their experiences of abuse adds to the body of
knowledge about social work practice with these populations, especially when working
with survivors or victims of intimate partner violence within immigrant communities.
Overall, the insights generated by this study will help social workers, health care
professionals, community organizations, and women’s shelters when assisting African
immigrant women who have experienced of intimate partner violence fleeing or deciding
whether to end an abusive relationship.
Chapter 1 includes a summary of the background and context of intimate partner
violence for African immigrant women in Canada. I present the problem and describe the
purpose of the study, my research questions, guiding theoretical framework, the nature of
the study, definitions, assumptions, and the scope and delimitations of the study. I
conclude by summarizing and transitioning to the conceptual framework of this
dissertation, the literature review in Chapter 2.
Background of the Study
Literature abounds on the effects of intimate partner violence on both victims and
survivors (Ansara & Hindin, 2011; Wathen et al., 2018; Wathen, 2012). Intimate partner
violence has a variety of short-and long-term health consequences, including poor
physical and mental health, depression, suicidal ideation, posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD), substance abuse, disability, and challenges performing the activities of daily
living (Ansara & Hindin, 2011; United Nations Statistics Division, 2015; Wathen, 2012).
Furthermore, multiple researchers have acknowledged the prevalence of intimate partner
violence and both its psychological and physical consequences, revealing that women in
abusive relationships present with many acute, chronic, and neurological symptoms that
are not easily identified (Campbell et al., 2018; Dahlen et al., 2018; Love et al., 2018;
Monahan et al., 2019). Other studies have shown that intimate partner violence is
perpetrated in many ways; some women experience physical violence, while others
encounter psychological, financial, sexual, or emotional abuse and social isolation
(Ahmadzai, 2015; Perreault, 2020). In addition, women experiencing such abuse often
feel trapped, as they may be subject to death threats if they threaten to leave their
partners; many have even survived an attempted homicide by an intimate partner while
trying to escape (Adams et al., 2013; Amanor-Boadu et al., 2012; Gadd et al., 2019;
McCauley et al., 2018; Rosenberg, 2018; Vella et al., 2017).
Intimate partner violence is a significant public health and social problem
worldwide, involving millions of women (Cotter, 2021; Rees et al., 2011; Walsh et al.,
2015; WHO, 2013). Intimate partner violence has no boundaries, as it affects women and
girls from different countries, races, ages, sexual orientations, ethnicities, cultures, and
religions (Cotter, 2018; Government of Canada, 2019). In 2013, the WHO found that one
in three, or 35% of women worldwide, have or will experience at least one form of
partner violence in their lifetime. As a result, the WHO (2017) has made global efforts to
eliminate intimate partner violence. Nevertheless, it recognizes intimate partner violence
as a form of violence that threatens women’s physical, psychological, mental,
reproductive, and sexual health in both developed and developing countries, making it
one of the most prevalent problems women face globally.
It is important to underscore that intimate partner violence is not limited to
developing nations. In the United States, 5.3 million intimate partner violence
victimizations occur among women aged 18 and older each year (CDC, 2016; Zhang et
al., 2012). The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS) has found
that although both men and women in the US may experience abuse in their lifetimes, the
prevalence of different forms of abuse is higher among women than men (Breiding et al.,
2015).
Studies have revealed that intimate partner violence affects different groups in
Canada as well, including immigrant women from all ethnic backgrounds (Ahmadzai,
2015; Amanor-Boadu et al., 2012; Bloemraad et al., 2008; Blum et al., 2006; Brownridge,
2008; Government of Canada, 2012; Cotter, 2021; Little et al., 2020;
Menjovar & Salcido, 2002; Ozturk et al., 2019; Sabri et al., 2018; Wathen et al., 2018).
For example, the 2021 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) found that
29% of ethnocultural groups or visible minority women have reported abuse in intimate
partner relationships in their lifetime (Cotter, 2021). In addition, in a Canadian subsample
of the General Social Survey (GSS) of 313 immigrant women in Canada between the
ages of 18 and 49, 14.7% of the sample reported emotional abuse, and 3.3% reported
physical abuse perpetrated by a spouse (Frey et al., 2009).
Some writers have assessed the impacts of this abuse. For example, Fotheringham
et al. (2021) discuss the multiple consequences, causes, and effects of domestic violence
among immigrant women. Tutty et al. (2021) have discovered that 81% of visible
minority women have resided in a shelter due to intimate partner violence complications,
compared to 64% of indigenous women and 59% of white Canadian women. Other
studies have looked closely at specific immigrant sub-groups. For example, Guruge et al.
(2012) found that approximately 43% of Canadian Iranian women and 63% of Canadian
Sri Lankan Tamil women reported violence by a partner or a spouse in their lifetime. At
the same time, Sabri et al. (2018) have explored the multi-level factors influencing
intimate partner violence among South Asian immigrant women.
Studies on how immigrant women survivors cope with intimate partner violence
revealed multiple strategies and resources, such as formal and informal supports, social
networks and professional services, friends, and social relationships (Ahmad et al., 2009;
Sabri et al., 2018). Other studies revealed similarities in coping strategies among
immigrant women, while other women cope with self-blame, denial, hiding the abuse,
and pleasing the perpetrator (Keeling & van Wormer, 2012). Also, some immigrant
women use their spirituality, faith, and belief in God for a better future as coping; others
escape to stop the abuse (Yingling et al., 2015).
Gaps in Knowledge
The United Nation Human Development Report [UNDP], (2019) revealed the
dreadful state of gender inequality and domestic violence against women and girls
worldwide. The report concludes that the world is not even close to ending gender
violence and inequality; hence, much more work is needed to end violence against
women worldwide. They emphasize that eliminating violence against women should be a
global agenda (UNDP, 2019).
Intimate partner violence has evolved as a social phenomenon, and researchers
have written extensively on its health and social challenges (Abramsky et al., 2011;
Adams et al., 2013; Adams & Beeble, 2019; Allen, 2012; Ahmad et al., 2017). However,
a review of the existing literature related to intimate partner violence reveals that there is
a need for a better understanding of the experiences of, effects of, and coping strategies
for managing intimate partner violence among African immigrant women in Edmonton,
Alberta (Campbell et al., 2018; Cooper & Quick, 2017; Lacey et al., 2013). Specifically,
more effort has been invested in quantitative research than qualitative studies. In addition,
most studies on intimate partner violence, the effects, and coping strategies have focused
on quantitative analysis (Lucea et al., 2012; Rodriquez et al., 2009) and specific analysis
of the causal factors in intimate partner violence (Anderson et al., 2015). However, there
are few qualitative studies on intimate partner violence and its impact (Jose & Novaco,
2016; Lagdon et al., 2014; Quelopana & Alcalde, 2014; Sabri et al., 2018).
Unfortunately, these qualitative studies have focused predominantly on Western society
and Latino and African American victims, whereas research on African immigrant
women remains severely limited. There is a need for more qualitative studies to explore
the effects of intimate partner violence on African immigrant women, especially in
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, and the coping strategies they adopt.
Problem Statement
In August 2018, two women were shot by their husbands 72 hours apart in
Peterborough, Ontario, Canada (Ireton, 2020; Waugh, 2020). There is also the case of
Hamidah, a Canadian immigrant woman from Afghanistan, who was repeatedly punched
by her husband for refusing sex and disobeying him (Carman, 2020). These two graphic
examples are indications of a widespread problem. According to an investigative series
presented by Canadian Broadcasting Corporation [CBC News] (Waugh, 2020), there has
been an alarming increase in Canada’s domestic violence crisis in recent years. About
100,000 people become victims of domestic violence annually, and about 90 people die
due to it each year (Waugh, 2020). Research on prevalence rates and incidence reports
has identified intimate partner violence as a public health and social justice issue that
needs attention at all societal levels (Antai, 2011; Bailey, 2010; Brownridge & Halli,
2002; Hyman et al., 2006; Martinez, 1992; UN Women, 2016; United Nations Statistics
Division, 2015; WHO, 2016).
Research has shown that intimate partner violence has a traumatic and damaging
effect on the wellbeing of victims, their children, and the community as a whole (Bailey,
2010; Barnett, 2001; Boonzaier & Schalkwyk, 2011; Brend et al., 2019; Muzak, 2009;
Taket et al., 2003; Wisniewski et al., 2019). In addition, studies have identified several
factors contributing to women staying in abusive relationships, the frequent failure to
report, and the effects of abuse on women and children (Kemp, 1998; Bammeke &
Fakunmoju, 2016; Bhuyan et al., 2014; Canadian Women’s Foundation, 2014; Guruge et
al., 2012; Hyman et al., 2011; Lehrner & Allen, 2008; Leone et al., 2007; Onyskiw, 2000;
Pokharel et al., 2020; Wisniewski et al., 2019).
As will be demonstrated, this problem becomes more acute when focusing on
immigrant populations. The reasons underlying this are multifaceted. Canada embraces
multiculturalism and diversity, allowing people worldwide to immigrate to Canada
(Bhuyan et al., 2014; Bloemraad et al., 2008). These policies have welcomed millions of
immigrants to Canada, where people can maintain and celebrate their cultural diversity,
identities, and practices (Hiebert, 2016; Statistics Canada, 2017b; Study of Sudanese
Settlement in Ontario, 2004). However, many immigrants come from countries where
women are oppressed and suppressed. For example, in some countries, wife-beating or
battering is condoned and even considered normal, making domestic violence and
intimate partner violence acceptable (Bhuyan et al., 2014; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006).
Studies have also revealed that intimate partner violence is prevalent in developing
countries, and immigrants from these countries often import abusive domestic behaviors
to their new home (Akinsulure-Smith et al., 2013; Aujla & Gill, 2014; Bhuyan et al.,
2014; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006; UNDP, 2019). Some immigrant men bring the practice
of wife battery and domestic violence to Canada, where they continue to oppress,
intimidate, and victimize their spouses in their new home country (Ahmadzai, 2015;
Hyman et al., 2011; Tastsoglou et al., 2020), even though such cultural norms are illegal
in Canada (Government of Canada, 2019). This context is essential to understand because
the experiences of these women differ from those of the non-immigrant women, who are
often the participants in studies of domestic violence and intimate partner violence. For
example, a recent systematic review conducted by Okeke-Ihejirika et al. (2018) revealed
the unique challenges faced by immigrant women and the differences between their
experiences, perceptions, and responses to intimate partner violence compared to those of
Canadian-born women. Therefore, an examination of African immigrant women’s
experiences is vital to understand their service needs.
The detrimental effects of spousal abuse on victims’ health and mental wellbeing
are well-documented. Hence, the impact of abuse on African immigrant women must be
adequately identified (Borisov et al., 2020; Gulati & Kelly, 2020; Mengo et al., 2022;
Pandya & Pathak, 2020; Sediri et al., 2020). Also, situational, systemic, and individual
factors shape victims’ experiences and responses to intimate partner violence (Antai,
2011; Boonzaier & Schalkwyk, 2011; D’Avolio, 2011; Hartmann, 1976; Harper, 2019).
Research indicates that survivors of abuse cope differently; immigrant women are
exposed to different causal and environmental factors than non-immigrant women, which
calls for the deployment of different coping strategies (Bostock et al., 2009; Clements &
Sawhney, 2000; Flood & Pease, 2009; Mitchell & Hodson, 1983; Wettersten et al.,
2004).
Some studies have examined experiences of domestic violence among ethnic and
racialized groups in Canada; however, there is limited information specific to Edmonton,
Alberta, about the incidents of intimate partner violence among African immigrant
women (Abraham & Tastsoglou, 2016; Ahmad et al., 2009; Canadian Women’s
Foundation, 2014; Menjovar & Salcido, 2002; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). In addition,
though researchers have examined the challenges of leaving an abusive partner among
other populations, I have not found literature on African immigrant women’s experiences,
and why they refuse to leave an abusive relationship in Edmonton.
My interest in conducting this study was sparked by the recent increase in the
rates of domestic violence (DV) and intimate partner violence (IPV) incidence among
Canadian-born and immigrant women across Canada and the United States (Abraham &
Tastsoglou, 2016; Guruge et al., 2012; Trocmé et al., 2013; Zorn et al., 2017). In addition,
while working in Child Welfare within the Edmonton Region, I witnessed an increase in
minority/racialized children going into foster care—primarily African and indigenous
children. These children are taken into foster care due mainly to domestic violence and
other related home issues (Trocmé et al., 2013; Riel et al., 2014). Hence, understanding
intimate partner violence as a phenomenon among African immigrant women in
Edmonton is relevant to professional social work in practice, especially in child welfare
spaces.
Another critical motivator for undertaking this research stems from a personal
relationship; I have a friend who is an African newcomer to Edmonton, Alberta, and a
survivor of intimate partner violence. Listening to her survivor story and how she endured
in fear for such a time before she left the marriage was heartbreaking for me. I imagine
how many other African women must have similar or worse stories. It would be a mistake
to assume that this relationship means I understand the immigrant and ethnic/racialized
women. They have survived intimate partner violence and its effects on them in different
ways, employing their own coping strategies while experiencing intimate partner
violence. However, my research examines and identifies some of these common factors
and dynamics, helping me to understand, at least in part, the experiences of my friend and
other women like her, as well as the lessons she can teach those of us practicing social
work.
Purpose of the Study
Research on the implications of, consequences of, and interventions for intimate
partner violence has amassed strong evidence to show the debilitating and traumatic
effects intimate partner violence has on women (Herman, 1997; Hoffart & Jones, 2018;
Vella et al., 2017). However, more needs to be done to reduce and end aggression against
girls and women globally (Bunch, 1990; Fakunmoju et al., 2015; Herman, 1997;
GarciaMoreno et al., 2006; United Nations Statistics Division, 2015; UN Women, 2016).
Therefore, ending violence against women and girls needs to be done at the local and
global levels.
Intimate partner violence exists among immigrant women in Canada, but there is
limited information about its nature and extent, especially among African immigrant
women in Edmonton, Alberta (Ahmad et al., 2009; Amanor-Boadu et al., 2012;
Government of Canada, 2012; Cotter, 2021; Little et al., 2020; Gonçalves & Matos, 2016;
Ozturk et al., 2019). In existing qualitative studies, researchers have focused on intimate
partner violence among Indigenous Canadian women (Hoffart & Jones, 2018; Riel et al.,
2014; Tutty et al., 2020; Varcoe et al., 2019), Indo-Canadian and South Asian women
(Ahmadzai, 2015; Bhogal, 2019; Hyman et al., 2011; Thandi, 2012), Chinese Canadian
women (Tam et al., 2016; Yok-Fong, 2014; Xu et al., 2001; Hicks, 2006), and European
or Canadian-born women (Barnett, 2001; Canadian Women’s Foundation, 2014; Dutton,
2007; Niolon et al., 2017). However, there are limited cross-cultural studies on African
immigrant women in Canada and even fewer specific to Alberta. Therefore, my
dissertation research only focuses on African immigrant women in Edmonton, Alberta.
Edmonton is the capital of Alberta and one of the province’s fastest-growing
cities, experiencing 32% growth between 2016 and 2019 (Edmonton Metropolitan
Region Board [EMRB], 2020). Most of this growth (24%) resulted from immigration
(Government of Canada, 2020). The 2016 census data also show a specific increase in
visible minority and immigrant populations between 2011-2016, from 18.4% to 23.5% in
Alberta compared to a 22.3% increase in visible immigrants in Canada as a whole
(Statistics Canada, 2017a). About 75% of new immigrants in Canada now come from
developing countries, and as a result, Alberta will see an increase in its residents to 1.9
million over the next 26 years; this influx will mainly come through immigration to the
province, with about 80% living in Edmonton (City of Edmonton, 2021; Government of
Canada, 2020). More than 29% are members of visible minorities sponsored under the
Alberta Immigrant Nominee Program (AINP), a percentage that is expected to increase
by 2040 (EMRB, 2020; Government of Alberta, 2021). With the influx of people from
other Canadian provinces and territories to Edmonton and the resulting increase in the
immigrant population in Alberta, violence against marginalized immigrant women is
increasing, with inadequate information available about the prevalence of the issue in this
region (Ahmad et al., 2009; Aujla & Gill, 2014; Bhogal, 2019; Lehrner & Allen, 2008;
Menjovar & Salcido, 2002).
Most immigrants in Edmonton come from countries where power differences
between men and women are normalized, where men have dominance and superiority
over women and the authority to control and exploit them within intimate relationships
(Moodley & Bowman, 2021; Wood, 2001). Gender inequality is also pervasive in some
of these countries, supported by patriarchal systems that condone, overlook, and ignore
intimate partner violence, ultimately regarding disputes between men and women to be
private matters (Allen, 2013; Fakunmoju et al., 2016; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006; Hyman
et al., 2011; Hyman et al., 2006; Sabri et al., 2018; Zarei et al., 2017). In some immigrant
countries, intimate partner violence is embedded within the structures and systems of
patriarchy, power, control, and authority that increase women’s vulnerability and risk in
the home (Ahmadzai, 2015; Akinsulure-Smith, 2014; Arief, 2018; Fakunmoju et al.,
2015; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006; Menjovar & Salcido, 2002).
Edmonton is one of the locations where the AINP was explicitly founded for
immigrants in Alberta who wished to bring their spouses or family members to join them.
Some of these immigrants have not visited other provinces in Canada. Conditions for
these immigrant spouses can be challenging when they first enter the country and are
isolated, knowing no one locally they can talk to except the spouse who brought them to
the country and is abusing them. No single factor can explain why women keep silent
and endure intimate partner violence for significant periods (Dutton, 1985; Little &
Kantor, 2002; Pokharel et al., 2020; WHO, 2021). Instead, many interrelated factors
within the individual, family, and cultural contexts explain men’s behaviors and women’s
reactions (Dutton, 1985).
This qualitative analysis examines the experiences of intimate partner violence
among African immigrant women in these situations in Edmonton, identifies their coping
strategies, and determines recurring themes about the effects of abuse. Intimate partner
violence among African immigrant women in Edmonton is both a health and social
problem that affects their physical, emotional, psychological, economic, sexual, and
spiritual wellbeing (Cerulli et al., 2012; Fakunmoju et al., 2015; Herman, 1997; Kemp,
1998; Kulwicki et al., 2010; Omorodion, 2020). Although many scholars have examined
the problem of intimate partner violence, this study provided information to increase
awareness of intimate partner violence, specifically among African immigrant women in
Edmonton.
Research Questions
The study explores intimate partner violence experiences among African
immigrant women who have left abusive relationships in Edmonton. The research
questions guiding this exploration were as follows:
1. How do African immigrant women survivors who have successfully left their
abusive relationships describe their experience of abuse in intimate relationships?
2. How do these women survivors cope with the experience of abuse?
3. What themes emerge from the effects of abuse on these survivors?
Theoretical Foundation
Several theories have explained wife abuse, intimate partner violence, and why
men may use violence against their partners (Bell & Naugle, 2008; Dobash & Dobash,
1977-1978; Dutton, 2007; Straus, 1976). To better understand the intimate partner
violence experiences of African immigrant women, this study utilizes a feminist
theoretical framework (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). Feminist consciousness and thinking
are about how women view and make sense of their world (Garko, 1999). Feminist
theorists suggest that women’s language is a language of experiences and should come
from women, thereby understanding women’s concerns as social and lived realities
experienced and shared by women (Harding, 1987; Skeggs, 1997; Stanley & Wise, 1993).
As it is essential to explore women’s everyday and lived experiences of intimate partner
violence (Stanley & Wise, 1993), the feminist theory provides an ideal framework.
Feminist theory also provides insight into the history of gender discrimination,
patriarchy, gender war, and terrorism against women that first started as a structural and
systemic issue (Falcón & Nash, 2015; Sjoberga & Gentry, 2016). Feminist theorist
created awareness about issues of gender-based violence and intimate partner violence,
leading to current conversations about their global public health impacts on women.
Moreover, the feminist perspective on women’s experiences has provided a platform for
advocacy, urging governments and lawmakers to protect women’s rights. In summary,
feminist theorists have emphasized that global changes in war, conflict, and oppression
need to be addressed and have underlined the importance of paying attention to everyday
abuse, realities about violence, and the enmeshment of various systems of oppression
(Ackerly, 2018). I explain the theoretical framework and its application in this study in
more detail in Chapter 2.
Nature of the Study
This qualitative analysis examines the experiences of intimate partner violence
and its effects on the lives of African immigrant women survivors in Edmonton and their
coping strategies to better understand their service needs. While I considered other
research methods for this dissertation, qualitative analysis is best suited for my research
topic because it helps me to know how the women experience intimate partner violence
from their perspectives. Qualitative analysis tends to be flexible, descriptive, and
explorative, retaining both rich contextual meaning and the participants’ interpretations
(Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Qualitative research is the nonnumerical process of examining and interpreting
observations to discover underlying meanings and patterns of relationships. The approach
is typical in social sciences and historical field research (Babbie, 2017). For illustration, a
qualitative researcher might aim to probe research participants’ experiences through
various strategies, such as observation, in-depth interviews, and focus groups. Despite
critics’ concerns about subjectivity, qualitative research has gained acceptance as a rigid
analysis method (Ignacio & Taylor, 2012). Qualitative analysis’ focus on subjectivity is a
benefit for this study, as it allowed the participant’s space to express their experiences in
their own words.
In conducting a qualitative investigation, the researcher must ensure that the
methodology is rigorous and credible (Ignacio & Taylor, 2012). The generic qualitative
approach allowed me to develop different strategies for data collection, including
conducting face-to-face interviews and using observations and questionnaires in a safe
environment conducive to gaining knowledge and meaningful information from the
participants’ (Chan et al., 2013; Creswell, 2012; Grant, 2008; Yilmaz, 2013).
Undertaking qualitative research in this study allowed me to spend quality time
developing interview guides and questions to encourage participants to share their
experiences and perceptions in enough depth to provide sufficient insight for the
subsequent analysis process. In addition, the qualitative method helped me to describe the
effect of intimate partner violence on African immigrant women from their personal
perspectives, leading to a better understanding of their service needs.
Although many researchers have studied intimate partner violence, my study
increases intimate partner violence awareness through a qualitative analysis with a
purposive sample of African immigrant women from Edmonton. The study addresses a
gap in the literature and expands the body of knowledge on intimate partner violence
among African immigrant women survivors in Edmonton. It explores and provides a
better understanding of the women, their coping strategies, and the themes that emerge
from their accounts. Social workers, child protection workers, health care professionals,
community organizations, and women’s shelters may find this information helpful when
assisting immigrant women victims of intimate partner violence fleeing from or ending an
abusive relationship.
Operational Definitions
This study uses some terms and definitions with interchangeable or contested
meanings to ensure contextual understanding and consistency. Listed below are modified
operational descriptions to support understanding of the topic of intimate partner violence
amongst immigrant women within this dissertation:
Immigrant: The term “immigrant” refers to a person who has the right to live in
Canada as a landed immigrant or permanent resident (Statistics Canada, 2019).
Immigrant women: “Immigrant women” refers to foreign-born women who now
live and work in Canada (Hyman et al., 2006; Nangia, 2013; Statistics Canada, 2019).
African immigrant women: In this study, “African immigrant women” refers to
women born in Africa who have the right to live and work in Canada as landed
immigrants or permanent residents (Statistics Canada, 2019; West, 2016).
Racialized minority: The term “racialized minority” refers to all people who are
non-Caucasian and non-white (Hyman et al., 2009).
Ethnic minority: The term “ethnic minority” refers to any non-prevalent group
within a society with a shared race, culture, tradition, history, religion, and language
(Hamer et al., 2020).
Intersectionality: Intersectionality is a theory that recognizes that individuals
experience multiple layers of oppression due to the complexities of individual identity,
which include overlapping categories such as gender, race, ethnicity, age, religion, caste,
and sexual identity and orientation (De Coster & Heimer, 2021; Dennissen et al., 2018;
Frederick & Shifrer, 2019).
Patriarchy: The term “patriarchy” refers to any system that preserves genderbased
attitudes and social stereotypes by promoting male domination over females
(Dlamini & Adams, 2014).
Intimate partner: The term “intimate partner” refers to current and former spouses
and dating partners with whom an individual is involved emotionally, physically, and
psychologically (CDC, 2016).
Heterosexual relationship: The term “heterosexual relationship” refers to any
relationship in which a man and a woman desire and share an intimately romantic and
sexual relationship (Kordoutis et al., 2010).
Domestic violence: The term “domestic violence” describes violence in domestic
settings among same-sex or opposite-sex partners or spouses, as well as other family
members such as parents, uncles and aunts, cousins, and so on (Women Against Abuse,
2021).
Intimate partner violence: The term “intimate partner violence” describes violence
or the threat of violence from a current or former romantic or intimate partner that
involves physical, psychological, emotional, mental, or sexual abuse (Hyman et al.,
2006).
Victim: The term “victim” refers to any individual who has recently experienced
violence; it is used when discussing a particular crime or referring to the criminal justice
system (RAINN, 2021).
Assumptions
There are several assumptions associated with this study. First, I assumed that
African immigrant women survivors of intimate partner violence would willingly agree to
participate and share their experiences with me in the study. Second, I thought there
might be some challenges for several reasons. For example, myself as the researcher and
the potential participants are members of the same ethnic group. Though this may afford
me status as an insider, it could also pose a barrier in that participants may be concerned
about their privacy, confidentiality, and safety. As a result, they may be afraid to share
their stories. Challenges may also arise if some women fail to show up for the interviews
due to fear and embarrassment of speaking about their family issues. Because of the
stigma associated with intimate partner violence, victims or survivors may be ashamed to
tell anyone they went through such a horrific experience, and they may not share
truthfully or hold back some details from their stories. It may also lead to some women
objecting to an audio interview recording. Because these women are vested in minimizing
the severity of any current abuse, women still involved in an abusive relationship may not
answer truthfully or accurately, thus compromising the study data. Finally, as an African
immigrant woman, I identify my bias as a researcher with these assumptions. All these
issues are addressed further in Chapter 3. I also assumed that I would succeed in finding
15 willing participants among the African immigrant women in my community. Finding
15 participants was challenging due to my decided eligibility criteria, which I detail in
Chapter 3 as well.
Scope
This qualitative study examines the effects of intimate partner violence on African
immigrant women survivors of intimate partner violence in Edmonton, Alberta. I asked
participants to share their coping strategies and any recurring themes about the impact of
partner violence on them to understand their service needs better. All participants in this
study have experienced and overcome the challenges of intimate partner violence, limited
to African immigrant women. The inclusion criteria are as follows: a) African immigrant
woman; b) living in Edmonton, Alberta; c) 18 years and older; d) comfortable speaking
English; e) was married, common-law, cohabiting, or in a relationship with an African
man; f) women who self-identify as survivors of intimate partner violence; g) not residing
in a shelter or transitional housing; h) not living with the abuser; i) must have shared their
experiences of abuse with any other professionals in the past; and j) not involved in a
current legal proceeding against the abuser.
Delimitations
I also identified some delimitations to narrow the study’s boundaries (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). My research excludes any participants that do not meet African
immigrant women’s requirements; anyone who identifies as African Canadian or
Canadian-born African was exempted from the study. Though excluding the above
individuals might affect the transferability of the research findings to other African
women groups, I felt it was important to look at this specific population to identify the
specific barriers they face based on their unique intersectional position in this world.
In addition, the duration set for the study is short-term; therefore, finding
individuals willing to participate in the interview is essential. Though this can pose
challenges for recruitment and participants who may feel more comfortable after building
rapport, I was grateful to be able to speak to nine participants who fit the eligibility
criteria within this relatively short time period. Another delimitation is, consequently, that
the participants must be residents of Edmonton. The study did not include African
immigrant women who live outside of Edmonton. Though excluding those outside of
Edmonton may affect the transferability of the research findings, it was important to me
to contextualize this study within a setting that follows my personal, academic, and
professional connections to Edmonton.
A third delimitation is my choice of theory; I used feminist theory as a guiding
framework, without using any specific intimate partner violence-related conceptual
framework. Previous researchers have used these conceptual frameworks and approaches
to explain intimate partner violence (Delyser & Sui, 2013; Eckstein, 2017; Gulati &
Brendan, 2020; Heise, 1998; Lawson, 2012; Omorodion, 2020; Rizo et al., 2017).
Additionally, some studies have examined the effects of intimate partner violence,
victims’ coping strategies, and the experiences of other immigrant women using different
theoretical frameworks (Boonzaier & Schalkwyk, 2011; Savin-Baden & Van Niekerk,
2007; Wang, 2017). I chose to use feminist theory as it allows for a deeper understanding
of African immigrant women’s experiences, advocacy, and work to improve their lives,
creating a direct link to social change beyond a simple theoretical approach (Mehrotra,
2010). I detail this further in Chapter 2.
Limitations
There are limitations to my study regarding the research results’ generalizability
and transferability. Given the sample size, the results did not represent the majority
population of African immigrant women. Hence, the findings cannot be generalized to
other ethnic minorities and immigrant women survivors of intimate partner violence in
Edmonton or other cities. Another limitation is determining whether trust, reliability, and
credibility were established with the participants (Rudestam & Newton, 2015). Edmonton
is a small city with a close-knit African community. As a result, some women may be
reluctant to open up and share their stories. Finally, while I attempted to prove to the
women that their stories, privacy, and confidentiality were safe, and I obtained clearance
from the Institute Research Board (IRB) in this area, I will not be able to guarantee the
accuracy of the data collected wholly.
Finally, this study examined the phenomenon of intimate partner violence, not the
specific types of abuse that African immigrant women experience. Hence, further studies
focusing on the types of abuse experienced by these populations would be necessary to
confirm the generalizability of this study’s findings.
Significance of the Study
Social work practitioners and health professionals should thoroughly evaluate
women who access support through their agencies, including cross-cultural components,
to avoid a one-size-fits-all approach to assessment, treatment, and intervention
(Fakunmoju et al., 2015; Gaetz et al., 2014; Stith et al., 2011). Unlike other professional
disciplines, social workers have a diverse clientele and occupy multifaceted roles in their
communities, such as child protection and women’s health worker roles (Allen, 2013).
Doing our due diligence as workers when assessing intimate partner violence should
include a holistic approach. This might, for example, involve recognizing that a mother’s
safety will improve the relationship and interactions between the social worker and the
family (Allen, 2013). This study could inform future researchers, family members,
advocates, social workers, medical personnel, and human service professionals about the
effects of intimate partner violence and how African immigrant women survived, coped,
and recovered from intimate partner violence.
The participants in this study are African immigrant women who have
experienced and survived intimate partner violence in Edmonton, Alberta. The study is
designed to identify and report the effects of intimate partner violence on the lives of
African immigrant women, as well as their coping strategies and any recurring themes in
their stories, using qualitative analysis to create awareness of the issues of intimate
partner violence among African immigrant women in Edmonton.
Children need to recognize acceptable and unacceptable behaviors in adult
relationships. At the same time, a reporting process that provides a clear direction for
reporting intimate partner violence incidents and protecting victims’ rights and dignity is
needed (Johnson, 2005). I advocate for a province-wide campaign, including government
funding public awareness campaigns, towards developing reporting processes protecting
intimate partner violence victims and increasing access to supports. I also encourage the
inclusion of curricula recognizing signs of domestic violence in early childhood, middle
school, and high school programs (Giordano et al., 2015). I support the development of
universal reporting protocols to protect the rights and dignity of victims and survivors of
intimate partner violence wherever they are identified (D’Avolio, 2011).
Finally, there is a need for the province of Alberta and the City of Edmonton to
invest in and fund culturally appropriate and safe shelters for immigrant women and
children who are fleeing from intimate partner violence (Carman, 2020). The findings
from this study provide data that can inform future policy changes regarding immigration
and spousal sponsorship programs (Waldman & Macklin, 2014). African immigrant
women should not be made to wait or feel afraid and ashamed to seek help and speak out
about their intimate partner violence experiences. The study aimed to support establishing
a walk-in advocacy program to educate and empower immigrant women victims of
domestic violence. The program would partner with all shelters across the city, the police,
community agencies, and child welfare services to ensure a collaborative service delivery
approach.
Significance to Social Change
Domination and gender differences between men and women have been socially
constructed and exploited in support of patriarchal societies for centuries (Anthias, 2002;
Dietz, 2000; Mullaly, 2010). These problems exist because of systems and social
structures in society that prefer and favor some groups over others according to class,
race, gender, age, and sexual orientation, among others (Adams & Campbell, 2012;
Anthias, 2002; Mullaly, 2010). At the same time, patriarchy has created power
imbalances and stereotypes. These imbalances are compounded by other unequal
dynamics, such as those experienced by immigrant families in Canada, whose
nonCanadian degrees and experience are denied; the immigrants are then relegated to
lowpaying, precarious employment (YWCA Canada, 2020). The economic stress caused
by poverty and unemployment within some immigrant families increases the risk of abuse
for some women (Anthias, 2002; Weldon & Gilchrist, 2012). The oppression of
Canadian-born women, Indigenous women, and minority women in Canada is supported
by existing research, but there is a gap in the literature regarding knowledge of African
immigrant women’s experiences in Canada (Hiebert, 2016; Mullaly, 2010; Nangia,
2013). This study offers an opportunity to break the silence, remove the stigma about
intimate partner violence, and support women speaking out about their experiences.
Finally, some of the experiences shared by the women survivors participating in the study
may help empower other women in similar situations who feel that they are alone or
cannot speak about what they are experiencing.
Significance to Practice
This study provides insights into the current issues in supporting African
immigrant women victims or survivors of partner violence in Edmonton, Alberta,
Canada, including improved programs and services for women’s safety and wellbeing. In
addition, it helps improve awareness within Edmonton’s community agencies of this
population’s cultural needs to aid in providing appropriate and meaningful support and
services. Additionally, this study’s findings support public health and educational
programs to increase knowledge and awareness of intimate partner violence among
African immigrant women and other immigrant minority groups in Edmonton schools.
Community awareness is one of many keys to prevention. For example, if all community
members are aware of the impacts of intimate partner violence on women and girls, it
may increase and improve support from family members and the rest of the community.
Significance to Theory
Experts in social work and the social sciences use various theories to explain
violence against women as a social issue, which result in many new research directions
and suggestions (Allen, 2012; Babbie, 2017; Boonzaier & Schalkwyk, 2011; Stanko,
2006). For example, family violence theories such as systems theory, ecological theory,
exchange/social control theory, resource theory, and subculture-of-violence theory have
examined intimate partner violence as an expression of conflict within the family and
violence in social structures (DiCristina, 2006; Lawson, 2012). However, feminist theory
views the abuse and oppression of women as issues that affect women specifically, using
a lens of patriarchy as it intersects with other forms of oppression women may experience
with practical and informed approaches to social change-making. Of particular interest to
me is the feminist focus on promoting equality in relationships and insisting that
marriages should be equal (Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986). In addition, feminist theory
is significant in this study as it explains how various identities, such as gender, race,
class, and sexuality shape the unique forms of gender inequality, oppression, and
marginalization within society (Adams & Campbell, 2012). Finally, feminist theories
support and investigate women’s everyday experiences of gender inequality (Muzak,
2009; Stanley & Wise, 1993), mainly as they apply within a specific community and
practice context. Feminist theory is, therefore, an ideal choice in this study (Daly &
Chesney-Lind, 1988; Danner, 1989; DeKeseredy, 2011; Haney, 2000; Stanley & Wise,
1993).
Summary and Transition
In this chapter, I introduced intimate partner violence as a challenge addressed
slowly and insufficiently in Canada. The problem is contextual, influenced by factors
such as patriarchy, gender inequality, systemic factors, negative stereotypes, the impact
of colonization, the lack of consideration for its intersectionality, cultural factors,
socioeconomic status, poverty, and lack of education and awareness (Baskin, 2012;
Brownridge, 2008; Jewkes et al., 2015; Leguizamon et al., 2020; Menjovar & Salcido,
2002). Immigrant women face an even higher risk of intimate partner violence than
Canadian-born women, with increased risks of retribution and loss for reporting violence
due to economic, social, and family dynamics. Intimate partner violence harms African
immigrant women’s physical and mental health in Edmonton, as well as throughout
Canada as a whole. The current available research on intimate partner violence among
African immigrant women in Edmonton is limited. As intimate partner violence is a
global challenge facing women and girls, there is a clear need to fill this gap.
In order to do so, I begin by presenting a literature review in the following chapter
to establish a conceptual basis for the remainder of my dissertation. Chapter 3 includes
the study methodology and my approach to sampling, data collection, and analysis.
Chapter 4 discusses my findings, which are a collection of shared narratives by African
immigrant woman participants around coping with intimate partner violence, descriptions
of its effects on them, and identification of program and service needs. Finally, Chapter 5
concludes the study by presenting the potential implications for social workers, child
welfare workers, and future research.
Chapter 2: Literature Review
This generic qualitative research study explores the experiences of African
immigrant women who left abusive intimate partner violence in Edmonton, Alberta. In
addition, the study notes the effects, the coping strategies, and the themes emerging from
the women’s stories to determine programs and service’s needs. Intimate partner violence
is an act of violence or a series of violent acts in a close relationship that causes physical,
sexual, verbal, emotional, and psychological harm to a woman, including exerting power
and control (CDC, 2016; WHO, 2017). Intimate partner violence is a social and public
health problem that warrants local and international attention as a human rights issue
affecting millions of women and girls in developed and developing countries at all levels
of society (CDC, 2016; United Nations Human Rights, 2014). Intimate partner violence
has impacted women and their children’s lives throughout Canada (Wathen, 2012).
Moreover, every hour of every day, a woman is victimized or violated by a spouse or
partner in Alberta (Alberta Government, 2016).
There have been numerous studies focusing on the prevalence and effects of
intimate partner violence, possible interventions, and the resources needed to address the
problem of intimate partner violence, but there is more work to be done (Adams &
Campbell, 2012; Ahmadzai, 2015; Bhuyan et al., 2014; Brown et al., 2005; Fields, 1976).
In particular, there are not enough incident reports on prevalence rates, nor has enough
been done to document the experiences and perceptions of immigrant women compared
to Canadian-born women’s experiences (Okeke-Ihejirika et al., 2018). The disparity is
significant because immigrant women have a higher risk of spousal violence due to issues
tied to their immigration, migration, settlement, and adjustment in Canada
(AkinsulureSmith et al., 2013; Hiebert, 2016; Hyman et al., 2011; Hyman et al., 2006,
2009; OkekeIhejirika et al., 2018). Furthermore, studies examined the experiences of
immigrant women victims and survivors of intimate partner violence and highlighted the
unique challenges of patriarchy, power, and control (Adams & Campbell, 2012;
Ahmadzai,
2015; Ahmad et al., 2009; Akinsulure-Smith et al., 2013; Alaggia et al., 2017;
AmanorBoadu et al., 2012), indicating intimate partner violence within immigrant
communities is a severe and complex problem (Allen, 2013; Government of Canada,
2019; Pacheco et al., 2017; Perreault, 2020).
The literature review presented in this chapter supports the importance of this
study for women’s empowerment and for the inclusion in the research literature of the
voices of women who have survived intimate partner violence. Functionally, this chapter
provides an overview of the literature search strategy and theoretical foundation used for
this dissertation, as well as the history and causes of intimate partner violence as a social
problem. It presents the existing literature that defined intimate partner violence and
explored its characteristics in Western and low- and middle-income countries, as well as
the risk factors associated with intimate partner violence, coping strategies, service gaps,
and interventions. Finally, it reviews existing effective prevention programs and services.
Overall, this literature review summarizes the existing work supporting this study and
indicated the gaps in knowledge and practice regarding African immigrant women in
Alberta, Canada.
Literature Search Strategy
The research studies chosen for this literature review focused on intimate partner
violence among African immigrant women and immigrant minority groups and, more
specifically, on the types of abuse these women face. The following databases were
employed to search for relevant research studies in these areas: Campbell Systematic
Reviews, the Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews, Social Work and Social Service
Abstracts, PsycINFO, Taylor and Francis, ERIC, Sociofile, JSTOR, EBSCOhost,
PubMed, PubMed Central, MEDLINE, ProQuest, Dissertation Abstracts, Conference
Proceedings Citation Indexes, Web of Knowledge, and Google Scholar. The sampling
frame included peer-reviewed, published, and unpublished literature. I found it more
manageable to begin with broader search criteria before narrowing them down to specific
topics using identified keywords (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
In addition to database searching, I also identified relevant sources by reviewing
online websites for research articles, conferences, and reports, including The World
Health Organization, The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Women’s Shelters
Canada, Safe Housing Partnerships, Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and
Accountability, Canadian Domestic Homicide Prevention Initiative, Gender-Based
Violence Knowledge Centre, and Safe Housing Partnerships.
Regarding selecting the literature to review, I limited the selection to current
research not older than ten years; however, some older research articles were searched,
reviewed, and included to capture historical timelines and definitions of intimate partner
violence. Thus, the range of dates for the included sources is from 2009-2021, with most
studies falling between 2010 and 2020 and references about the definition, history,
incidences, timelines, and prevalence rates of intimate partner violence falling in the
range of 1980-2009.
The keywords used in searching the databases and websites were as follows:
intimate partner violence among women in Canada, intimate partner violence among
immigrant women in Canada, intimate partner violence African immigrant women in
Canada, prevalence of domestic violence with immigrants African immigrant women the
problem of new immigrants, and immigrant and domestic violence. This initial search
yielded hundreds of articles. After adding keywords such as effects, coping experiences,
minority groups, gender-based violence, abuse of women, femicide in Canada, and
femicide and immigrant women to the initial keywords, that search yielded an additional
120 articles. Finally, I searched the reference lists of found papers, which generated other
sources for review. Appendix F details these keywords and my literature search process.
The two searched together revealed a significant amount of quantitative and
qualitative literature on violence against women. Also, because intimate partner violence
is socially and medically problematic, the search yielded numerous case studies, practice
and policy analyses or essays, and clinical reviews. Some identified sources were
research studies, while others were descriptive articles or executive summaries. For this
literature review, I focused only on empirical articles that met the standards for a
literature review. In addition, executive summaries and findings from studies conducted
by the United Nations and WHO were significant components of this review.
Significantly, the search and resulting review confirm a gap in the existing
literature on the topic of intimate partner violence among African immigrant women in
Edmonton, and that more studies are needed on the experiences of intimate partner
violence among African immigrant women in Edmonton and Canada (Holtmann &
Rickards, 2018; Okeke-Ihejirika et al., 2018; Omorodion, 2020). However, I discovered a
significant amount of adjacent research on the experiences of African American women
and immigrant women victims and survivors of intimate partner violence in the United
States, some of which were included in this literature review (Weaver et al., 2021).
Review of the Literature
History of and Current Trends Concerning Intimate Partner Violence
Intimate partner violence is a social problem affecting women on a global scale
(Clark, 2011; Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Heise, 1998). Intimate partner violence can be
traced to European history and cultural conditions in the Western world. In the 1700s, for
example, women were their father’s property until they married, when they became their
husband’s property; in this era, the Laws of Chastisement made wife-beating legally and
socially acceptable (Martin, 1976). In addition, the “rule of thumb” permitted men to
physically discipline their wives with any weapon not more prominent than their thumbs
(Cobbe, 1878; Lemon, 1996). Women were not allowed to participate in public life, own
property, or conduct business without the representation of a man (Wollstonecraft, 1792).
In the West, this situation did not begin to change until the 1800s. In England, the
Married Women’s Property Act of 1882 allowed women to own property and divorce a
husband charged with assault (Lemon, 1996). In the United States, Alabama and
Massachusetts repealed the right of men to beat their wives and made wife-beating illegal
(Schechter, 1982). By the end of the century, in New York, wife-beating had become
legal grounds for divorce, and wife-beating had become a topic of discussion in the
United States related to other women’s rights movements (Martin, 1976). This trend
would continue in the twentieth century, as the social purity movement, the women’s
suffragist movement, the civil rights anti-war, and the Black liberation movement
challenged societal norms and injustices; all of these helped lay the foundation for the
feminist movement (Schechter, 1982).
Historically, feminist movements have helped establish the idea that what happens
in the privacy of people’s homes is both political and personal, which has encouraged
battered women to speak out (Schechter, 1982). They have helped raise awareness about
women’s struggles, oppression, and exploitation, while also fighting to protect women’s
rights and seek solutions to the abuse of women (Friedman et al., 1987;
Lorber et al., 1981; Mikkola, 2019; O’Faolain & Martines, 1973; Wollstonecraft, 1792).
As we will see in the next section, the feminist movement of the 1970s played a
significant role in supporting the development and access to resources, shelter, and safety
for abused women. For illustration, in 1974, St. Paul, Minnesota created a house to
provide refuge for battered women (Stark, 2007). In 1971, Chiswick shelter in London
also protected battered women (Dobash & Dobash, 1992).
Today, intimate partner violence has evolved as a social phenomenon, with
researchers offering various insights, interpretations, and perspectives on it (Ali &
Naylor, 2013). However, there is consensus about its effects on the health and wellbeing
of victims and survivors. While intimate partner violence happens globally in all cultures
and genders, women are disproportionately affected (Chester & DeWall, 2018).
Interpersonal, intrapersonal, biological, and neurological factors impact the incidence and
prevalence of intimate partner violence (Chester & DeWall, 2018). For example, a
woman faces dehumanization when treated as a sex object. Likewise, women may face
punishment for infidelity or suffer penalties as a deterrent against unfaithfulness (Chester
& DeWall, 2018). Other factors, such as rejection, psychopathology, self-control fatigue,
substance abuse, and neurological conditions may exacerbate intimate partner violence
(Chester & DeWall, 2018).
In response, women push increasingly for solutions to the problem. For example,
some victims learn self-defense (Chester & DeWall, 2018), and women are becoming less
afraid to speak about their experiences of intimate partner violence and advocate for
change. Nevertheless, progress toward social justice and equality remains slow due to the
dominance of patriarchal structural factors (Carter, 2015). For this reason, the feminist
theory provided an appropriate framework for understanding and addressing the problem
of intimate partner violence, as we will see in the theoretical framework.
Definition of Intimate Partner Violence
There is extensive existing literature on intimate partner violence offering
different terms and definitions. For example, intimate partner violence is referred to with
phrases like “spousal abuse,” “domestic violence,” “battered women,” and “gender-based
violence” (Ahmad et al., 2009; Ahmadzai, 2015; Barnett, 2001; Chaze & Medhekar,
2017; Collinson, 2021; Perreault, 2020). Although men can be victims of domestic
violence in some circumstances and cases have been documented (Miller & McCaw,
2019; Walker et al., 2020), most of the literature on intimate partner violence indicates
men as the primary perpetrators of violence against women (Brown et al., 2005; Costa et
al., 2015; Rizo, 2015). As such, this study concentrated on intimate partner violence as
primarily constituted as violence against women.
Intimate partner violence is the act of causing the physical, emotional,
psychological, sexual, and mental suffering of a woman by a partner or spouse, former or
current (Allen, 2013; Akinsulure-Smith et al., 2013; Boonzaier & Schalkwyk, 2011;
Costa et al., 2015; Gulati & Brendan, 2020; Walker et al., 2020). The WHO recognizes
intimate partner violence as a threat to women’s physical and mental health in both
developed and developing countries. They define it as a “behavior within an intimate
relationship that causes physical, sexual, or psychological harm, including acts of
physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse, and controlling behaviors”
(WHO, 2010, p. 11). In addition, Public Safety Canada (2018) identified intimate partner
violence as a severe crime affecting Canadian people behind closed doors in urban and
rural areas. It is isolating and terrifying for its victims, who are primarily women.
Types of Intimate Partner Violence
Intimate partner violence is broadly categorized into three types: psychological
violence, physical violence, and sexual violence (Allen, 2013; Coker et al., 2000; Lacey
et al., 2013; Watts & Zimmerman, 2002; WHO, 2013). In addition, it is common for a
woman to experience multiple forms of intimate partner violence simultaneously in her
lifetime (Ansara & Hindin, 2010).
Psychological Abuse
Psychological abuse includes all forms that affect an individual’s emotional,
mental, and financial wellbeing, impeding their freedom and safety (Tolman, 1992). The
psychological abuser uses “verbal and non-verbal communication with the intent to (a)
harm another person mentally or emotionally; and (b) exert control over someone”
(Brieiding et al., 2015, p. 14). Psychological abuse included a range of behaviors,
including jealousy, name-calling, putting down the victim, stalking, harassment,
manipulation, and confinement of property. In cases of psychological abuse, the victim is
blamed for causing the abuse or violent behavior (Gulati & Kelly, 2020). Psychological
abuse could occur without physical abuse, and its effects are just as powerful and
devastating as physical abuse (Tolman, 1992). The long-term and short-term effects of
psychological abuse on women include mental health challenges, such as anxiety,
depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Campbell et al., 2018;
CrabtreeNelson et al., 2019; Hoffart & Jones, 2018; Wong & Mellor, 2014); the physical,
mental, and psychological wellbeing of victims are affected both during and after the
abuse (Candela, 2016; Fitzgerald et al., 2019; Jouriles & McDonald, 2015; Terrazas-
Carrillo et al., 2016; Toews & Bermea, 2017; Verschuere et al., 2021).
Physical Abuse
Breiding et al. (2015) defines physical abuse as “the intentional use of physical
force with the potential for causing death, disability, injury, or harm” (p. 11). It involves
the threat of or enaction of physical assault, including aggression, threatening with a
weapon, hitting, slapping, pushing, choking, and strangulation (Monahan et al., 2019;
Vella et al., 2017). Physical abuse can be severe or minimal. It can include pinching,
squeezing, pushing, shaking, cornering, restraining, throwing objects, breaking bones,
causing internal injuries, denying medical care, using weapons, disabling, disfiguring,
maiming, and murdering (Tolman, 1992). Physical violence has significant health
implications for battered women (Dobash & Dobash, 1977-78, 1979, 1992; Gondolf &
Fisher, 1988). It has a detrimental impact on women’s health and bodies, including their
reproductive health, even for women who survive the abuse (Abramsky et al., 2011;
Adams & Beeble, 2019; Almeida et al., 2017; Ansara & Hindin, 2011; 2015; Vella et al.,
2017).
Sexual Abuse
Sexual abuse involves sexual assault and the threat of sexual assault, including
forcing, convincing, or manipulating a victim to perform sexual acts against their wishes;
individuals living with a disability or with low mental capacity are particularly vulnerable
to this type of abuse (Miller & McCaw, 2019). Severe cases of sexual abuse involve
treating the victim as a sexual object, pimping with force or threat, minimizing sexual
needs, criticizing sexuality, obsessive jealousy, unwanted touching, forcing the victim to
strip, using a weapon to gain sex, and causing injury during sexual activities (Cotter,
2018; Cotter & Savage, 2019).
Power and Control in Abusive Relationships
According to Johnson and Leone (2005), power, control, and violence are tools
frequently used for domination in intimate relationships. For example, coercive control
occurs when an abusive partner uses a variety of strategies to trap a woman and hold on
to power and control in an intimate relationship. Men are the primary perpetrators of
coercive control (Stark, 2007). Stansfield and Williams (2021) posit that coercive control
can lead to violence and even murder; their results revealed that coercive control by men
is significantly more likely than women to lead to violent behavior. Another unique
understanding of coercive control is the Duluth Model. It indicates that coercive control
can involve intimidation, emotional abuse, minimizing, using the children, male
privilege, economic abuse, coercion, and threat and results in power imbalances causing
emotional and psychological distress and instability in the relationship (Pence & Paymar,
1993). Coercive control in intimate partner violence starts slowly, silently, and subtly
before growing to incidents of situational violence (Johnson, 2008; Johnson, 1995). In
coercive control, there is no physical punching, shoving, pushing, or physical violence,
but the effect can be more damaging to the victim than those involving violence. The
victim cannot prove to anyone what is happening because there are no bruises. The
abuser targets the core of the woman’s existence, which is psychological and
physiological well-being, before any physical activity, and some never resort to physical
violence. However, the victims’ self-esteem, confidence, and self-worth are ultimately
defeated (Duron et al., 2021; Elliott, 2015; Toews & Bermea, 2017).
Risk Factors for Partner Violence
Many risks and protective factors are associated with experiencing intimate
partner violence, with two of the most significant including childhood experiences and
trauma and stress.
Childhood Experiences
Witnessing violence between parents and experiencing childhood abuse and
violence increases the risk of intimate partner violence (Madden et al., 2016). In
addition, childhood sexual abuse increases the risk of abuse in an intimate partner
relationship. Finally, experiencing any form of childhood trauma increases the risk of
experiencing intimate partner violence in adulthood (Banyard et al., 2017; Moffitt & the
Klaus-Grawe 2012 Think Tank, 2013).
Trauma and Stress
Exposure to trauma increases the risk of perpetration of intimate partner violence.
For men, for example, exposure to political violence and imprisonment increases the risk
of perpetration. The risk factors for victimization and abuse perpetration include
highstress levels, impulsivity, drug abuse, and alcohol/drug use by either partner. Other
forms of trauma, such as social isolation, poverty, and neighborhood crime, are also
associated with increased risk (Madden et al., 2016).
Prevalence of Intimate Partner Violence
Intimate partner violence is a pervasive global health problem that affects millions
of women worldwide (Abramsky et al., 2011; Pengpid & Peltzer, 2020; WHO, 2013).
Researchers have studied the prevalence and impacts of physical and sexual violence by
both intimate and non-intimate partners (Abramsky et al., 2011; WHO, 2013) and have
found that intimate partner violence is the most common form of violence that women
experience (Adams & Beeble, 2019; Devries et al., 2013). The short- and long-term
health impacts of women’s exposure to physical and sexual intimate partner violence are
multiple (Akinsulure-Smith et al., 2013; Black et al., 2011; Breiding et al., 2015; Devries
et al., 2013; Jewkes et al., 2017). For example, it is a leading cause of homicide and
femicide; it is also linked with high levels of depression and suicidal behaviors (Ansara &
Hindin, 2011). To fully understand the scope of the problem on a global scale, it is vital
to briefly examine the prevalence of intimate partner violence, especially in the countries
where most of the immigrants in Canada migrate from.
According to the WHO (2013; 2017), 35% of women have experienced physical
or sexual abuse at the hands of an intimate or non-intimate partner; 38% of all femicides
are committed by an intimate partner. Almost one third of women (30%), and 38% in
some regions worldwide, experience physical and sexual abuse in intimate relationships.
A multi-country study by the WHO comprising population-based surveys on women’s
health and domestic violence against women measured the prevalence of intimate partner
violence for more than 24,000 women in 10 countries, sampling participants from diverse
geographical locations and cultures (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006). Of the women sampled,
13-61% had experienced severe physical violence, 6–59% reported having experienced
sexual abuse, and 20-75% had experienced emotional abuse by an intimate partner in
their lifetime. In a similar study, Garcia-Moreno et al. established the prevalence of
intimate partner violence by examining 15 sites in 10 countries around the world. The
highest rate, in the south of Ethiopia, Butajira, was 71%, while the lowest, at 15%, was
found in Japan. In Bangladesh, the rate was 53.4% to 61.7%, in Brazil the rate was
between 28.9% and 36.9%, in Namibia it was 35.9%, and in Peru it was between 51.2%
and 69% (Breiding et al., 2015). Likewise, in a population-based cross-sectional survey
from the United Nations Multi-Country Study on Men and Violence in Asia and the
Pacific, Jewkes et al. (2019) interviewed 5,206 men and 3,106 women aged 18-49 from 4
countries: Cambodia, China, Papua New Guinea (PNG), and Sri Lanka. Their results
revealed that men are more often the perpetrators of physical and sexual intimate partner
violence, at 32.5% to 80%. Comparatively, women experience physical or sexual intimate
partner violence at a rate of 27.5% to 67.4%. Overall, women experience greater
emotional/economic abuse (4.1% to 27.7%) than men (1.4% to 5.7%). Intimate partner
violence against women in Arab countries is a public health and human rights problem,
with substantiative high levels of physical, sexual, and emotional/psychological abuse
documented in many settings. Elghossain et al. (2019) report the prevalence of intimate
partner violence in Arab countries ranges from 6% to more than 59% for physical abuse,
from 3% to 40% for sexual abuse, and from 5% to 91% for emotional/psychological
abuse.
More than 600 million women live in countries where domestic violence is not
considered a crime, including African countries (Devries et al., 2013). More generally,
there is also a lack of consistency in the definitions and methods used for assessing what
constitutes intimate partner violence. In Sub-Saharan Africa, wife-beating is condoned in
most countries, and intimate partner violence against women and girls is high in numbers
across all socio-economic sectors (Wado et al., 2021).
Intimate partner violence is higher in countries in the Central Africa region than in
other sub-regions; for example, it reaches levels of up to 6.5% in Comoros (Wado et al.,
2021). Shamu et al. (2016) have investigated the prevalence of intimate partner violence
among girls and boys in South Africa. They found that among the 52.5% of girls and
70.7% of boys actively dating, and there was a higher prevalence of sexual or physical
intimate partner violence experienced by girls (30.9%; 95% CI: 28.2-33.7) and greater
perpetration by boys (39.5%; 95% CI: 36.6-42.3). The causal and risk factors for the girls
included childhood experiences of violence, individual inequitable gender attitudes,
corporal punishment at home and in school, alcohol use, wider communication with one’s
partner, and being more negative about school. Their results indicated three pathways
from childhood trauma to intimate partner violence experiences: inequitable gender
attitudes and risky sex, bullying, and alcohol use.
In the United States, 5.3 million intimate partner violence victimizations occur
among women ages 18 and older each year (CDC, 2003). The National Intimate Partner
and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS) reveals that one out of every three women (37.3%).
One out of every four men (30.9%) has experienced rape, physical violence, and stalking
by an intimate partner in their lifetime (Black et al., 2011). In addition, 23.2% of women
and 13.9% of men have reported severe physical violence by an intimate partner. In the
United States, one in four women and one in ten men witnessed at least one instance of
violence in their lifetime (Breiding et al., 2015; Miller & McCaw, 2019). For this study,
intimate partner violence is higher among gender and sexual minorities and racial and
ethnic minority groups, including Native Americans, multiracial and non-Hispanic black
women, and people living with a mental illness or disability (Miller & McCaw, 2019). In
addition, intimate partner violence is high among minority and immigrant populations.
Prevalence in Canada
Like the USA, violence against women is a major problem in Canada, especially
among Indigenous women and minority groups (Cotter, 2021; Varcoe et al., 2019).
According to police reported and self-reported data, women are twice as likely to be
victims as men (Varcoe et al., 2019). The Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces
(SSPPS) revealed that more than four in ten women (44%) have been victims of intimate
partner violence since the age of 15, in comparison to only 36% of men (Cotter &
Savage, 2019). Among women aged 15 to 24 years, three in ten (29%) women aged 25
and above (10%) had reported some form of intimate partner violence, and 25% of visible
minority women had reported intimate partner violence within 12 months of the survey
(Cotter, 2021). In 2011, Statistic Canada reported that 97,500 victims (80%) of intimate
partner violence were women (Sinha, 2013). Conroy et al. (2019) added that between
2008 and 2018 in Canada, 79% of female homicides were committed by a current or
former legally married or common-law husband. These numbers illustrate that intimate
partner violence is the most common form of domestic violence against girls and women
in Canada; it is a significant social and health problem (Allen, 2012; Dutton, 2007;
Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006; Kramer & Finley, 2019).
According to the 2009 General Social Survey (GSS), over half of the victims of
intimate violence in Canada were female (54%), with most being between the ages of 25
and 44 (67%). Almost three-quarters (70%) had post-secondary education (24% a
university degree, 31% a college or technical diploma, and 15% some university or
college education). Just over one-tenth (12%) had elementary schooling or did not
complete high school, and the remainder (18%) had a high school diploma (Wathen et al.,
2018). Most females in the survey (80%) lived in urban areas and most were
Canadianborn (86%). Almost three-quarters (70%) of the surveyed females spoke English
as their primary language, with a quarter (25%) speaking French and 5% speaking neither
English nor French as their primary language. Less than one-tenth (7%) cared for children
and performed housework as their primary occupation, while more than half (57%) were
employed or seeking employment. More than a quarter (28%) volunteered or cared for
children other than their own.
Most of the studies conducted in Canada highlight the prevalence of intimate
partner violence among Canadian born-women, but data pertaining to immigrant women
are more limited. The GSS did not specify if the victims are from any racial groups in
Canada; however, Hyman et al. (2006) found intimate partner violence high among
immigrant women in Canada. They found its prevalence associated with the length of
stay in the country; their results revealed that the risk for intimate partner violence was
significantly lower among recent immigrant women than non-recent immigrant women.
Country of origin, age, marital status, and living with a physical or mental disability or
other health problem all contributed to a higher risk of intimate partner violence for these
immigrant women. Holtmann and Rickards (2018) have highlighted the impact of
intimate partner violence among immigrant women and the challenges such women face
in accessing programs and services in the province of New Brunswick. These limited data
indicate the need to further identify the state of knowledge on the prevalence of intimate
partner violence among African immigrant women in Canada.
Theoretical Framework
In qualitative approaches to social science, the theoretical framework serves to
explain how things work by examining social structures and human interactions (Collins
& Stockton, 2018). Theories produce knowledge by identifying the “why” of social
phenomena (Collins & Stockton, 2018). Several theories in qualitative research have
attempted to explain women’s experiences of intimate partner violence, its effects on
them, and the coping strategies they use. However, feminist theory has been chosen for
this dissertation as the most appropriate theory to support the work that remains to be
done, as it focuses specifically on social equality and the empowerment of women
(DeKeseredy, 2011). This qualitative study uses feminist theory to support a theoretical
framework focused on challenging the subordinate status and negative treatment of some
women and helping to confront male privilege and patriarchy (Dobash & Dobash, 1979;
Mullaly, 2010; Schniedewind, 1987; Tierney, 1982).
Feminist theory explains violence against women as a product of various forms of
patriarchy; it describes the experiences and the effects of abuse against women and
attempts to understand why violence against women occurs and how to solve the problem
(Ali et al., 2020). Feminist theorists believe that our society promotes inequality and male
privilege, making females less privileged (Mullaly, 2010). The framework in this study
adopted this feminist perspective as an advocacy tool for social justice, equality, and
antioppressive social change for African immigrant women (George & Stith, 2014).
History of and Current Trends Concerning Feminism and Feminist Theory
Feminist theory has enjoyed a long and rich history. In as far back as the late 14th
and 15th centuries, Christine de Pisan, the first feminist philosopher, challenged female
subordination in France and demanded education for females (Brunell & Burkett, 2021;
Wollstonecraft, 1792). The influence of the Enlightenment in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries began a process of scholarly thought about social justice, and the Suffrage
movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries demanded liberty, equality, the
right to vote, and equal rights for both sexes (Brunell & Burkett, 2021).
Feminism as we recognize it today started in the 1970s as part of the women’s
liberation movement agenda (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). It created a shift in how society
looks at women and women’s problems; it exposed abuse of women and wife-battering as
social issues that needed public attention (Dobash & Dobash, 1992; Schechter, 1982).
Feminism believes in social, economic, and political equality between men and women
(Daly & Chesney-Lind, 1988; Luu & Inman, 2018); it is committed to and advocates for
equal opportunities for men and women, arguing that political equality, social equality,
and social justice are human rights that everyone should enjoy (Dobash & Dobash, 1992;
Kirmani, 2011; Luu & Inman, 2018; Malbon et al., 2018; Schechter, 1982).
Since the inception of feminist thought, feminist movements have continuously
evolved. The waves of feminism can be linked to different eras of the political movement
that has sought to expose gender inequality and demand equal rights and justice. Thus,
the waves of feminism have created shifts and progress in the movement’s ideology and
direction (Danner, 1989; Brunell & Burkett, 2021; McAfee, 2018). The first wave of
feminism, from the 1830s to the early 1900s, witnessed women fighting for equal
opportunities and property rights (Danner, 1989; Brunell & Burkett, 2021; McAfee,
2018). The second wave, in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, took a different turn when
women demanded nationwide changes in policies and legislation that promoted gender
inequality. Radical feminists insisted on the liberation and independence of women from
men who had historically kept them dependent (Brunell & Burkett, 2021). Finally, the
third wave, in the 1990s and early 2000s, saw a rise in formal and informal advocacy and
diversity (Aune & Holyoak, 2018). From the 2000s to the present day, the fourth wave
continues to fight misogyny, harassment, abuse, and assault against women (Danner,
1989; Brunell & Burkett, 2021; McAfee, 2018; Sternadori, 2019; Shiva & Nosrat
Kharazmi, 2019). Over time, feminism also advanced into two major branches of
practice: women’s rights feminism and a women’s liberation movement represented by
socialist feminist and radical feminist groups (Danner, 1989; Lee, 2015; Schechter,
1982). McAfee (2018) posits that the best way to explain feminism is as a ‘belief and
ideology’ rather than a movement. Hence, feminism is an intellectual ideology and a
political movement, both of which believe in equal rights between men and women.
Today, feminism seeks to describe the causes and effects of discrimination, abuse,
oppression, patriarchy, stereotypes, and intersectionality against women in society
(Ackerly & True, 2010; Bell et al., 2019; Brunell & Burkett, 2021). Feminism focuses on
social institutions as reproducers of ideas about male privilege and female subordination;
feminist movements have gained worldwide attention for their work to change economic
and political institutions and their commitment to equality, women’s rights, and social
justice (Culley & Portuges, 1985; Daly & Chesney-Lind, 1988; Danner, 1989; Dobash &
Dobash, 1979; Tierney, 1982). Feminist scholars have developed theories about the abuse
and victimization of women, rejecting any form of violence against women, expressing
commitment to practices promoting safety and equality, and empowering women’s voices
(DeKeseredy, 2011; De Coster & Heimer, 2021). Specifically, feminist theory has helped
explain the underlying social conditions of gender difference, gender oppression, gender
inequality, structural oppression, hierarchy, patriarchy, and power in social structures as
causal factors and has provided advocates with the tools they need for social change
(Dobash et al., 1992; Leavy & Harris, 2019; Mehrotra, 2010; Mooney, 2000; Naccarelli
& Miller, 2020; Stone, 2010; Yllo, 1993).
Despite the progress made by the feminist movement toward exposing violence
against women and influencing social policy and legal changes, feminism has faced both
challenges and criticisms (DeKeseredy, 2011; Friedman et al., 1987; Schechter, 1982).
For example, some waves of feminism have drawn criticism for ignoring the differences
among women, such as race, ethnicity, class, nationality, and religion (Collins, 2000). In
other words, such critics call for feminist theory to be concerned not only with the
struggles of White women but also with the struggles of other women and the social
factors that shape their identities as women. Feminism should be concerned with all
women’s issues, supporting social justice and social change for the oppressed, the
marginalized, and the suppressed (Bell et al., 2019; Daly & Chesney-Lind, 1988;
McAfee, 2018; Okeke-Ihejirika & Salami, 2018). Feminist theory in this study answers
this call, supporting the narratives and described the experiences of African immigrant
women and the disadvantages they face in terms of race and ethnic identity.
Conceptualization of Feminist Theory
Historically, feminist researchers have used gender as a central theme for
examining the struggles of and injustices against women. As a result, there is a
misconception that feminist theory is all about gender and women’s issues. Although
reframing from the concept of gender takes emphasis away from the oppression and
inequality of women, feminism as a theoretical framework can be applied to any
population experiencing injustice and oppression, including men (Ackerly & True, 2010;
De Coster & Heimer, 2021). Feminist theorists have also debunked stereotypical
masculine and feminine approaches to gender roles and sex-role socialization. Instead,
feminists have postulated that differences between men and women are the result of
social constructs in our laws and cultural practices, and that it is these constructs that have
created inequality between men and women and are the causes of violence against
women (DeKeseredy, 2011). It is therefore essential to understand the political and global
language of feminism, such as the difference between “gender” and “sex” or “woman”
and “female,” when addressing gender-based issues in qualitative research.
Today, the feminist movement’s ideology and theory have evolved to encompass
the exposure of pervasive violence, oppression, and injustice, with social and legal
policies detrimental to women influencing the efforts of diverse feminist scholars (Frazer
& Hutchings, 2020; Freeman, 2019; Graness & Kopf, 2019; Grunig et al., 2000; Haney,
2000; Hoover & Morrow, 2016; Jenkins et al., 2019; Leavy & Harris, 2019; Lokot, 2021;
Pandey, 2016). Feminists acknowledge the strength and resilience of women in terms of
their self-determination and empowerment (McPhail et al., 2007). However, they also
remain committed to eliminating gender-based violence, power inequalities, lack of
resources, and oppression against women. Moreover, feminists seek to eliminate the
gender differences embedded in the structures and functions of social institutions, such as
religion and politics (Brunell & Burkett, 2021).
Why is Feminist Theory Applicable in this Study?
The demand for gender equality, the commitment to social justice, and the desire
to change society are feminist visions (Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986). Feminists
advocate for transformational changes in the structures of our economic, social, and
political institutions; they hope that such systemic changes will end the domination and
oppression of women (Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986). Such social change is likewise
one of the goals of this study. Additionally, feminist theory upholds values similar to the
social work ethics which are applicable to this study (National Association of Social
Workers [NASW], 2007, 2017; Van Den Bergh & Cooper, 1986). The NASW Code of
Ethics supports advocacy and anti-oppressive practice and encourages social workers to
use advocacy to promote equality, social justice, and social change (NASW, 2017). Both
social work and feminist values uphold the rights to dignity and respect, to
selfdetermination, and to an improved quality of life for all people (NASW, 2007; Van
Den
Bergh & Cooper, 1986).
Some feminist researchers believe that quantitative research methods have
become just one more instrument of patriarchy that works to uphold the male status quo
(Archibald & Munce, 2015; Harris, 2007). In contrast, there is a consensus among
feminist researchers that qualitative methods are the best approach when using feminist
theories as a theoretical framework in research (Band-Winterstein & Freund, 2016;
Walker et al., 2020), as qualitative methods allow researchers to capture participants’ rich
and contextual lived experiences (Hesse-Biber & Flowers, 2019). This logic can also be
reversed; using feminist theory in research challenges oppression and gender inequalities,
repairing and improving knowledge construction for research participants (Archibald &
Munce, 2015). Understanding human problems (such as intimate partner violence) from
the feminist perspective requires speaking to the people affected directly, explaining your
findings, confronting the oppression, and resolving the problem (Van Den Bergh &
Cooper, 1986). The feminist perspective helps us to see women holistically and offers the
perfect complement to the qualitative design chosen for this study (see Chapter 3).
Feminist researchers are advocates and activists, as advocacy and activism are
fundamental tenets of feminism (Brunell & Burkett, 2021; De Coster & Heimer, 2021;
Frazer & Hutchings, 2020; Freeman, 2019; Graness & Kopf, 2019; Hoover & Morrow,
2016). It is important to note that feminist theory helps us understand the lived experience
of partner violence (Ackerly & True, 2010; Leavy & Harris, 2019). Historically, feminist
theorists advocate in research for equality and better treatment of women and have
written extensively on intimate partner violence, domestic violence, family violence, and
other forms of violence against women (Ackerly & True, 2010; Buzzanell, 2019;
Donovan, 2012; Leavy & Harris, 2019). In addition, feminist researchers have created
public discourse and awareness of the lived experiences of partner violence and how
women cope with its effects (Buzzanell, 2019). For example, Holtmann and Rickards
(2018), when exploring the impact of intimate partner violence among immigrant women
in the province of New Brunswick, examined the social determinants of health using an
intersectional theoretical framework to show the challenges of intimate partner violence,
which highlight the strengths and diversities of feminist research. Feminist researchers
have also contributed immensely to understanding of intimate partner violence and
continue to explore women’s coping strategies and raise awareness so that women can
learn from the experiences of others (Chatzifotiou & Andreadou, 2021). Malbon et al.
(2018) note that feminists have contributed in various ways in our society to
policymaking and advocacy using evidence-based science. Likewise, feminists work to
expose the effects of abuse on women’s physical, psychological, and emotional health
(Karakurt & Silver, 2013); for example, Scott (2010) used quantitative analysis to
understand issues of gender inequality, while Matthews et al. (2018) conducted an
exploratory cross-sectional study about the acceptance of rape myths among
undergraduate social work students. Despite being quantitative in nature, these studies
contribute to the same advocacy and social change goals as the present study.
Finally, feminists support the production of participatory and diverse expertise.
Feminist researchers are encouraged to study multicultural contexts, connect to global
feminist activism, and relate to women from developing countries who are disconnected
and struggle culturally and materially (Freeman, 2019; Ackerly & True, 2010). Lokot
(2021), in a qualitative study, suggests that addressing power from a feminist perspective
in research interviews is essential, because the use of key informants in research can
detract from the voices of participants with less power, such as women, people living
with a disability, and children. When applying feminist theoretical frameworks, feminist
researchers engage in a process of managing the power dynamics within research that
might influence the purpose and conceptualizations of the study (Freeman, 2019; Hoover
& Morrow, 2016). This attention to advocacy, marginalized voices, and lived experiences
makes feminism the appropriate theoretical lens for this study.
Theoretical Framework for Partner Violence
Two strands of feminist theory that can help us understand how African
immigrant women survivors of partner violence describe their abusive relationships, cope
with the experience of abuse, and describe the effects of abuse are Hunnicutt’s (2009)
discussion of the variety of patriarchy and Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw’s (1989) theory
of intersectionality.
Varieties of Patriarchy and the Experience of Abuse by Women. Hunnicutt
(2009) explains the concept of patriarchy as “systems of male domination and female
subordination” (p. 553). The theory of varieties of patriarchy sees violence by men
against women as the product of nature and socialization and suggests that “women are
subject to varying amounts of risk and protection” (Hunnicutt, 2009, p. 565). According
to Hunnicutt (2009), “aggression is indisputably bound up with masculinity, and so
violence against women is often regarded as a natural outgrowth of men’s socialization”
(p. 565-566). For example, the natural tendency of men to be aggressive has implications
for the experiences of physical, psychological, and sexual abuse of women in intimate
relationships. Patriarchy creates social conditions that predispose men to physical
aggression against women. Moreover, according to Hunnicutt (2009), patriarchy is
multidimensional and manifests in multiple ways and forms. Its multidimensionality
accounts for variations in the manifestations of violence against women across societies
(Hunnicutt, 2009). However, social and legal policies intended to protect vulnerable
populations tend to ignore these variations (Hunnicutt, 2009). The theory of varieties of
patriarchy therefore provides a suitable lens for understanding the patterns of
vulnerability of African immigrant women.
An intimate relationship should be an equal partnership between individuals.
However, researchers have documented that power and control are contentious issues in
most intimate partner relationships involving violence (Giordano et al., 2016; Hamberger
et al., 2017; Stark, 2007). The types of abuse experienced by women include physical,
psychological, and sexual abuse; men assault their wives using male dominance, physical
force, and aggressiveness (Hunnicutt, 2009). Patriarchy encourages men to view the
bodies of women as belonging to them, leading them to view women as their property
rather than as equal partners. This may predispose men to the sexual victimization of
women in intimate relationships (Hunnicutt, 2009).
The perpetrator’s behaviors and victim’s response to partner violence among
African immigrants illustrate the crisis of acculturation as elucidated by the
multidimensional nature of patriarchy and men’s location in the social structure
(Hunnicutt, 2009). African immigrants in Western society are predisposed to adopting
one of four acculturation strategies: integration, assimilation, separation, or
marginalization (Mame et al., 2017). These work as follows.
Integration allows immigrants to act like and become part of the larger society in
their new home while preserving their cultural heritage (Agbemenu, 2016). Assimilation
happens when immigrants choose to embrace the culture of their new home and abandon
their cultural heritage (Agbemenu, 2016). Separation is experienced when an immigrant
avoids and becomes isolated from the culture in the new country in order to maintain and
retain their cultural heritage (Agbemenu, 2016). Marginalization occurs when immigrants
have little interest in maintaining their own culture in their new country (Agbemenu,
2016).
Relationship tensions may result from any one of these adaptation and
acculturation processes, or any combination of them. For African immigrants in
particular, the need to discard the oppressive attitudes and behaviors of African
patriarchal cultures and embrace the egalitarian values of patriarchal systems in Western
society may create tension in relationships as they strive to preserve the patriarchal
benefits of their cultures. (Agbemenu, 2016; Mame et al., 2017). For example, violence
against African immigrant women may occur in circumstances where male African
immigrants integrate, separate, or experience marginalization from the host country’s
culture while their female African immigrant partners assimilate to the host country’s
culture. African immigrant men who struggle to embrace the host country’s culture may
experience dislocation in the social structures of Western societies and the loss of the
power in relationships guaranteed by patriarchy, leading them to react negatively to
assimilated female partners in intimate relationships (Mame et al., 2017). This dilemma
of adaptation and crisis of acculturation is critical to understanding partner violence
among African immigrants living in Western culture (Mame et al., 2017).
The theory of varieties of patriarchy can also help us understand how women
process, cope with, and manage the experience and effects of intimate partner violence in
cultures different from those in their countries of origin. For example, African immigrant
women may struggle with whether to address their experiences of abuse according to the
norms and standards of their country of origin or that of the Western societies they have
immigrated to. The theory of varieties of patriarchy acknowledges different ways women
cope with abuse and develop survival strategies to cope with abusive relationships.
Coping is the behavioral and psychological process of managing stressful and
demanding situations; for instance, people use adaptive or mal-adaptive behaviors as
coping mechanisms to control and reduce stress (Rizo et al., 2017). Lazarus and Folkman
(1980) acknowledge coping as action-oriented, interactive, and descriptive behaviors
influenced by cultural norms, values, and beliefs. The conceptualizations of power
dynamics, the paradox of protection, the resources of protection, and resistance offered by
the theory of varieties of patriarchy (Hunnicutt, 2009) help us understand the struggles
women go through and the strategies they adopt to cope with abuse.
While it is often misconstrued that patriarchy offers protective characteristics for
women, it must be emphasized that the “norms and actions of protection can also serve as
instruments of repression. Women may be both dependent on the mercy of men for
protection (which is a position of powerlessness) and subject to their aggression. This is
the paradox of protection: “Chivalry renders women powerless because accepting
protection implies neediness and vulnerability; meanwhile, the threat of being victimized
requires acquiescence to the protection men offer” (Hunnicutt, 2009, p. 565). For
example, marriage purportedly offers protection for women. However, a woman who
rebels against the prescriptions of patriarchy and leaves her abusive marriage loses the
privilege and protections offered by marriage (Mame et al., 2017). A woman who
complains about or resists abuse is often scolded and encouraged to submit to the man,
make peace at home for the sake of children, and preserve the fabric of the family (Mame
et al., 2017). The stability of the family is sustained on the backs of women. This has
negative implications for access to formal and informal support systems and the ability of
such women to emotionally and psychologically cope with the effects of abuse after
leaving. Thus, women who are not submissive to the prescriptions of patriarchy lose the
privilege and protections offered by patriarchy and become victimized.
Immigrant women who lack legal status and are financially dependent on their
men are particularly vulnerable to abuse and have limited recourse to legal means of
protection, thereby heightening their dependency on the mercy of their abusive men and
further weakening their psychological mechanisms of coping. Although “labyrinths of
power dynamics” exist in patriarchal systems and “different resources of protection and
resistance are available to men and women in different social positions” (Hunnicutt,
2009, p. 564-565), the availability of resources and access to those resources may be
influenced by the legal status of immigrant women, which in turn influences their ability
to cope with abusive relationships.
Women therefore rely on many different forms of coping mechanism in response
to the varieties of patriarchy that constrain them, including spirituality, formal and
informal support, emotional and psychological coping, fighting back, submission,
avoidance, active coping, preventing escalation, and ignoring (Flanagan et al., 2014).
Depending on the environment and the intensity of the abuse, survivors may develop
reactive, anticipatory, preventive, and/or proactive coping strategies (Foster et al., 2015).
Emotion-focused coping strategies include self-soothing, enjoying positive experiences,
cognitively rationalizing and minimizing violence, and personal beliefs, including
spiritual beliefs (Ursa & Koehn, 2015). Hunnicutt (2009) also states that “the
subordination women experience will spawn creative self-protection mechanisms, such as
forging informal alliances with other women” (p. 565). Other forms of coping include
formal and informal social supports, such as reliance on professionals, pastors, and
religious leaders, as well as spiritual supports, such as prayer and faith (Ansara & Hindin,
2010; Carneiro et al., 2019; Freeland et al., 2018; Masiran et al., 2021; Ozturk et al.,
2019; Sanchez et al., 2012; Worthington Jr & Scherer, 2004). The adaptive coping
process guides victims’ behaviors and their reliance on family, friends, and their social
environment for support (Baker & Berenbaum, 2007; Cooper & Quick, 2017). Coping
strengthens individual resiliency, circumstances, and environment (Rizo et al., 2017).
Most women who survived intimate partner violence rely on their strength and enduring
ability to bounce back after facing any adversity (Foster et al., 2015; Freeland et al.,
2018; Lee & Roberts, 2018). Survivors with strong social supports develop positive
coping mechanisms, but leaving an abusive relationship may lead to stigmatization and
isolation.
The problem of power and dominance is critical for understanding the effects of
abuse on women in violent relationships (Hunnicutt, 2009). The feminist approach across
societies hinges on understanding the effects of patriarchy on encouraging and
perpetuating violence against women by discouraging them from leaving abusive
relationships (Ackerly & True, 2010; Falcón & Nash, 2015; Han, 2012). Patriarchy have
normalized oppression against women, and influenced why women stay in abusive
relationships and the consequences they suffer if they choose to leave. The varieties of
patriarchy theory identify characteristics that may influence the thoughts, perceptions,
and definitions of abuse held by both victims and abusers that impact its effect on
victims.
Several factors may contribute to why women remain in abusive relationships.
These include material resources, psychological forces, social structural factors, culture,
race, religion, the presence of children, and different traditional family beliefs, values,
and norms (Saunders, 2020). Other factors identified in previous studies include poverty,
lack of resources, social isolation, economic dependence on the man, and commitment to
the relationship (Cravens et al., 2015; Davis & Love, 2018). Similar factors entrapping
women in violent relationships were found by Adjei (2017) and Adjei and Mpiani (2020)
and include culture, religious beliefs and practices, social norms, and family orientation.
The reasons why women leave abusive relationships are equally varied. Sukeri
and Man (2017) have identified exhaustion, having reached the point of no return, having
adequate support pre-and post-divorce, concern for their children’s welfare, seeking
financial independence, and fear of harm as salient factors. Leaving abusive relationships
exerts enormous social costs for women. Patriarchy designed marriage for women as a
mechanism of social protection. The social identity of many women is inextricably bound
up with marriage, and the loss of marriage ushers in the loss of the social circles and
social support systems that are necessary for managing the effects of leaving (Agbemenu,
2016; Mame et al., 2017).
The dilemma faced by African immigrant women survivors of abusive
relationships in particular does not end with their experience of abuse: they suffer the
effects of abuse and the consequences of leaving the abusive relationship. Studies
indicate that immigrant women are vulnerable to a range of effects of intimate partner
violence, including poverty, barriers to economic self-sufficiency, social isolation, family
violence, and a lack of safe, affordable housing (Ferrari et al., 2016; Omorodion, 2020;
Pengpid & Peltzer, 2020). African immigrant women suffer social effects such as the loss
of friends and social and community support when they leave abusive relationships.
Because separation and divorce are greatly discouraged among African immigrants,
women survivors of abuse may suffer negative consequences that include humiliation,
ostracization, and stigmatization. In many instances, leaving an abusive relationship is
synonymous with quitting the social support system and the withdrawal of supports and
protection from acquaintances. An inability to integrate into the new culture and
acculturation conflicts and challenges may also influence the decision-making processes
of women considering leaving an abusive relationship. This “paradox of protection”
(Hunnicutt, 2009) that marriage offers African immigrant women not only highlights why
women remain in abusive relationships but also sheds light on why those who left may
experience pronounced and prolonged psychological effects of abuse.
Feminist Intersectionality. Another strand of feminist theory that can help us
understand how African immigrant women survivors of partner violence experience
abusive relationships and cope with the experience of abuse is intersectionality.
Intersectionality is a lens that describes power as colliding, interlocking, and intersecting,
with a focus on the intersections between race and gender as a means of understanding
oppression and privilege in our society (Allen, 2018). It describes how categories like
gender, race, sexual orientation, ethnicity, and nationality create hierarchies and
discrimination in social institutions that affect women (Collins & Bilge, 2020; Chaze &
Medhekar, 2017). Intersectionality helps us to understand that intimate partner violence
affects all women victims and survivors differently according to their unique racial,
religious, cultural, and socioeconomic identities (Humphreys & Campbell, 2011).
Intersectionality also explains the structure, arrangement, role, and function of all social
institutions, religions, and politics as dominated by men.
Gender-based violence among African immigrant women can be considered a
result of intersectional social categories (Allen S., 2018); for example, African immigrant
women’s experiences of abuse will interconnect their racial, religious, and socioeconomic
statuses. Violence against African immigrant women is influenced by the intersections of
racial and class oppression that have historically been imposed by a prevailing patriarchal
culture that heavily influences and contributes to such violence (Allen S., 2018). While
intimate partner violence impacts the lives of women from all backgrounds, society does
not treat all women victims of abuse equally, and Intersectionality helps us to understand
that African immigrant women survivors of intimate partner violence experience social
biases when seeking support and justice. The experiences of African immigrant women
are different from the experiences of other women who survive intimate partner violence.
What society considers normal among women in the dominant class, members of
subordinate classes will internalize differently, “struggling to survive within a world in
which the norms of the dominant class do not match their own reality” (Allen S., 2018, p.
3).
Social stereotypes concerning survivors from minority groups and social systems
optimized for dominant groups create barriers to care and assistance for immigrant
women, as well as unique effects of abuse. For example, an African immigrant woman
who speaks limited English will experience oppressions and traumas unique to her
cultural identity, as well as language barriers unique to her status as an immigrant, both of
which will compound the traumas she experiences as a victim of domestic violence. This
hypothetical victim may face greater barriers to getting care than a Canadian-born victim
or be less likely to report her abuser to the authorities because of her limited
English or because of fears regarding her immigration status.
Feminists acknowledge the global inequalities in policies (Collins & Bilge, 2020),
and feminist approaches acknowledge the dangers that arise from the intersectionality of
categories like age, education, religion, ethnicity, caste, sexual orientation, and gender
identity (Adams & Campbell, 2012; Crenshaw, 1991; Collins & Bilge, 2020), and
therefore emphasize a holistic approach to the quest for social justice and equality.
Exclusion of Other Gender-Based Theories
Apart from feminist theory, other researchers have used different theoretical
approaches to explain violence against women. For example, Straus and Gelles (1986)
used social stress theory to describe the causes of violence based on national surveys
from 1975 to 1985; they believed that the higher the stress score, the higher the levels of
assault between spouses. However, Straus and Gelles (1986) disagreed that men are the
main perpetrators of violence; their theory supports the concept of gender symmetry in
violent base relationships (Chan, 2011; Dobash et al., 1992; Kimmel, 2010). The stress
theory offers some empirical explanations of causal factors and a sound argument
concerning intimate partner violence; however, it does not incorporate the concepts of
power and control, gender inequalities, advocacy, or social justice for women. Hence, it is
not suitable for this study.
Heise (1998) used an ecological framework to describe violence against women
and the effects and interactions that influence violent behaviors. His model suggests that
interrelationships within the social environment have an impact on abuse. The ecological
model emphasizes that human behaviors occur within social settings such as the family,
the neighborhood, the school, or the community. Heise’s (1998) analysis assumes that
violence arises from family or social arrangements, which takes the emphasis off of
men’s power and control over women; hence, the ecological framework is also not the
best fit for this study.
Chornesky (2000) examines domestic violence against women using
psychological, sociological, and neurobiological theories. For example, the theory posits
that the reasons men abuse women and the causes of violence against women stem from
male maladaptive behaviors such as shame, powerlessness, personality disorders,
substance abuse, and so on. However, Chornesky’s (2000) theory does not highlight the
desire of men for power and control over women; instead, it emphasizes other factors that
excuse and legitimize men’s abusive behaviors. Hence, his theory is also not the best fit
for this study.
Feminist Values and Research
The goal of adopting feminist values in this study is to challenge the oppression
and marginalization of immigrant women and girls in Canadian society and beyond.
Jenkins et al. (2019) suggest that feminist researchers should be willing to expose
women’s lived experiences of inequality and difference and address the issues they face.
A commitment to challenging and addressing gender inequality, encouraging diversity,
and ensuring victims’ voices are heard should be the goal of feminist scholars in research
(Jenkins et al., 2019; Shire, 2014). Feminist values allow researchers to focus on gender,
gender inequalities, and equal opportunities between the sexes. Feminist approaches
encourage discussion on a broad range of intersectional issues, including sexual
orientation, gender identities, and power relationships within groups (Grunig et al., 2000).
Feminist social workers also need to understand the effects of intimate partner violence
on women’s oppression (Goodman et al., 2009). Feminist values infuse and underpin this
study to support women’s rights and gender equality. This study reflected and employed
feminist ideals by seeking to empower all participants in the research.
Gaps in Practice and Research
As we have seen, a significant volume of existing literature establishes intimate
partner violence as a pervasive problem for women and girls globally (Abramsky et al.,
2011; Adams & Beeble, 2019; Adams et al., 2013; Allen, 2012; Ahmad et al., 2017; Hall
et al., 2014). Moreover, as recognized in the literature, intimate partner violence impacts
the physical, mental, and sexual health of survivors (Cooper & Quick, 2017; Campbell et
al., 2018; Lacey et al., 2013). In addition, there is also research that demonstrates how
women’s mental health and coping skills are impacted by intimate partner violence.
However, a qualitative research study conducted by Su et al. (2020) found that positive
coping skills can directly and indirectly impact psychological distress and positive mental
health. Furthermore, their research demonstrates that social support and positive coping
skills can mitigate the negative impacts of mental health. This study is valuable in
supporting the need for additional qualitative research to understand the contextual,
cultural, social, and structural factors that impact coping strategies among African
immigrant women experiencing intimate partner violence.
Petra (2020) tested the importance of intimate partner violence to the StressStrain-
Coping-Support model using moderated mediation models with 222 partners of people
with addictions. They found that social support and coping worked differently for each
type of strain. Coercive control moderated the buffering effect of informal social supports
on anxiety and depression. Petra’s (2020) study indicates the importance of screening for
and offering flexible support programs for survivors of intimate partner violence.
Overstreet et al. (2019) conducted a cross-sectional correlational study with 212
women from an urban northeast community who reported being physically victimized by
their male partners within the six months prior to the study. The study examined the
stigmatizing reactions and responses to the disclosure of intimate partner violence, such
as victim-blaming, minimizing experiences, and negative social reactions, that influence
the depressive symptoms and negative reactions in survivors. Their results revealed that
coping avoidance strategies significantly accounted for the relationship between
stigmatizing social reactions and women’s depressive symptoms. The researchers
recommend an improvement in formal and informal support systems to improve
survivors’ mental health outcomes and lower psychological distress. Taken together,
these studies indicated gaps in practice and research that can be partially filled by this
study.
Summary
This chapter has summarized the current and existing literature on intimate partner
violence, including its prevalence, the influence of control and power, the coping
strategies women use, and the effects of abuse on survivors. My literature search strategy
and the theoretical framework for this dissertation were also detailed. In Chapter 3, I
describe the study research method, the role of the researcher, the research design and
rationale, the sampling and selection procedures, the interview process, the data analysis
plan, issues of credibility, and ethical concerns, including how I protected and respected
the rights of participants.
Chapter 3: Research Methodology and Methods
This qualitative study examines the experiences, coping strategies, and effects of
intimate partner violence among African immigrant women who survived intimate
partner violence in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. The selected participants were nine
African immigrant women who were once victims of and have survived intimate partner
violence and no longer lived in an abusive environment. This chapter highlights the
reasons for using qualitative research design and delineates the setting, research
questions, sample size, recruitment process, instruments of data collection, data analysis
methods, issues of credibility, protection measures for human participants, and ethical
concerns of the study.
Research Questions
This study explored intimate partner violence experiences among African
immigrant women in Edmonton who have left abusive relationships. The research
questions guiding this exploration will be as follows:
1. How do African immigrant women survivors who have successfully left their
abusive relationships describe their experience of abuse in intimate relationships?
2. How do these women survivors cope with the experience of abuse?
3. What themes emerge from the effects of abuse on these survivors?
Research Design and Rationale
This study examines intimate partner violence experiences among African
immigrant women who have left their abusive relationships. The three qualitative
research questions listed above guided the research. I chose qualitative design as the
method for this study because it helped me uncover the reality of women’s everyday lives
and lived experiences (Smythe & Giddings, 2007). The qualitative approach offers a
broadly diverse and multifaceted expression of meaning and experiences (Braun &
Clarke, 2014). It allowed me to ask open-ended questions that encouraged participants’
to share their experiences, enabling their voices to be heard during and throughout the
research process. Further, I was able to explore and identify the problems related to
intimate partner violence experienced by African immigrant women before making any
assumptions about the program and service needs of victims and survivors of intimate
partner violence. Qualitative research methods describe, decode, translate, and interpret
what is happening in the real world in natural settings (Van Maanen, 1979). Further,
qualitative methods connect distinct theories to individual expertise (Caelli et al., 2003;
Price et al., 2005; Rudestam & Newton, 2015).
A qualitative approach is preferred over a quantitative approach for this study, as
the latter offers a smaller scope for research participants to tell their stories. Quantitative
research studies are expressed and measured in numbers (Rudestam & Newton, 2015). In
the quantitative method, the researcher is objective and distant from the participants,
solely interested in describing, testing, and generalizing; thus the codes, categories, and
results are primarily expressed as numbers (Smythe & Giddings, 2007; Merriam &
Tisdell, 2015; Rudestam & Newton, 2015). If the focus of my study was prevalence rates,
causal factors, methods of prediction, or seeking to test a hypothesis or theory, a
quantitative approach would have been more fitting (Smythe & Giddings, 2007; Merriam
& Tisdell, 2015; Rudestam & Newton, 2015). However, this research study intended to
understand how people interpreted and constructed their experiences in terms of holistic,
psychologically rich, and in-depth content directly from the participant (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2015; Rudestam & Newton, 2015). For these reasons, the quantitative research
method is less appropriate for this study.
I also considered the mixed-methods model. This approach involves combining
qualitative and quantitative methods; hence, the techniques of each method inform those
from the other, using numerical and non-numerical analysis at different levels in the
study, as well as probability and purposive procedures. However, I find mixed methods to
be time-intensive in terms of data collection, data conversion, and data analysis (Creswell
& Creswell, 2018; Rudestam & Newton, 2015; Teddlie & Tashakkori, 2009). Therefore, I
deemed the mixed methods approach inappropriate for this time-constrained study.
My approach to this qualitative study was comprised of in-depth, face-to-face
interviews to examine intimate partner violence experiences among African immigrant
women who have left their abusive relationships. The nine participants in this study were
African immigrant women, aged 18 and above, who shared similar experiences with
intimate partner violence. I determined the final sample at the point of data saturation
(Fusch & Ness, 2015). I repeated interviews to guide against insufficient data that could
lack saturation and inconsistency. I collected enough data to establish themes, understood
the raw data presented by other researchers, and generalized and transferred results to
similar findings (Sechelski & Onwuegbuzie, 2019). I continued to collect data until
participants repeated the same themes, and there were no new themes being shared within
the narratives; at that point, I knew that the data were saturated (Beaton et al., 2001).
There is no single research method in a qualitative approach that can adequately
describe a social phenomenon; however, a researcher can use multiple methodologies to
understand reality or lived experiences where necessary (Sechelski & Onwuegbuzie,
2019). Two methods I considered for this study were phenomenology and narrative
inquiry, which both use storytelling and exploration of lived experiences to gain a deeper
understanding of a phenomenon.
The phenomenological approach explores the topic of interest via the everyday
knowledge and perceptions of specific respondent groups (Chan et al., 2013; Creswell &
Creswell, 2018; Yilmaz, 2013). This methodology gives researchers an initial
understanding of the phenomenon that, in turn, allows them to develop in-depth
knowledge, explanations, and interpretations while also understanding any conflicting
information from previous data (Grant, 2008). Grant (2008) maintains that, since there is
no objective truth, phenomenology explains the world as we experience it with the sole
intention of gaining deeper understanding. It is not particularly concerned with explaining
the causes of things; instead, it describes how things are experienced first-hand from the
perspectives of those involved. A phenomenological approach interprets, makes meaning,
and develops an in-depth understanding of a phenomenon through victims’ lived
experiences and perceptions (Patton, 2015). From this information, it is clear that
phenomenology was not a good fit to achieve the goals in this study because of its narrow
scope and lack of flexibility.
On the other hand, narrative inquiry allows participants to narrate their
experiences and perceptions through storytelling via individual interviews or focus
groups (Allen, 2012; Boonzaier & Schalkwyk, 2011; Ellis, 2017; Lehrner & Allen, 2008;
Mahoney & Daniel, 2006). Narrative inquiry has specific strengths: it gives participants
the autonomy to share their stories, and it provides power and control to participants by
expressing and making sense of their relationships with violence (Savin-Baden & Van
Niekerk, 2007). Using interviews or focus groups in narrative inquiry has pros and cons;
regardless, it was not an appropriate choice for this study. Instead of these alternatives, I
used generic qualitative study because of the flexibility and creativity it provided for me
to discover and understand the phenomenon of intimate partner violence from the
perspectives and through the worldviews of African immigrant women who have
survived it (Cooper & Endacott, 2007; Erickson, 2011; Sandelowski & Barroso, 2002).
Role of the Researcher
In qualitative research, the researcher is responsible for all phases of participant
recruitment, as well as for obtaining Institute Research Board (IRB) clearance, securing
the research site, conducting interviews, and analyzing the data (Baillie, 2019). Other
responsibilities include collecting verbal responses, observing nonverbal body language,
and documenting other findings from participants. Hence, the researcher in a qualitative
study plays an essential role as the instrument of data collection, analysis, and
interpretation (Babbie, 2017; Caelli et al., 2003; Cooper & Endacott, 2007; Denzin &
Lincoln, 2003; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015).
From the beginning, the researcher must establish a trusting relationship, both
through asking questions and through active listening (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). The quality
of the response is as important as the researcher’s questions (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). The
following actions are critical to the researcher’s role:
Building Collaboration. For a qualitative study to be successful, the researcher
and the participants must share a collaborative approach that collects thick and
descriptive data (Rubin & Rubin, 2012).
Developing Trust. In a qualitative study, the researcher must establish trust from
the beginning; therefore, the responses in an excellent interview form narratives that
convey meaning more than opinions (Baillie, 2019; Bauman et al., 2002; Busetto et al.,
2020). For example, the researcher should refer to real-life examples and stories as much
as possible.
Establishing Credibility. The researcher must establish credibility with the
research participants and the research board during both the data-gathering process and
the interviews (Caelli et al., 2003). The researcher must ensure that the responses are both
detailed and descriptive, not overly abstract, and achievable with short and concise,
openended questions. The answers should be personal and based on first-hand experience
without impersonal summaries or generalizations. The responses must have emotional
significance to the respondent and not be mere intellectualization.
Probing for Detail. The researcher must probe, ask for elaboration, and clarify
answers (Rubin & Rubin, 2012).
In addition, I played a crucial role in the study. First, I am a Black woman, an
African immigrant myself, who works with African immigrants and other immigrant
women in the community. Secondly, I am a psychotherapist in private practice
specializing in family therapy, grief and loss, and mental health counselling and therapy.
Since I started my practice, I have worked with diverse women victims and survivors of
intimate partner violence. Still, I primarily work with Caucasian women, Indigenous
women, and women from other ethnic minority groups. I have never met an African
immigrant woman seeking help due to intimate partner violence or other related issues in
my practice. I do, however, have a close friend who is a survivor of intimate partner
violence. I remember how difficult it was for her to disclose to anyone what she was
going through. She refused to seek help from any mainstream organization for fear of
losing her children, shame, lack of confidence, and trust; she confided that she did not
know where to get the appropriate help she needed at the time. Listening to her
experiences has provided me with the rare privilege of being able to reflect on and make
further inquiries about intimate partner violence as an ally to a survivor who is an African
immigrant woman. Hence, I am aware of potential biases and influence my personal
views might have on the study (Chenail, 2011).
To address these biases, I was reflexive by reflecting on and articulating my
position and subjectivities (including my worldview, perspectives, biases) so that the
readers can understand my research questions, data collection, analysis, and findings in
light of them (Sutton & Austin, 2015). Perrott’s (2019) qualitative ethnographic study of
the relationship between researcher and participants in a male-dominated workplace
provides an ideal example of reflexive, feminist qualitative research in practice. They
used a feminist theoretical framework to advance understanding of body politics in
gender roles, sexuality, and power (Perrott, 2019). Perrott’s research demonstrates the
strengths of using reflexivity in research and data gathering to create awareness about the
intersections of masculine authority. The feminist researcher must be reflexive and
committed to understanding subjective knowledge and lived experiences. Further, I
identified and addressed as many ethical issues as possible before the research process
began, as well as throughout the process if any emerged. For example, I avoided working
with any participant I am involved with personally and professionally, as that might
create a power imbalance and authority over the participant that pressures them to
respond.
Sutton and Austin (2015) have summarized the primary role of the researcher in
qualitative studies as being data analysis and management, which includes interpretation
of data, transcribing and checking data, reading between the lines, coding, theming, data
synthesis, and planning and writing the research report. As the researcher, I was
responsible for the data collection, the final interpretation of the data, and the presentation
of the study results. I was also responsible for laying out the merits of this study (Caelli et
al., 2003). Hence, I was aware of potential ethical issues and bias judgements as they
pertain to the data collection and interpretation (Creswell, 2012). Obtaining IRB
approval, enabling voluntary participation, obtaining informed consent, protecting
confidentiality and privacy, avoiding harm, and protecting participants’ wellbeing were
standard practices in this study (Chenail, 2011; Engel & Schutt, 2010; Kahlke, 2014;
Klykken, 2021).
To understand participants’ meaning and experience, qualitative research engages
the interpretations and emotions of participants (Sutton & Austin, 2015). For the data
collection process, I used social work attending skills such as active listening, observing,
responding, respect, empathy, therapeutic alliance, and involvement. For example,
putting myself in the participants’ positions with compassion enhanced my understanding
of their emotions and feelings as they shared their stories and experiences (Listening to
clients: Attending skills, 2003). My interactions with the participants were open and
nonjudgmental. I was aware of and sensitive to complex issues such as family dynamics,
gender roles and patriarchy, cultural and social issues, religious beliefs, personal values,
and community expectations, as well as the impacts of all these on participants (Pacheco
et al., 2017).
Methodology
This study uses a qualitative research methodology as a form of inquiry to
understand and interpret human experiences and behaviors directly, from the perspectives
of the people who experience the effects (Belotto, 2018; Caellie et al., 2003; Cooper &
Endacott, 2007; Creswell, 2013). In addition, the qualitative data collection process
allowed me as the researcher to capture the extensiveness of participants’ experiences,
their shared views, and the challenges they faced living in violent intimate relationships
(Cooper & Endacott, 2007; Cope, 2014; Price et al., 2005; Sandelowski & Barroso,
2002). The study was conducted in Edmonton, Alberta, over the course of twelve weeks.
Participant Selection Logic
In a qualitative study, it is essential to select suitable candidates for interviews.
Creswell and Creswell (2018) emphasize that the researcher should utilize one of several
different types of sampling strategies to obtain qualified candidates to provide the most
trustworthy information for the study. Selecting participants who are honest and share
openly is crucial to effective data collection (Creswell, 1998; Creswell, 2012; Creswell,
2014).
Yegidis et al. (2012) described several significant aspects a researcher should
consider when selecting a sampling method in a qualitative study, including available
resources, the purpose and sample selection, the study design, statistical analysis, and
sample representatives. In a qualitative study, sampling requires the selection of people
who best fit the purpose and characteristics of the elements being researched. Hence, I
used purposive sampling to recruit African immigrant women who are willing to share
their experiences of intimate partner violence and the coping strategies they used.
Etikan et al. (2016) explained that purposive sampling is unique as an approach
that helps the researcher access a problem, perspective, insight, expertise, or experience
that they want to understand from specific and selected groups within a given population.
In the methods section of their research report, researchers should describe participants in
sufficient detail, including their ethnicity, cultural context, education, age, and level of
ability, to provide holistic picture of the data as appropriate for the study (Nagae &
Dancy, 2010). For example, in Nagae and Dancy’s (2010) study of Japanese women’s
perceptions of intimate partner violence, the authors limited their research only to
participants with the following identifiers.
Self-identified as Japanese females who met these selection criteria: (a)
experienced or experiencing IPV as victims, (b) adults aged 18 years and over, (c)
married to a Japanese spouse and lived with their spouse when IPV occurred, (d)
in a heterosexual marital relationship at the time of the IPV, and (e) willing to
participate in the interview (p. 3).
In purposive sampling, in order to find participants with a particular experience
rather than those with a diverse background, the researcher uses criteria that concentrate
on people with the experience and perspective relevant to the study (Engel & Schutt,
2010), making the purposive sampling method best suited for this study.
The focus for the purposive sampling in this study are immigrant women from
Africa in Edmonton who have experienced and survived intimate partner violence. I
chose African immigrant women who live in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, because
Alberta continues to experience the influx and migration of people from other provinces
in Canada. According to the Treasury Board and Finance (2020), Alberta’s population
growth is primarily due to migration, with 54% international and only 14%
interprovincial migration. I focused specifically on Edmonton because the increase in
immigrant populations in Alberta is highest in Edmonton and Calgary. I also have
personal, academic, and professional connections in Edmonton that have formed the
conceptual basis for this study. The eligibility criteria for this study were as follows:
•African immigrant women
•Are living in Edmonton, Alberta
•Are Aged 18 and above
•Understand and speak English
•Self-identify as intimate partner violence survivors
•Was married, cohabiting, in common-law, relationship with an African man
•Are not living in a women’s shelter
•Are not living with the abuser
•Left the abusive relationship at least 12 months prior to the study start date
•Are free from mental health and psychological challenges
Sample Size
Although the recommended sample size for qualitative studies varies, some
researchers suggest 30-50 participants (Bernard, 2000; Morse, 2000), while other
researchers propose to 20-30 participants (Creswell, 1998). In addition, some qualitative
studies have used 10-20 participants, while others have used significant sample sizes of
30-50 (Beaton et al., 2001; Boddy, 2016; Morse, 1991, 2000; Sakshi, 2021). For example,
Showalter and McCloskey (2020) used 19 participants in their qualitative study on
employment instability for victims of intimate partner violence. Brown et al. (2005)
interviewed only 13 participants in their consensual qualitative research. However,
several researchers suggest that the sample size should depend on the study’s aim and
nature, the clarity of the topic, the researcher’s skill, and the researcher’s information
(Boddy, 2016; Sandelowski, 1995; Sutton & Austin, 2015). Malterud et al. (2015) discuss
“information power,” or the idea that a sample size should consider the purpose of the
study, a specific number, established theory, good dialogue, and analysis strategy.
In summary, a consensus among researchers is that qualitative research should
include thematic saturation (Bertaux, 1981; Mason, 2010; Vasileiou et al., 2018). Data
saturation happens when all efforts to discover new information are exhausted and no
codes or themes for further details emerge in the interview process. The suggestion is that
researchers should be aware of when to stop collecting data and when they have enough
information to develop a theory (Braun & Clarke, 2014, 2021; DeJonckheere & Vaughn,
2019; Fusch & Ness, 2015; Guest et al., 2006; Morse, 1991, 2000 Sakshi, 2021). Though
many responded to my recruitment call, I was left with nine participants who met the
inclusion criteria and were willing and able to share their story.
Recruitment Procedures
Recruitment did not begin until I obtained Institutional Research Board (IRB)
approval. I submitted my proposal for IRB approval. In my IRB application, I fully
described my recruitment plan and presented my recruitment materials for review,
including my recruitment emails, flyers, newspaper advertisements, letters, and face-
toface instruments (Lysaght et al., 2016; Newington & Metcalfe, 2014; Robinson, 2014).
In addition, I provided my phone scripts for recruitment and social media postings.
Therefore, I received the IRB approval before recruiting participants for this study,
After obtaining IRB approval and permission to conduct my research, I began the
recruitment process. I considered various steps and criteria for finding potential and
eligible candidates for recruitment, such as the sampling method, the research goals,
participant demographics, eligibility criteria, screening, study explanations, gaining the
interest and trust of participants, and providing motivation and incentives for the duration
of the study (Borges et al., 2015; Lysaght et al., 2016; Robinson, 2014).
The study recruited nine participants through purposive selection based on the
research questions. The participants were African immigrant women aged 24 and above
who live in Edmonton, have survived intimate partner violence, have the experience to
provide rich information, and were willing to participate and contribute meaningfully to
the main issues in the study (the inclusion criteria in the previous section). I recruited nine
participants from the African community in the Edmonton area by collaborating with
individuals and agencies in Edmonton, such as the African Centre and Multicultural
Health Brokers. I exploited professional and community connections and solicited
referrals from other professionals who work with women and domestic violence in
women’s shelters across the city. I advertised using flyers posted online on various social
media platforms and shared with agencies that works with women in the city. I posted my
IRB approved flyer providing an overview of my research, including the title, one or two
sentences about the research, the eligibility and ineligibility criteria, and the expectations
for potential participants (Newington & Metcalfe, 2014). As the researcher, I included my
name in the advertisement and my contact email or telephone information. I encouraged
potential participants to reach out if they have questions or needed clarification (see
Appendix F).
Participant Screening
Selected participants were asked to complete a screening and demography
questionnaire to determine if they met the eligibility criteria (see Appendix C). I
interviewed nine African immigrant women who met the study’s inclusion criteria
(Borges et al., 2015). However, I questioned and gathered information until data
saturation was achieved. All participants were informed about their right to withdraw and
leave the study at any time.
Instrumentation
Data collection in a qualitative study is crucial (Chenail, 2011; Creswell &
Creswell, 2018). Likewise, the researcher is the data collection instrument; the researcher
asks questions, takes notes, and observes participants during the data collection process
(Engel & Schutt, 2010; Rubin & Rubin, 2012; Yegidis et al., 2012). To address the
research questions in this study, semi-structured video and telephone interviews were the
instrument of data collection (Rubin & Rubin, 2012).
The interview is the most popular form of data collection in qualitative studies
(Dooly et al., 2017), involving one-on-one conversations between researchers and
participants. The conversations in interviews are designed to produce in-depth
information about participants’ experiences, thoughts, beliefs, opinions, motivations, and
reasoning (Busetto et al., 2020; Trigueros et al., 2017). In qualitative studies, researchers
use interview protocols, frameworks, and guides to obtain good-quality, reliable, valid
data (Canals, 2017; Castillo-Montoya, 2016; Jacob & Furgerson, 2012; California State
University [CSU], n.d.; Turner, 2010; Yeong et al., 2018).
Semi-structured interview questions in qualitative studies usually start with
“what,” “how,” and “why”, grounded in theory and literature, to explore participants’
perspectives and experiences (DeJonckheere & Vaughn, 2019; Leahy, 2021; Smythe &
Giddings, 2007). A semi-structured interview is an effective method for collecting
qualitative, open-ended data and exploring thoughts, feelings and beliefs while touching
on personal and sensitive issues with participants (Bauman et al., 2002; Creswell, 2012;
Griffiths et al., 2008; DeJonckheere & Vaughn, 2019; Leahy, 2021; Whiting, 2008). For
example, Griffiths et al. (2008) used a semi-structured interview to explore the
perspectives of 15 women living with pre-gestational type 1 diabetes, while Chang et al.
(2013) used semi-structured interviews to examine the views of 10 physicians and
nursemidwives about weight gain during pregnancy.
This study used semi-structured interviews to explore the experiences of nine
African immigrant women survivors of intimate partner violence. I used the
semistructured interview as the best means of engaging with the participants in formal
and flexible conversations, allowing me to ask open-ended questions to collect in-depth
information using an interview guide or questionnaire developed before the interview.
The interview questions were drawn from existing literature, research, studies, and
observations (Bauman et al., 2002; Beaton et al., 2001; Berkwits & Inui, 1998; Busetto et
al., 2020).
I reviewed several interview protocols and guides to strengthen the reliability and
quality of my interview questions (Canals, 2017; Castillo-Montoya, 2016; Jacob &
Furgerson, 2012; California State University [CSU], n.d.; Turner, 2010; Yeong et al.,
2018). For this study, I modified the interview protocol refinement (IPR) framework
developed by Castillo-Montoya (2016) to include ethnic- and culture-sensitive questions.
Castillo-Montoya’s (2016) four-phase process comprises: (1) ensuring interview
questions align with research questions, (2) constructing an inquiry-based conversation,
(3) receiving feedback on interview protocols, and (4) piloting the interview protocol. I
followed this process throughout my research.
When conducting interviews, I chose a setting with few distractions, explained the
purpose of the interviews, and introduced and described the nature of the study. Then, I
addressed the terms of confidentiality and consent with the participants. In addition, I
explained the format and duration of the interview, and how participants can get in touch
with me later if they want to. I reviewed and educated the participants about their rights
when participating in the study, and participants were asked to sign an informed consent
form before participating in the study. I asked the interviewees if they have any questions
before we started the discussion. I was observant to see if participants is showing any
signs of discomfort from sharing their experiences of victimization with a plan to end the
interview if I observed any signs of discomfort. However, none of the participants
showed any signs of discomfort.
The interview guide and questions focused on the effects of intimate partner
violence, the coping strategies of African immigrant women, and their service needs.
Each interview was audio-taped. I took notes rather than attempting to memorize
participants’ answers (McNamara, 2009). The audio-recordings were transcribed
wordfor-word to accurately captured the participants’ descriptions of their experiences.
The transcripts were sent by email to the participants for member checking to establish
accuracy, trust, and credibility. This step addressed any potential biases and
misinterpretations of the collected data (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). However, receiving the
interview transcripts may trigger anxiety or emotional reactions; hence, after each
interview, participants were provided with the address and information of a therapist to
address retraumatizaion and negative feelings that may be triggered as a result of
recalling their experience of victimization.
Data Collection
In qualitative research, the researcher is the data collection instrument (Berkwits
& Inui, 1998). In this study, an interview guide and questions facilitated the conversations
between the interviewer and interviewees (Babbie, 2017; Bauman et al., 2002). Although
an undisturbed flow of conversation is the requirement for a good discussion, long-
winded answers do not necessarily amount to thick data (Yegidis et al., 2012). Rubin and
Rubin (2012) emphasize that the quality of the response is as important as the
researcher’s questions. In this study, therefore, the data collection tool is a semistructured
interview with guided questions on the topic. Each semi-structured interview asked the
same or similar questions (DeJonckheere & Vaughn, 2019).
The interview process requires trusting relationships and active listening skills
(Rubin & Rubin, 2012). I established good rapport and trust with the participants from the
beginning, asked questions and listened actively to achieve excellent interviews that was
descriptive and conveyed more than opinions (Bauman et al., 2002; Beaton et al., 2001;
Castillo-Montoya, 2016; Canals, 2017). For example, as the researcher, I elicited, probed,
and referred to real-life examples and stories as often as possible.
The interviews were conducted individually and face-to-face with candidates in
the researcher’s private office, while the participants were at home where they considered
a safe site or the location of choice (Bauman et al., 2002). The interview was
administered in English, a common language among African immigrant women, to
ensure understanding of the questions. The interview questions guided the conversation
between the interviewer and interviewee. Each individual interview session was
scheduled for 45-90 minutes over the course of twelve weeks.
There was an option for a telephone and video interview to accommodate
individuals who meet the criteria and are willing to participate in the study but cannot
attend a face-to-face interview (Bauman et al., 2002). The telephone as a mechanism was
an alternative way of collecting data as the COVID-19 pandemic and restrictions were
still in effect. Some participants found it more convenient to speak on the phone and
video than in person. There are many other benefits of using telephone interviews for data
collection, including “(a) using economic and human resources efficiently, (b)
minimizing disadvantages associated with in-person interviewing, (c) developing positive
relationships between researchers and participants, and (d) improving quality of data
collection” (Musselwhite et al., 2007, p. 1064).
Each interview session was audio-taped with the interviewee’s consent. To respect
participant rights to self-determination, I explained the recording process and their right
to decline or accept (Klykken, 2021; NASW, 2017). The participants signed an informed
consent document before we proceeded with the interview. During the interview, I
checked-in with participants to ensure emotional safety and avoid retraumatization
(Allen, 2012; Brown et al., 2005; Dooly et al., 2017; Muzak, 2009). Also, I reiterated to
the participants about their right to withdraw if they were no longer interested without
any consequences. I had a contingency plan to recruit about 20 participants during the
recruitment process to account for any participant that might withdraw during the
interview or data gathering process. However, I only interviewed nine participants.
I acknowledged that sharing past information might trigger traumatic reactions for
some participants. Therefore, I collaborated with an agency in the city, that was willing to
contributes to this research process by supporting all the participants who might need
counselling support after the interview. Up to four complimentary sessions were offered
to participants and referral to community program would be conducted after the four free
sessions as needed.
At the end of each interview, a time was set aside for debriefing with the
participant. The participant had the opportunity to ask questions about their role in the
interview and requested clarification as needed. Participants were asked if they would
like to review their responses at the end of the interview, and for those that said yes, the
responses were emailed to them to cross check their responses and addressed any biases
and wrong interpretations as needed.
The recorded audio was transcribed verbatim. Once completed, the transcript was
emailed to the interviewee for member checking to establish accuracy, trust, and
credibility. This process addressed potential biases and misinterpretations of the collected
data and ensured that the responses were personal and based on first-hand experience,
without impersonal summaries or generalizations (Leahy, 2021; Lee, 2014; Ravitch &
Carl, 2016).
All writing notes and journal entries created during the interview process were
kept as restricted files in encrypted or password-protected folders to ensure the
confidentiality and security of participants. For data protection, participants’ names were
not included with the files. To prevent loss of information or data corruption, each
interview was backed up and stored on an external hard drive, and flash drive that was
kept at home. I used a personal computer at home and a portable laptop; I used only one
laptop during the process, and no other person had access to the computer.
Data Analysis Plan
Research Question 1 is, “How do African immigrant women who have
successfully left their abusive relationships describe their experiences?” To determine the
answer to this question, I gathered responses to questions about how the problems
occurred. This included questions about how long the abuse lasted or the duration of
abuse, how the abuse varied or changed over time, the frequency of the abuse, the type of
abuse, and the circumstances surrounding the abuse. Responses were analyzed to identify
themes, common responses, and patterns relevant to the research question.
Research Question 2 is, “How do these women survivors cope with the experience
of abuse?” In determining the answers to this question, I gathered responses about coping
strategies such as the availability and efficacy of support systems before, during, and after
the abuse; the variation in responses to abuse; the sources of strength in coping with the
abuse; the factors instrumental to prolonged endurance of the abuse; barriers and
challenges to participants’ coping abilities; and the deal breakers that resulted in
participants leaving the relationship. These responses were examined to identify themes,
common responses, and patterns relevant to the research question.
Research Question 3 is, “What themes emerge from the effects of abuse on these
survivors?” In determining the answers to this question, I gathered responses pertaining
to participants’ personal experiences of short- and long-term effects on their biological
and physical health, psychological health, sexual health, mental health, and spiritual,
cultural, and financial wellbeing. I also gathered responses pertaining to the effects on
children, family, friends, and relationships; impacts on employment and ability to secure
and hold down a job during and after the abuse; and the factors that prolonged the effects
of the experiences of abuse. These responses were examined to identify themes, common
responses, and patterns relevant to the research question.
Thematic analysis is the method best suited to data analysis in generic qualitative
studies and involves coding, categories, and themes (Bailey, 2008). Thematic analysis
identifies, analyzes, and reports on patterns or themes within data and involves searching
across the data set of an interview to find and locate repeated patterns of meanings (Braun
& Clark, 2006). Thematic analysis offers inductive and theoretical approaches, making it
flexible and compatible with comparative processes. Analysis begins during the
collection of data, and data are analyzed as they are collected; each research participant’s
data is analyzed and subsequent data are then analyzed and compared to previous data.
Thematic analysis is flexible as it allows back-and-forth movement between current data
and coded and clustered patterns. The patterns and themes change and grows throughout
the process. The thematic analysis technique minimally organizes and describes the data
sets in rich detail and interprets the various aspects of the research topic (Braun & Clarke,
2006, 2014).
The step-by-step process of thematic data analysis in this study were as follows.
First, I reviewed and familiarized myself with the collected data. For example, data from
the first interview participant, including field notes and journals, were read, and any
sentences, phrases, and paragraphs that are meaningful to the research question were
highlighted intuitively. I reviewed the highlighted data and used my research questions to
decide if the highlighted data was relevant to my inquiry. I then eliminated the unrelated
data to my research question, which were stored in a separate file and re-evaluated in the
future. Next, I coded or named each remaining set of data and cluster the sets of data that
are related or connected to develop patterns. Throughout the data analysis process, each
participant’s data were reviewed and analyzed, then compared and contrasted with the
previously analyzed data. Hence, there were ongoing comparison (Belotto, 2018; Braun
& Clarke, 2006, 2014; Castleberry & Nolen, 2018).
Data that corresponded to specific patterns were identified and placed with the
corresponding pattern throughout the process. Direct quotes were extracted from the data
(transcribed interviews, field notes, documents, and so on) to explained the design.
Throughout the process, all the patterns were analyzed for the emergence of overreaching
themes. The process required combining and clustering related patterns into themes,
shifted and changed throughout the analysis process, as previously completed analyses
were compared with new data.
After analyzing all the data, I arranged the themes to correspond with supporting
patterns. Finally, the patterns were used to explained the themes. I wrote a detailed
analysis describing the scopes and substances of the themes that emerged from the data
analysis. Each pattern was described and elucidated by supporting quotes from the data
(Cooper & Endacott, 2007; Kahlke, 2014; Percy et al., 2015). The recorded audio was
transcribed verbatim using a peer debriefing partner to “member check” for internal
reliability and confirm correct transcription (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). Then, the transcripts
were removed and the statements and meanings were formulated and assigned to codes
that summarize the importance of participants’ experiences (Maguire & Delahunt, 2017;
Rubin & Rubin, 2012). Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggest that codes should be
converted to patterns and meanings represented by categories based on participants’
experiences to unify the phenomenon’s comprehensive description.
I considered using traditional tools such as colored pens, paper, and sticky notes
(Maher et al., 2018) for the data coding and analysis. However, manual coding methods
would involve constant interaction between me and the data, making it both
timeconsuming and difficult for me to remove myself from the data (Maher et al., 2018).
In addition, Saldana (2016) emphasizes that traditional methods can create researcher
bias, leading people to question the rigor, trustworthiness, and reliability of the research.
In contrast, qualitative data analysis (QDA) software offers more transparent analytical
processes and allowed for validity, rigor, and dependability to be demonstrated (Woods et
al., 2016). I used NVivo software; NVivo tools offer data coding, memoing and
annotating, data mapping, and data visualizing and modelling capabilities.
Issues of Credibility
Credibility concerns the idea that study validity is not a checklist, but rather
complicated and challenging; it should be among the research’s central goals and part of
the conceptual framework (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). One question that the researcher
should always be prepared to answer is how they will ensure that their work establishes
the criteria for proven reliability. Credibility is the hallmark of any qualitative naturalistic
research, typically seen as the counterpart to rigor and validity in quantitative studies
(Peterson, 2019). I establish credibility in this study by using a full description to convey
the findings (Creswell & Creswell, 2018) and clarifying any bias that I may bring to the
study using self-reflection and reflexivity (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Ravitch & Carl,
2016). There are other different ways of establishing credibility in qualitative research,
including triangulation, recursive design process, transferability, dependability,
confirmability, and member checking.
Triangulation
Triangulation involves using multiple methods, data sources, observers, or
theories to gain a complete understanding of the phenomenon of the study (Shenton,
2004). It is also vital in ensuring that research findings are robust, vibrant,
comprehensive, and well-developed. There are four types of triangulations that
researchers can employ (Ravitch & Carl, 2016):
•Methods triangulation: This form of triangulation involves utilizing different
data collection methods to check the consistency of the findings (Ravitch & Carl,
2016).
•Triangulation of Sources: This form of triangulation involves utilizing various
data sources within the same process for the same purpose. For example, the
researcher might decide to use two different populations, interview people at
different points in time or in private vs. public settings, or compare people with
different perspectives (Shenton, 2004).
•Analyst triangulation. This form of triangulation involves utilizing another
analyst to review the findings or using multiple observers and analysts. In this
study, I used analyst triangulation to review the findings, this helps illuminate
blind spots in the analysis process (Ravitch & Carl, 2016).
•Theoretical Triangulation. This form of triangulation involves using various
theoretical perspectives to analyze the data (Ravitch & Carl, 2016).
Recursive Design Process
Another method used to establish credibility in this study was to seek and attend
to complexity throughout a recursive research design process, whereby the methods and
findings were inseparable (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). In this study, the results were
considered credible when the researcher could link the research findings with the realities
that demonstrated the results are accurate (Shenton, 2004).
Transferability
Transferability is related to external validity. In simple terms, the role of the
researcher is not to come up with a study that can be generalized but instead to produce a
descriptive, vibrant context statement and results that are transferable to other settings
and populations (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). This study’s aimed to see if the work is
applicable in different contexts and with other respondents (Ravitch & Carl, 2016).
Hence, the research outcomes and knowledge in this qualitative research aimed for
transferability.
Dependability
Dependability is about the stability of the data. Research dependability is verified
when the researcher is consistent and stable with regard to the data collection information
and argument (Ravitch & Carl, 2016), resulting in data that are dependable because they
answered your research questions using appropriate methods. The researcher must make
sense of why (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). However, achieving dependability is critical to
research validity constructs in qualitative research.
Confirmability
Confirmability occurs when qualitative researchers seek confirmable data that is
neutral and free from the researcher’s biases, no doubt that there might be biases, but it
should be explicitly at the minimum (Ravitch & Carl, 2016; Shenton, 2004).
Member Checking
Member checking is the second important technique that this study used to
established credibility. The researcher used more than one person to check the accuracy
of the findings (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Members checking helps reduce the
researcher’s bias and supports the credibility and trustworthiness of the results (Peterson,
2019). This technique allowed the researcher to share the participants’ data,
interpretations, and conclusions. In addition, it enabled participants to clarify their
intentions, correct errors, and provide additional information if necessary (Ravitch &
Carl, 2016). After the interview transcription, I sent each transcribed document to the
interviewee to check for accuracy and correct any response errors. Member checking is
valuable in many ways, especially in community advocacy research studies, allowing
community member participants to identify their research voices.
Institute Research Board (IRB), Ethical Procedures, & Code of Ethics
The role of IRB is to ensure that all Walden University research complies with the
University’s ethical standards and U.S. federal regulations. IRB reviewed and approval is
required before participant recruitment, data collection, or dataset access can begin.
Before distributing flyers to recruit potential participants, I submitted my research
proposal to the IRB described the population and participant demographics, data
collection process, and how I intended to protect the research participants’ safety and
wellbeing. As a researcher, I abided by the rules of ethics and do no harm. Hence, I
protected the rights of participants. For example, all research participants gave their
permission to be part of the study, and they have information pertinent to giving their
“informed” consent to participate (Chenail, 2011; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015; Klykken,
2021). Participants were given the opportunity to withdraw their consent at any time (see
Appendices A and B).
I kept in mind the code of ethics and the mandates for researchers who conduct
experimental research with human participants (Ignacio & Taylor, 2012). The researcher
must inform participants about the study’s nature, purpose, expected duration, and
procedures (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). Also, the participants have the right to decline to
participate or withdraw from the research during the process. There are no consequences
to withdrawing from this study for participants, and I provided resources and information
about services available for treatment, compensation, and reimbursement of monetary
costs in case of unforeseen circumstances of participation.
My interview guide addressed reasonably foreseeable factors that may influence
participants’ willingness to participate, such as potential risks, discomfort, and adverse
effects. In addition, research participants were made aware of the confidentiality limits
pertaining to data coding, disposal, sharing, and archiving, as well as when confidentiality
might be broken. To support accommodation and access, there was an option for a
telephone and video interview to accommodate individuals who meet the criteria and are
willing to participate in the study but cannot attend the face-to-face interview (Bauman et
al., 2002). As already described, the interview sessions were audiotaped with the
interviewee’s consent. To respect participants’ rights to self-determination,
I explained the recording process and their right to decline or accept (Klykken, 2021;
NASW, 2017). The participants signed an “informed consent” document before the
interviews commenced. During the interviews, I checked-in with participants to ensure
emotional safety and avoid re-traumatization (Allen, 2012; Brown et al., 2005; Dooly et
al., 2017; Muzak, 2009). I provided counselling support for participants with the help of
my colleagues, who are psychotherapists in the community. At the end of each session,
time was set aside for debriefing with the participant, and participants had the opportunity
to ask questions about their role in the interview. Once completed, the interview
transcripts were emailed to the interviewees for members checking to establish accuracy,
trust, and credibility, to address potential biases and misinterpretations in the collected
data (Leahy, 2021; Lee, 2014; Ravitch & Carl, 2016). Finally, all writing notes and
journal entries created during the interview process were restricted files in encrypted or
password-protected folders to ensure the confidentiality and security of participants. For
their protection, participants’ names were not on the files. To prevent loss of information
or data corruption, I stored a back-up copy of every interview on an external hard drive
and flash drive kept at home.
Summary and Transition
In this chapter, I presented the qualitative research method used in this study. I
described the methodology, the role of the researcher, the research design and rationale,
the sampling and selection procedures, the interview process, the data analysis, issues of
credibility, and ethical concerns, including the protection and respect for the rights of
participants and how data were collected, analyzed, and interpreted. In Chapter 4, I
present the data analysis results, including the write-up, graphic table, and summary of
the results.
Chapter 4: Results
Introduction
Intimate partner violence against women is a public health problem with many
complications and consequences for women’s health and well-being. Using a feminist
theoretical framework, intimate partner violence is a social problem in many societies
that needs a multidimensional solution at different levels, such as individual, community,
and culture. This qualitative study explored the experiences of intimate partner violence
among African immigrant women who left abusive relationships in Edmonton, Alberta.
In doing so, I hoped to identify their coping strategies and determine recurring themes of
the effects of abuse shared by these women. I sought to answer the following research
questions: (a) How do African immigrant women survivors who have successfully left
their abusive relationships describe their experience of abuse in intimate relationships?
(b) How do these women survivors cope with the experiences of abuse? (c) What themes
emerge from the effects of abuse on these survivors? To answer these questions, I used
purposive sampling to select nine participants who identified as African immigrant
women, had experienced intimate partner violence, and had left their abusive
relationships.
Chapter 4 consists of the data analysis and study results from exploring this
sample of nine African immigrant women recruited in Edmonton, Alberta. This chapter
explains the methodology of recruiting participants, the screening and the sample
selection, the sample size, the interview procedures, the data collection, the thematic
analysis, and the data analysis process. Next, I present an overview of the research
findings, followed by the documentation of emerging themes from the data analysis
process.
Setting
The study ensured the privacy and confidentiality of the research participants.
Hence, the interviews were conducted in the researcher’s private counseling office in
Edmonton, Alberta entirely online using telephone and video via Microsoft Teams. Due
to the sensitivity of the research phenomenon, the office location site was a safe and
comfortable place to conduct such interviews. Initially, I anticipated that some
participants might prefer a face-to-face interview rather than a telephone interview; the
office would have been an excellent place to come to in such cases. However, no one
chose to go to the office. The participants had the option of using a telephone or video;
one participant opted for a telephone interview, while the rest chose to utilize video
recording. Several participants on video chose to turn off their cameras for personal
reasons, while others left their videos on throughout the process. Due to the sensitivity of
the topic and to avoid re-traumatization, all participants were accommodated individually
to ensure comfort, empowerment, and self-determination during the interview process.
Before the interview, I created a folder and coded sub-folders on my personal
computer for each participant as Participant One and so on (P1, P2, etc.) to avoid using
the participants’ names and ensure confidentiality. Most of my correspondence with the
participants was by email. As soon as I received an email confirmation of consent from a
participant, I responded with date and time options for an interview. Once I received a
“yes” from the participants, I set the dates and times with them to accommodate their
schedules. Before the interview, I reviewed the demographic questionnaire and eligibility
criteria to ensure that I admitted eligible participants into the study. As the sole
researcher, I conducted the interviews myself, taking notes during our time together and
recording the session for accurate transcription. Although I used the interview guide with
open-ended questions, each interview lasted between 45 and 90 minutes.
Demographics
The participants were primarily African immigrant women, aged 24 and above,
who experienced intimate partner violence, no longer lived with their abuser, and resided
in Edmonton. Although intimate partner violence tends to be higher among minority
groups and immigrant women in Canada, I chose to focus on Edmonton, Alberta, which
provides a unique context as the population continues to increase due to migration and
immigration. As the capital and one of the larger cities in Alberta, Edmonton continues to
welcome new immigrants, making the city a focal point in this study.
This study explored the world of nine African immigrant women who experienced
intimate partner violence and successfully left abusive relationships, including coping
strategies adopted during the events. I intended to talk to any woman who fit these criteria
in Edmonton who was over 18; however, those who did respond were between the ages
of 24 and 50. Most of the 20 women who reached out were eligible to participate in the
study. Those who were not eligible included, for example, a few of the women who
disclosed that they were currently living in a shelter, and others who were still living in
the same house with their abusive partners. Most participants are well educated with at
least a Bachelor’s degree; one had received a Master’s degree, and another participant
was in the process of pursing her Doctorate degree. Table 1 presents the demographic
characteristics of the nine African immigrant women interviewed. I asked them their age,
gender, marital status, country of origin, educational level, socioeconomic status, how
long they experienced the abuse, and how long it has been since they left the person who
abused them.
Table 1
Demographic Questionnaire Results
Participants Code P1 P2 P3 P4 P5 P6 P7 P8 P9
Age 39 37 41 50 38 49 24 25 37
Gender F F F F PNA F F F F
Marital Status M SG M M SG M SG SG M
Country of Origin NIG A A ZIM ZIM CAM RWA NIG RWA
Educational Level BA BA BA PHD BA BA BA BA MA
Employment Status SE E E E E PNA NW E SE
Socio-economic Status MC MC MC MC MC PNA MC MC MC
How long did you experience
intimate partner violence?
2Y 2Y 3Y 10Y 12Y 10Y 2Y 2Y 12Y
How long ago did you leave
your ex-husband or expartner? 10Y 2Y 2Y 15Y 3Y 5Y 2Y 2Y 5Y
Note: Gender: Female (F) Prefer no answer (PNA). Marital status: Married (M) Separated (S) Single (SG) Prefer no
answer (PNA).Country of origin: NIG (Nigeria), A (African – country not disclosed), ZIM (Zimbabwe), CAM
(Cameroon), RWA (Rwanda). Perceived socioeconomic status: Middle class (MC). Length of time: Years (Y).
Educational level: Bachelors (BA) Masters (MA) Doctorate (Ph.D.). Employment status: Self-employed (SE) Employed
(E) Not Working (NW).
Due to the topic’s sensitivity, several prospective participants changed their minds
before or after reading the consent to participate in the study. In addition, other
environmental and societal factors influenced the women’s attitudes toward the study.
For example, the researcher’s mandatory duty to report the abuse of vulnerable
populations reduced the research study’s strength.
During the interview, the participants reiterated and emphasized various points to
echo their voices and experience with this phenomenon. In addition, some participants
expressed emotions through their body language, while others cried to demonstrate their
emotions and feelings. All participants stayed until the end of the interview even when
the researcher asked if they would like to discontinue after getting upset and sad.
The process started with interview data analysis and involved detailed, line-byline
coding of the transcripts and text, specifically coding to the appropriate elements in the
research question. The qualitative data analysis software NVivo 12 was used to conduct
every phase of the data analysis process. NVivo 12 was used to explore participant-by-
participant presentations over the research questions. At the same time, NVivo 12 was
also used to examined question-by-question expressions. All participants were assigned a
false name to protect their identities. All participants had experienced intimate partner
violence in their former marriage or a close relationship and had left their abusers at least
one year before the study. I utilized the member-checking technique to allow participants
to engage with the interpreted data to ensure the study’s trustworthiness (Birt et al.,
2016).
Data Collection
I interviewed nine individuals who volunteered and participated in this study. I
achieved saturation at the end of the ninth interview after analyzing each interview in an
iterative process, to the point where it seemed that I was not gathering any new
information. These individuals had personally experienced intimate partner violence at
some point in their lives, making them eligible to take part of this study. In addition, the
promise to protect the confidentiality and privacy of participants helped in the
datagathering process. Hence, the data were meaningful from the participants’ worldview
and lived experiences.
The interviews were conducted online using telephone and video via Microsoft
teams. I used my private counseling office in Edmonton, Alberta for all the interviews.
The interview window lasted for about three months, between March and June 2022. The
participants had the option of using a telephone or video connection for the interview;
hence one participant opted to speak on the telephone, whereas the rest were on video.
All participants showed willingness to volunteer their time and shared their experiences
of intimate partner violence, which reflected the mindset of advocacy for others, social
justice, awareness of the issue as a social problem, and helping other women in similar
situations.
Data Analysis
There are many approaches to thematic analysis. In this study, I focused on Braun
and Clarke’s six-phase framework for doing thematic analysis, which includes the
following steps: (a) become familiar with the data; (b) generate initial codes; (c) search
for themes; (d) review themes; (e) define themes; (f) write up (Braun & Clarke, 2006). I
used the NVivo 12 software for the data analysis. The online video platform I used could
record and transcribe the interview simultaneously. The interview was recorded and
transcribed. Although I have the transcribed copies of the interviews, I went over all the
participant interview transcription to ensure clarity and correct the mistakes, spelling
errors, incomplete sentences and statements, and some of the missing words, as the
software cannot transcribe perfectly. At the beginning of my data analysis, I listened to
the audio several times, then compared it with the transcribed documents for clarity and
accuracy in the correspondents and the participant’s responses.
After the interview, I reviewed and familiarized myself with the collected data.
For example, transcribed data from the participants, including my notes and journals,
were read; sentences, phrases, and paragraphs meaningful to the research question were
highlighted intuitively. I reviewed the highlighted data and used my research questions to
decide if the highlighted data were relevant to my inquiry. I eliminated unrelated data to
my research question. Next, I coded and named each remaining data set and clustered
related datasets to develop patterns. Throughout the data analysis process, each
participant’s data were reviewed and analyzed, then compared and contrasted with the
previously analyzed data. Hence, the ongoing comparison was key in my process, which
provided iterative insights (Belotto, 2018; Braun & Clarke, 2006, 2014; Castleberry &
Nolen, 2018).
The analysis required uploading data into the NVivo 12 data analysis software.
The process started with interview data analysis and involved detailed, line-by-line
coding of the transcripts. As a result of the first coding round, 102 codes covered the
content of the nine interview transcripts.
The next step involved making sense of the data by reading the created codes and
their content. The aim was to reduce the number of codes and ensure that they accurately
described the data, all in order to develop themes that would help answer the research
questions. To achieve this, the existing descriptive codes were organized into a
parentchild relationship, or method of organization that creates hierarchies of codes in a
group in NVivo 12. These groups were based on the judgment as to what topics the
various codes represent. At this stage, the organization of codes did not mean trying to
create themes, but instead trying to make sense of the data further by introducing any
commonsense way to group a large number of codes to make them easier to understand
and evaluate.
Subsequently, codes in each of the created groups were scrutinized to ensure that
there were no duplicates or codes that covered the same content in different words. This
is a common occurrence when doing line-by-line coding, resulting from the large number
of codes which are difficult to remember. If duplicates were found, they were eliminated
by “merging” two or more codes into one. At this stage, some of the codes were also
becoming more inclusive. As a result of the above processes, there were 62 codes left at
that stage.
After this, the codes were scrutinized again, and their content was carefully read
with the research questions in mind. Cross-case comparisons (comparisons between the
different participants) and within-case comparisons (a careful analysis of the content of
each individual interview) were applied to gain an in-depth understanding of the coded
data and the developed final set of themes that would help reflect the content of the
interviews and answer the research questions. These themes were created by further
moving the existing codes and groups around, merging codes and moving them to other,
more relevant groups to finally form a set of key themes running through the data. This
final thematic framework is presented in Tables 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6.
Table 2 illustrates the various types of abuse endured by participants, along with
the effects of the abuse on them. Table 3 outlines various coping strategies and classifies
them further in the discussion. Next, Table 4 outlines how participants coped with the
abuse. Finally, Table 5 and 6 details other emerging themes, such as the challenges and
barriers to improving the situation, how to end the abuse, and how to move on afterwards;
each of which may further contribute to understanding how women may escape abusive
relationships.
Evidence of Trustworthiness
To show evidence of trustworthiness in qualitative research, the researcher must
demonstrate a clear, concise, and exhaustive process of data gathering, data analysis, data
interpretation, and data result that is accurate based on the study investigation (Nowell et
al., 2017). Hence, the data analysis process must show the readers that the study result is
credible, dependable, confirmable, and applicable to other settings (Rudestam & Newton,
2015). There are different ways of establishing credibility in qualitative research,
including triangulation, recursive design process, transferability, dependability,
confirmability, and member checking.
To ensure trustworthiness, I developed semi-structured questions with three items
each, followed by four supporting probing questions each to guide my interview process.
I also used member checking with the assistance of a peer debriefing partner, who
supported checking for internal reliability and confirm correct transcription for accuracy,
credibility, and validity (Rubin & Rubin, 2012).
To ensure the dependability, reliability, trustworthiness, and consistency of this
study, my interview with participants were recorded and transcribed for accuracy in my
analysis and result. Before my data collection, I paced the dates and time to keep me
prepared and organized during process. I kept a note during the interview and a reflective
journal of my thoughts, decisions, and newly discovered knowledge throughout the
interview and data analysis process. My interview was one-on-one, informative, and
engaging with extensive documentation of meaning and interaction with each participant.
For illustration, using an open-ended interview question, I gathered in-depth responses
that are meaningful and credible from participants which strengthen the findings in this
study. At the end, I checked the information with the participants to ensure that they
meant what they said through our interactions. All preliminary data findings and
interpretations were checked with the participants through the process of member
checking (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Credibility
Credibility concerns the idea that study validity is not a checklist but rather
complicated and challenging; it should be among the research’s central goals and part of
the conceptual framework (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). Credibility is the hallmark of any
qualitative naturalistic research, typically seen as the counterpart to rigor and validity in
quantitative studies (Peterson, 2019). This study established credibility by using a full
description to convey the findings and clarified any biases I brought to the study using
self-reflection and reflexivity (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Ravitch & Carl, 2016). For
example, during the interview I asked and gathered in-depth questions and verified the
responses and findings from each participant to clarify their responses.
Triangulation
Triangulation involves using multiple methods, data sources, observers, or
theories to gain a complete understanding of the phenomenon of the study (Shenton,
2004). It is also vital in ensuring that research findings are robust, vibrant,
comprehensive, and well-developed. Analyst triangulation involves using another analyst
to review the findings or multiple observers and analysts. It helps illuminate blind spots
in the analysis process (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). In this study, I used analyst triangulation,
whereby another student researcher looked over all the transcript data to ensure the
accuracy of the data.
Transferability
Transferability is related to external validity generalizability of inquiry. In simple
terms, this study produced a descriptive, vibrant context statement and results that are
transferable to other settings and populations (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). To ensure
transferability, the findings of this study can be applied to other settings. My data analysis
provided thick descriptions and meaning that are transferable to similar population and
site. This research may be applicable in different contexts and with other respondents
(Ravitch & Carl, 2016). In addition, anyone who finds the results meaningful can judge
the transferability and may transfer the findings to their own site (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Hence, the research outcomes and knowledge in this research is transferable.
Dependability
Dependability is about the stability of the data. Research dependability is verified
when the researcher is consistent and stable regarding the data collection information and
argument (Ravitch & Carl, 2016), resulting in dependable data because they answer your
research questions using appropriate methods. To achieve dependability, I used the
question guide to ensure that the data-gathering process is logical, traceable, and clearly
documented consistently under the same conditions. Hence, the study findings can be
replicated with similar participants, and subsequently, the research process, the decision,
and the result can be tested by another researcher (Nowell et al., 2017).
Confirmability
Confirmability occurs when qualitative researchers seek confirmable data that is
neutral and free from the researcher’s biases, no doubt that there might be biases, but it
should be explicitly at the minimum (Ravitch & Carl, 2016; Shenton, 2004). All
interpretations and findings in this study are derived from participants’ interpretation of
the things that they experienced, which I have attempted to highlight by using direct
quotes from their voices. In addition, my reflective journal helped capture my thoughts,
thinking, and biases, thereby helping to differentiate my thoughts from participants’
voices. Hence, establishing a clear understanding throughout the study, I listened to the
participants narratives and tested the original themes as they emerged to ensure the
credibility, transferability, and dependability (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Member Checking
Member checking is the second important technique used in this study to establish
credibility. For example, I used more than one person to check the accuracy of the
findings (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Members checking helped me to reduce my biases
and supported the credibility and trustworthiness of the results (Peterson, 2019). This
technique allowed me to share the data, interpretations, and conclusions with participants.
In addition, it enabled participants to clarify their intentions, correct errors, and provided
additional information if necessary (Ravitch & Carl, 2016). After the interview
transcription, I shared the transcribed document with the participants to check for
accuracy and corrected any response errors. Member checking was valuable in many
ways, especially in this study, it allowed community advocacy whereby, participants were
able to identify their voices.
Results
In this section, I presented the findings from nine participants using direct
sentences or statements from the interview transcript and my field notes. All participants
met the criteria and eligibility to participate in the study as they have experienced
intimate partner violence and no longer live in abusive relationships. In addition,
participation was voluntary, and participants willingly shared the story of their
experiences of intimate partner violence in the research process. Although some
participants were emotional, sad, and upset when they recalled the effect of abuse, their
coping and survival stories during the interview, they expressed a sense of relief and
being in control for sharing their stories. Each participant felt empowered. For instance,
most participants said they hoped their stories would help other women to speak out and
not keep silent in an abusive relationship. All participants were provided counselling and
psychological resources before and after the interview to mitigate the ways that sharing
could be triggering or re-traumatizing.
Research Question 1: How do African immigrant women survivors who have
successfully left their abusive relationships describe their experience of abuse in intimate
relationships?
Table 2
Interview-Thematic Framework: How Participants Described the Abuse
Theme/sub-theme How many participants
discussed it?
How many times it was discussed
in total?
How participants described the abuse 9 126
Psychological and emotional abuse 9 38
Assuming control of the woman’s life 6 18
Ignoring and not being present 4 12
Ridiculing and talking behind back 4 5
Turning others against the wife 3 7
Gaslighting and manipulation 3 5
Physical abuse 8 16
Sexual abuse/deprivation 3 5
Cheating 1 2
Financial abuse 7 18
Theme 1: Victimization with Multiple Types of Abuse
All the participants shared their lived experiences of intimate partner violence, the
forms of abuse, and the impact of the abuse. All participants experienced one or more
forms of abuse in their relationships, all expressed in their own voices with their own
explanations. Some participants found it difficult to describe their abuse in detail while
others explained their experiences with graphic details. Although all reported forms of
abuse could essentially be classified as either physical or psychological abuse, they were
further grouped into several smaller categories to ensure that enough detail about the
various specific forms of abuse are given.
Psychological/emotional Abuse
Psychological and emotional abuse was the most common and present in all
discussed cases. It often preceded physical abuse and always continued throughout the
relationship. There is a variety of behaviors in this category of abuse, with different
attached experiences and explanations per each participant. Participant 1 explained
various “incidents of anger and rage” that did not involve physical violence but may and
often did involve their partner “calling me names and tearing apart my ways of thinking
or my understanding of the world.” All participants reported some forms of name-calling,
blaming, and criticizing, as well as ridiculing and mocking. For Participant 2,
psychological abuse involved criticizing the food she cooked and her looks, while
Participant 6 shared that her partner threatened to leave her for another woman if she fails
to get pregnant. Participant 7, in turn, explained that her partner did not like to show each
other affection publicly and when that happened, he criticized her for not knowing how to
“act right”. He also blamed her for not listening and generally blamed his behavior on
her. As Participant 7 explained, “he would just get very frustrated with me” on any
occasion, and she believed this was because she did not live up to “a certain image” of
her that her partner wanted her to maintain:
It seemed like he just had a certain image that he wanted to keep up and he
wanted to appear the way he appeared when he first met me: just well put
together, you know, soft spoken, nice. And so that’s why he never caused a scene
in public; he, he would just look at me a certain way, you know? And if I didn’t
do things right, that would also frustrate him. Like we were, if I didn’t say hello to
somebody that was his friend or something like that; if I just smiled ‘cause I
didn’t just, I didn’t feel like talking or something, that would have, that would
have been a huge problem (P7).
As she further observed, it “didn’t even feel like he wanted a girlfriend or a
significant other” and instead “it just felt like he wanted almost a servant.” These
experiences, in turn, described another discussed form of psychological abuse, namely
around control over participants’ lives at the whims and desires of their abusive partners.
Several women described a sense of being, as Participant 5 said, “imprisoned in my
home” with the abuser controlling every aspect of their lives, including the ones
described above by Participant 7. Several participants also described having been isolated
from their friends and family. Participant 5 expanded on this feeling of imprisonment
connected to her relationships with those outside of her partner:
I wasn’t free, I felt as though I was, you know, imprisoned in my home. And
again, he stops me from making friends. He chooses the kind of clothes I wear,
the people like talk to. He monitors my conversation with my family, the little, the
few friends I had from back home. He monitors what I do online, and you know,
it wasn’t the kind of relationship I thought we had when we met.
Similarly, Participant 8 said
He wanted to be the only person that was, I guess, important in my life. But I, you
know, I have my mom, my, my family, and I had other people who I cared about
as well who I’d obviously want to check up on and see and hang out with. And so,
whenever I would push my attention towards other people, he would get upset and
he wouldn’t believe that I loved him.
Ridiculing and Talking Behind Back
Other common forms of psychological abuse involved ridiculing and their partner
talking negatively about them behind their back, as well as turning others against the
wife. This is clear in what Participant 1 called “gossip bullying,” where her partner
“would call people to gossip, [and] then those people would now bully me on his behalf.”
Participant 2 also explained how her partner “would be laughing on the phone” while
talking about her. Further, several participants described their partners turning their
parents or friends against them, which ultimately made it difficult for them to later leave
them or to be believed by the people to whom they turned for help.
Gaslighting and Manipulation
Gaslighting and manipulation was also discussed, which participants identified as
situations where “your mind gets turned against you” (Participant 1). In other words, it
involves manipulation and trying to make the woman doubt herself. Participant 1, for
example, explained how her partner would say “that what I’m saying is not true” after
instances of abuse, to the point where she doubted whether he did indeed do the things
she thought he did. Participant 7 also described her “manipulative” partner who not only
denied having abused her every time but also made her eventually apologize for her
behavior that “required” him to “take action” against her.
Ignoring and Not Being Present
Another form of abuse that I argue to be a form of psychological abuse is ignoring
and not being present to the point where “I was just doing my thing and we’re just living”
(Participant 3) but not interacting. Participant 2 also explained how her partner was
neglecting her, with “no sex, no nothing, no talking.” As she further explained, “we could
be in the house of three months, we won’t talk.” In the case of Participant 2, this also
eventually revealed another form of abuse, namely cheating. Psychological and emotional
abuse was the most common and was present in all discussed cases in different forms, but
with similar negative effects on the relationship and participants’ self-esteem and view of
the world.
Physical Abuse
Various forms of physical abuse were also discussed, and included things like
hitting, pushing, punching, throwing objects, or any other forms of “causing harm on my
body” (Participant 4). Participant 1 understood sexual abuse as a form of physical abuse,
sharing experiences of “boundary violations” and being forced to have sex with the
partner. Participant 1 described physical abuse as head butting, where she stated the
following:
At this point he headbutts me. My lip – this time he doesn’t hit here (gestures to
forehead), he hits here (gestures to lip), so my lip, like, breaks up and I start
bleeding. When I saw blood, that was when I knew. That was the moment I knew
it was time to, it was actually time to leave. Like, everything up until then, it was,
“Nah, he didn’t really hit me. Nah, he didn’t really hit me.” But when he hit me to
the point where I could taste and I could see my own blood, I’m like, “Yeah, I’m
pretty sure he hit me now.
It appeared that most of the participants experienced abuse in other ways, but some of the
women does not understand the behaviors that constitute abuse in intimate partner
relationship. For instance, because their abuser is not hitting them, they do not see the
behavior as abusive. Similarly, Participant 7 mentioned how her experience of physical
abuse involve aggressive behaviors such as pushing, grabbing, and pouring water on her
face.
We’re just standing there and he takes a sip of water, and then I’m taking a sip of
my water. And the next thing I know, he threw the glass of water in my face; he
threw the glass of water in my face and I’m covered, covered in water. And I, I’m
just so shocked, I’m like, “What are you doing? What is this?” And then he
pushes me, or he grabs me by the shoulders and he pushes me, and he says – and
his floors are slippery, so I’m wearing socks so it’s really slippery – he pushes
me, he grabs me, he says, “You don’t listen to me.” He says, “You never listen to
me. Why don’t you understand what I’m saying to you?” And I’m like, “What are
you doing? Like, what’s going on? Like, stop. I don’t understand.” And he says,
“You don’t, you never listen me.” And he grabbed me by my face and he just
pushed me. And so, I slipped a little bit and I just fell, just on my, on my butt, I
fell on the ground.
Participant 2 mentioned she experienced lots of psychological and emotional abuse and
did not consider the relationship abusive until she was being pushed, shoved, and hit by
ex-husband. This was when she understood that he is physically abusive towards her. We
had a serious problem and he, that was the first time he laid his hands on me and we had a
really big one. We call the cops then and then they, they took him out of the house. So
that was the biggest problem I had, because they took him out of the house and he felt
that – I called the cops actually, so that was, he first beat me that I called the cops on him,
right? So that was where I would say the, the bad belief started – I don’t know what’s the
right word to use – or the resentment started, right.
Participant 8 felt the abuse started as yelling and being called names until it graduated to
physical abuse.
He would yell at me, call me names. And then he would hit me, grab me roughly
slap me across the face, pull my hair, throw me into different corners of the
bathroom or wherever we were.
Sexual Abuse/Deprivation
Some participants spoke about experiencing sexual abuse, including being forced
to have sex, being denied sex or having their physical needs neglected, and/or being
denied sex by their spouse while the spouse is getting it from outside. Participant 9 shared
experiences where she was being forced to have sex even when she did not feel like doing
so. She would say things like, “You know what? I’m, I’m not for it. I’m, I, I, I’m not
feeling, I’m not in this space to have sex or to make love.” Her decision to not have sex
was not respected by her partner, who did what he wanted regardless. Participant 8
explained that her experience of sexual abuse happened after giving birth when she was
still in pain: “When he wants to sleep with me even, I just have a baby, I am not allowed
to say no even when I am in pain.” She mentioned that her ex-husband had no
consideration for her as a woman that just had a baby and both the emotional and physical
toll that it had on her. Participant 4 explained that her husband will force sex on her when
he is drunk.
He’d go get drunk when he comes back, right? He would want to force me to, to,
to have sex; sometimes I was not in the mood. And if I say no, he would slap me,
right?
Multiple participants shared similar experiences where sexual and physical abuse were
closely connected, as described here by Participant 4.
Cheating
The idea of cheating involved the man having sexual activity with another woman
outside of their marriage. This was explained as a form of sexual abuse by one
participant, who explained her husband was denying her sex while simultaneously
fulfilling his physical needs outside their relationship. Participant 2 stated, “I confirmed
he was dating this girl and they were very serious.”
Financial Abuse
The desire to be in full control also led to financial abuse. Six participants
commented on it, although the forms in which this kind of abuse takes place may differ.
In most cases, it involves the abuser not giving the woman access to his, or her own
money. Participant 2 summarized those different forms of financial abuse essentially
involved the partner trying to “have control of the money” in one way or another. This
was reported by Participants 2, 6, 5 and 4. Participant 4 also explained that her partner
was sending their joint money to support his mother, and her opposing this would lead to
fights. Some partners, including Participant 2’s partner, would force her to pay the bills
and other expenses herself that they both would benefit from, or would not let them buy
anything. Participant 7, in turn, experienced a different form of financial abuse: her
partner was actually willing to spend money on her, only to later use this against her.
Participant 7 stated
He would help me pay for, like, textbooks for school, sometimes he’d help me
pay for my phone bill, you know, if we went out to eat, it was always on him. And
I think he also used that against me, making it, making it feel like I owe him, you
know? So, he could do whatever he wanted, he could be in control 100% just
because he helped me out sometimes financially.
In all cases, regardless of the form of abuse, it always had a strong impact on the
victim. Table 3 shows the different ways in which the participants coped with the abuse.
As evident in Table 3, themes in this category have been divided based on the different
stages of the relationship. Understandably, however, whilst the majority focused on
factors that eventually helped them get out of the relationship, findings regarding the
coping strategies are limited. This is not surprising, as given the traumatic nature of the
abuse described in Section 1, it is difficult to imagine that there are many coping
techniques, as opposed to trying to end the abuse.
Research Question 2: How do these women survivors cope with the experience of
abuse?
Table 3
Interview Thematic Framework: How Participants Coped with the Abuse
Theme/sub-theme How many
participants
discussed it?
How many times it was discussed
in total?
How participants coped with the abuse 9 114
Having some distractions 5 11
Having a strong and resilient mindset 5 4
Keeping a journal 2 4
Praying 2 3
Behaving in a specific way to keep the peace 2 2
Theme 2: Multiple Survival Strategies
Utilized multiple survival strategies - i.e., psychological, behavioral, and spiritual
survival strategies. Out of the participants who did comment on this topic, two
participants explained that having some distractions helped them, with Participant 8
having resorted to drawing and painting, while and Participant 2 shared she was “working
three jobs because I didn’t want to go home to see him.” Additionally, Participant 8
described keeping a journal as a form of therapy, something that also helped Participant 1
to remember what actually did happened when her partner was denying his actions.
Finally, two participants commented on having a strong and resilient mindset, although of
course it should be pointed out that all women who managed to survive such experience
are strong and resilient. Those who commented, however, described developing “that
work hard mentality” (Participant 7) and telling themselves that “what doesn’t kill you,
makes you stronger.”
Behaving in a Specific Way to Keep the Peace
Two participants commented that they behaved in certain ways to keep the peace.
This included acting like nothing was wrong or overcompensating to avoid anything
going wrong in the house. Many of the participants called attention to gender roles and
view of intimate partner violence in African communities. When asked about their coping
strategies during the abuse, many said something to the effect of: “I don’t know how I
coped, I just survived.” Many of the participants spoke to excusing the behavior because
“it wasn’t physical,” “it only happened one time” (at that point), or “they apologized and
changed,” (briefly) and they believed it.
Praying and Spirituality
Participant 7 resorted to praying, which she described as “just trying to hold on to
any hope that I could.” In addition, spirituality had both positive and negative impacts as
a support; for some, their spirituality was where they found salvation, and for others, their
spirituality did not offer any support or were actually harmful to their situation. It seemed
like the most common supports were found in friends and family. From participants’
sharing, it often took only one person to see what was wrong, validate, and support
survivors in moving forward as they see fit.
Theme 3: Damages to Core Self and Transformation
This theme refers to suffering damages to one’s core self, meaning physical,
emotional, relational, professional, and spiritual damages. In most cases, this also
included a measure of transformation. Similar to the forms of abuse that often varied and
overlapped with each other, so did the ways in which the abuse affected the victims.
Research Question 3: What themes emerge from the effects of abuse on these
survivors?
Table 4
Interview Thematic Framework: How Participants Described the Effects of the Abuse
Theme/sub-theme How many participants
discussed it?
How many times it was
discussed in total?
Effects of abuse 9 68
Affected self-esteem and self-confidence 7 10
Depression and mental breakdowns 6 15
Isolation 6 9
Affected sense of self 6 6
Permanent anxiety and affected trust in people 4 10
Affected independence and professional life 3 5
Affected faith 3 4
Affected physical health 3 4
Positive transformation 1 5
Affected Self-Esteem and Self-Confidence
Most participants reported affected self-esteem and self-confidence, which also
led to other issues, such as depression and mental breakdowns or affected sense of self as
a whole. Participant 2 shared, “I lost confidence in myself, I looked at myself to be very
(…) unattractive, I looked at myself to be fat,” as Participant 1 explained that the abuse
led to “tearing down anything that I thought was unique about myself or good.” In other
words, as Participant 4 explained, “you are reduced to nothing” as a result of constant
abuse. Many participants developed depression and were “broken mentally” (Participant
1), “going nuts” (Participant 2), and sometimes felt like completely giving up, explaining
that they accepted the thought that they may even die as a result of the abuse they
experienced.
The long abuse resulted in some women feeling, as described by Participant 7,
“very, very depressed.” Participant 7 echoed these sentiments, finding that “it was a long
cycle of depression and doubting myself and doubting that anybody was (…) on my
side.” As she further explained, “I didn’t really trust anybody.” This demonstrated
another discussed impact of abuse, namely permanent anxiety and affected trust in
people. The participants struggled mentally and felt they did not “have the confidence to
go out there and do things by myself” (Participant 5). They identified feeling scared and
anxious, experiencing panic attacks. They also lost trust in people in general, and men in
particular, explaining that “I was just so terrified of even thinking about (…) having a
relationship ever again my whole life” (Participant 7).
Isolation
Isolation is another effect, which participants described as being cut off from their
social networks by the abuser or deciding to stop communicating with friends and family
out of fear (see Section 3 for the discussion of fear as a challenge to ending the
relationship). Participant 8 mentioned that her partner saw her social connections as a
threat.
[Other women talk about] being isolated from their mutual friends and
acquaintances, but I, you know, I have my mom, my, my family, and I had other
people who I cared about as well who I’d obviously want to check up on and see
and hang out with. And so, whenever I would push my attention towards other
people, he would get upset and he wouldn’t believe that I loved him.
Participant 1 echoed these sentiments, talking about the effects of this isolation on their
well-being and the relationship.
You know what was interesting was how isolated I had become. The kind of
person I am, I’m very boisterous, very much connecting, relational, friends upon
friends upon friends. And somehow in this journey – his name is (ex-husbands
name) – somehow in this journey, I got to the point where I really was very
isolated; it was just me, him, work, and (my friend who checks-in daily). But he,
there were so many of my friends he didn’t like, so many of my friends he took a
categorical stance against, actually declaring they could not be invited to the
house.
Participant 4 spoke about these impacts.
When I came, I would always be in my house with my son, you know, may be
just glued to TV or, you know, afraid to go outside. So, it was my brother who
insisted, you know, “What are you doing? So, how is the days? Like, how is,
outside days?” Like I’m like, I always say to him, “You know what? I, I’m afraid
to go outside because I don’t know how people would react to me or how they’ll
talk to me. I’m afraid to meet people.” So, he’d always say, “Don’t – just try, try
when you go to the stores, just try to talk to people. Just try to.” That’s when I
started. I think it took me 4 to 5 months to really have a conversation with
someone, right?
In addition, Participant 5 spoke to the fear that allowed for the proliferation of her
isolation.
Well, the, the abuse from then on was incremental. I started feeling unsafe in my,
in my home. I started not expressing how I feel for fear of being hit. I was very
cautious about what I say. I started, you know, not communicating with my
friends when he was around and yeah, I think in all it lasted for about 5 to 6 years.
For Participant 8, this was tied to the material consequences of abuse.
He didn’t physically lay a hand on me until there was an argument regarding his
mother and my mother, and my mom wanting me to move back home. It was, it
was scary because, you know, I was very isolated. And so, with him and how he,
you know, took me on with all these lavish things, I didn’t have much to go back
to or my own apartment anymore because I was living with him. So, he definitely
very, very much isolated me away from the people who wanted to see me and
wanted me around.
Participant 1 shared similar sentiments, especially around seeking help.
And so, I didn’t really, I didn’t do therapy because I was afraid that he would find
out, I couldn’t tell anybody because I was afraid that he would find out. So, I
really just used myself and I tried to help myself.
Participant 3 shared this fear, mentioning that they sometimes do not feel like they
have the confidence “to go out there and do things by myself, I feel scared, I’m afraid that
I might run into him in the community.” Similarly, Participant 6 mentioned how
challenging it was to challenge isolation when a woman and her abuser walk in the same
circles.
If you are doing the same religion sometimes it helps when you speak to the same
pastor and they can talk to you, but it is worse if you have different religion and if
the man does not have any religion, then it becomes worse and there is no one to
help – there is no freedom, the man is not allowing you to leave the house and you
cannot speak to anyone.
Affected Independence and Professional Life
Some participants discussed the ways abuse affected their independence and
professional life, through an aforementioned lack of financial independence as well as
their partners’ desire to control their life, including decisions regarding job opportunities.
For example, Participant 7 stated that, “during this time, I was confused because I didn’t
know how it’s all going to end up. I wasn’t, I wasn’t stable emotionally. I wasn’t
working, so financially I was dependent on him.”
Also, another participant mentioned how intimate partner violence affected their
professional life due to lack of support from their spouse. Participant 5 shared
I wasn’t even in school anymore; I kind of just stopped going. It really took a toll
on my mental health, more than anything else. And that, that toll that it took on my
mental health really affected every other aspect of my life as well. Participant 4
mentioned how intimate partner violence affected their professional life, stating the
following.
For the financial aspect, I was ruined financially in a way because I used all my
savings. I wasn’t ruined, don’t get me wrong, like, ruined, ruined, ruined; because
I had saved a lot, so I felt I just got drained in a very terrible way because he
wasn’t supporting me. He didn’t support me, you know? So, I got drained kind of.
Also, Participant 2 explained how they never got the support of their partner when
they got a good job. He insisted she quit the job because he wanted her to stay in
the home.
She recalled the following conversation.
[I said,] “I got this job and I’m going to resume.” That was when he told me that
if I go, I should just don’t come, I should not come back. So had told me, but the
doors were locked. So, I had to go and call, you know, call people to beg him;
beg, beg, beg, beg. And all of them would be like, “Leave your job; this man is,
this, this man is that,” you know? And that was why I just left that job, but I was
like, I tell you that’s why I left, that’s why I left that job for this man.
Affected Faith and Spirituality. Affected faith was mentioned by four
participants, who “felt like [their] prayers weren’t answered” and that they weren’t being
heard during the abuse.
I think that it was, my spirituality was waving just a little bit because you wonder,
why is this happening, and why me, and what have I done? And you know, they
always say good thing, bad things happen to good people, and so I was wondering
what it is that could have happened that made this happen to me. So, my
obviously as I’m in therapy and working on it now, I’m hoping to gain a sort of
trust with my spirituality again and, you know, that connection and that bond of
never having it waiver. But during that time, it was on the, a very small thin line
between, you know, feeling like, “Is this really what’s meant to happen?” And,
“Why is this happening?” And, and just forgetting it all and wanting to be like,
you know, forget this, it’s not real; it’s not true because why would this happen to
me? So, as I’m working towards, you know, repairing that now, but during that
time it was very hard (Participant 8).
One of the participants mentioned how their life was shattered.
But he just felt that this one, and so with all those things: telling God and saying
to God all these things that I’m going through, we prayed and, you know, see how
it came. So, it was really down; prayer life, everything went down, zero. Even
until now, I’m just still, just picking up the pieces of my life again. That’s one
(Participant 2).
Another participant explained how they kept praying throughout their ordeal, but
eventually lost faith because “it didn’t work.” Participant 7 stated that
Well, if you say spiritual health effects, (…) I don’t go to church anymore
because I felt that I was praying, even though I was praying for a child and I was
praying for the marriage, and it didn’t work. So sorry to say, I don’t go to church
anymore. Like, I’m just on my own right now; I don’t go to church because I felt
that I didn’t get the support I needed from the church. And my prayer life has
actually gone so low because, you know, in the way you’re praying and nothing is
happening and you really trust and you felt this was the right thing.
One of the participants mentioned losing connection in their faith and believed it was due
to their experience of intimate partner violence, as stated by Participant 3 below.
And you know, even after the relationship, I kind of lost my connection with my
faith because I was just so, just so down and I didn’t believe that – because what I
was praying for was a better relationship with him, not to leave the relationship.
So when I left the relationship, it, it really, I felt like my prayers weren’t answered
and that they weren’t being heard the whole time and it was all for nothing, and so
I kind of lost myself in my faith.
Affected Physical Health. Not surprisingly, as a result of not only violence and
physical abuse but also the aforementioned psychological struggles, physical health
effects were also reported. Participant 4 mentioned how the abuse affected their physical
health, for example, “losing weight or gaining weight sometimes.” Participant 2 shared,
“having constant headache, there is a high level of pain in the body – no one will see the
pain and headache.” Other participants mentioned how their overall health was affected
from the effects of the abuse. Participant 3 stated
I started to fall ill; I am never ill, I’m actually never ill, that is not a thing. (laughs)
I’m always healthy, and to my detriment, because I know I’m always healthy so
then I overdo everything because I feel like, “Oh, I’m indestructible,” right?
Also, Participant 6 stated
So that day, it was day with the pain and everything else. I was still hoping that I
will be able to carry the pregnancy without getting aborted and everything, but
along the line, or it’s, it’s, it’s the abortion happened and we went through. I had
to be rushed back to the emergency and that day myself, my son, we did. … The
doctor said I lost the baby and the only thing you could said was that, “Can you
take me home now?” So, while he was putting me out of that place, I just said
should be done this whole you once. That was the only thing. I, I can’t even
remember if my son heard it, I said, this is all you want.
Positive Transformation
In an unexpected twist, Participant 1 said she experienced a positive
transformation, which set a stage for extra probing during the interview. Participant 1
explained that although she was affected in a negative way by the experience of abuse, a
positive transformation happened to her from this negative experience that helped her
understand both the abuser and herself better. She stated
I would say the two biggest transformations for me that arose because of this
violence, this domestic violence, was the recognition of person-in-environment;
this really particular way and the recognition of that domestic violence is not just
he’s a monster and I’m good. And like, there’s so much that has gone into the
creation of him and me; me conceding my own power when I met him, even
before I met him, and him in the way he’s constituted and the things he’s seen and
the suffering he’s experienced and the pain he’s experiencing in the lack of
security that he’s having.
Theme 4: Challenges and Barriers Associated with Abuse
All participants spoke in detail about the barriers and challenges they endured
while trying to improve or end the relationship and the hardship involved in doing so.
Each statement from the participants were added to the emerging themes in the research
questions. The emerging themes such as the abusers being likeable and hard to spot; not
knowing what classifies as abuse; not being believed; over-relying on religion and prayer;
and substance abuse.
Table 5
Interview Thematic Framework: Challenges and Barriers Associated with Abuse
Theme/sub-theme
(Other themes that emerged from the interview)
How many participants
discussed it?
How many times it
was discussed in total?
Challenges and barriers 9 111
Stigma, stereotypes and cultural influences 7 19
Fear of life beyond the abusive relationship 7 12
Normalizing, justifying or getting used to bad behaviors 5 10
Seemingly positive behaviors and signals making it hard
to end the relationship 5 9
Lack of support from friends and family 5 8
Being financially dependent on the abuser 5 5
Reluctance to seek support or leave 4 12
Being too scared to act 4 9
Ignoring red flags and intuition 4 7
The abusers are likable and hard to spot 4 7
Not knowing what classifies as abuse 4 4
Not being believed 3 3
Over-relying on religion and prayer 2 3
Substance abuse 2 3
Stigma, Stereotypes and Cultural Influences
All participants explained the role of stigma, stereotypes, and cultural influences
as a significant barrier. Due to the participants’ cultural background, it was difficult for
them to seek help or to leave their husbands, as in their community “it’s a taboo (…) for a
woman to leave her husband” (Participant 5). As a result, it is common that family
members and friends encourage the woman to “stay and hopefully that he’ll change”
(Participant 5). As Participant 5 explained further, “I endured the abuse for too long and
listened to some of my community members who encouraged me to stay.” Similar
experiences were shared by other participants as well. Participant 1 also felt that she was
doing something “that not everyone approved of in my community,” which was also used
against her by her husband. As she explained, since “Yoruba and Nigerian people don’t
divorce,” to stand up against her husband was “to stand up against Nigerians, against
Yoruba people.” Because of this, it was also common that parents encourage their
daughters to stay in the relationship, as “they didn’t want divorce” (Participant 2).
Over-Relying on Religion and Fear of Being Condemned by Family
Over-relying on religion and the fear of being condemned by the family were not
the only reasons, however, for reluctance to seek support or leave. Although in some
cases it was indeed because of these strong cultural beliefs (“I had that in my mind that he
is my husband [and] I need to respect him”, Participant 2), other women did not want
support because they “didn’t want other people around” (Participant 8) as a result of their
isolation. Also, being too scared to act was a common reason for this reluctance, with the
women being scared for themselves as well as for whoever would attempt to help them.
The influence of their cultural background also manifested itself in over-relying on
religion and prayer, which is another barrier. As Participant 2 explained, although people
around her were encouraging her to leave, she was “rejecting and fighting and praying”.
As she explained, “my problem was that I think I brought in too much religion into this
thing and I felt that it would be fixed”.
Fear of Life Beyond the Abusive Relationship
Another discussed form of fear was a general fear of life beyond the abusive
relationship, with the participants describing their anxiety and fear of the unknown in the
following ways. Participant 2 shared her thoughts:
I felt, “Oh God, I’m going to be 40 soon.” I think I was 37 or 38 when I was
divorced, “I’m going to be 40 soon. Who is going to take me? Who’s going to take
me? How do I start? How do I get a baby? How do I…” On the other hand,
Participant 4 expressed the following:
Sometimes we think, “If I get out of this situation, how am I going to start up?
How am I starting off? This is the life I know, how am I going to start from the
beginning? Now I have a child. How do I start? How? Where do I go? How do
I…”
Similarly Participant 5 stated, “I didn’t know what the future would hold for my two kids,
so I stayed, because of the uncertainty for myself and for my children.”
Being Financially Dependent on the Abuser
Another related reason is being financially dependent on the abuser, for as
previously explained, it was common that the abusers took control of their partners’
finances. Some women worried about not being believed, as they explained, “they never
believe the women” (Participant 1) when they seek help. This is even more challenging
when considering that abusers tend to be outwardly likable and therefore hard to spot,
which was discussed when the participants described their first encounters with their
future partners.
Lack of Support from Friends and Family
Considering the findings regarding ways to end the relationship, where external
support was the most discussed factor (see the section, How to Move On), it is not
surprising that lack of support from friends and family can be a major barrier to leaving.
This tends to be a result of either not having a support system in Canada as an immigrant
woman, or being isolated by their partners. At the same time, their family is often in a
different country or, as noted above, is not willing to help due to the stigma and cultural
beliefs. Also, a few of the participants mentioned they were afraid because they did not
know where and how to start especially with their children. For example, few of the
participants stated that they did not know what the future would hold for their children, so
they stayed, because of the uncertainty for themselves and their children.
Normalizing, Justifying, or Getting Used to Bad Behaviors
Another kind of barrier was those where the victim would not even know whether
she wants to seek help in the first place. For example, normalizing, justifying, or getting
used to bad behaviors, coupled with not knowing what classifies as abuse, resulted in
situations where they did not seek help and indeed felt like they did not necessarily need
to. They kept telling themselves that “things will work out someday” (Participant 3) and
“this will change eventually” (Participant 8) instead of trying to address the problem
early. It was even more difficult to recognize the problem if they did not know that abuse
encompasses harmful behaviors beyond only physical violence, as several participants
admitted.
Ignoring Red Flags and Intuition
In addition to the above, ignoring red flags and intuition from the beginning made
things harder. Those who commented explained that because they were in love, they
ignored first signs that something may be wrong. Participant 7, for example, shared that
she “would just let it slide (…) [and] didn’t think much of” her partner’s alarming
behavior. She recalled that “he would say things like, if we got into a little argument, he
would say, “Oh, don’t, don’t get me mad. Like, you, you don’t wanna get me mad.”
Participant 1 also had bad feelings about her partner from the very beginning of their
relationship, but she “just kept pushing through.”
Seemingly Positive Behaviors and Signals Making It Hard to End the Relationship
Another factor that was a barrier to taking action were the abusive partners’
seemingly positive behaviors and signals making it hard to end the relationship. The
relationship, even that with an abusive partner, “is never just black and white” and “there
are days that were very nice and then there were days that (…) weren’t” (Participant 8).
Several participants noted that “there were times when things improved” (Participant 5),
usually after incidents of abuse. This involved apologies and long periods where the
abuser may have been “the best he’s ever been” (Participant 7), giving the woman false
hope and affecting her decision to end the relationship.
Substance Abuse
Finally, two participants commented on the role of substance abuse. In the case of
Participant 4’s partner, alcohol was a key influencing factor.
If he comes home, he used to drink, so I think that’s one of the major things cause
once he’s off work, he would go to the bottle store where, the bottle store, right?
Close to the school. He’d go get drunk when he comes back, right? He would
want to force me to, to, to have sex; sometimes I was not in the mood. And if I
say no, he would slap me, right? So, it all started with slaps, shouting, yelling;
until it was really hitting me to the extent that I couldn’t go to work maybe the
following day, right? So that’s all how it happened.
Participant 8 shared that substance use made their partner even more violent and
aggressive:
He was, I think he himself was under the usage of drugs and heavy alcohol, which
I didn’t realize until further into the relationship. And so that I think caused him to
act out of – of course, you know, actions aren’t as a result of what you take, it’s
who you are. And so I think that would just heighten his, his actions prior of, you
know, abuse and, and hitting.
As a result of this substance-influenced abuse, Participant 8 shared she too also started to
take drugs eventually, which affected her ability to evaluate “what was happening” and
have strength to end it. She explained
I started taking drugs. He was doing cocaine, and so it was, I guess, a lifestyle of
his own. And so, because of that I, I guess I indulged. And I think that’s where a
lot of my own misconceptions of what was happening was, was coming from,
because I was also under the influence. I guess it got really bad at one point, you
know, I wasn’t myself and through that, the job that I met him through, I, I no
longer work at. So… Yeah.
Theme 5: Moving on from Abuse
Regarding the ways that participants were able to end this abusive cycle, support
from friends, family, and strangers was by far the most discussed one. It is mainly
because of such support, in one form or another, that the participants ultimately managed
to end the relationship. Friends and family, or sometimes pastors in church or even
random strangers, were those who often provided mental/spiritual support, advised on
where to seek help and “recommended therapy” (Participant 7), or “encouraged [them] to
look at (…) the overall picture” (Participant 5). Considering the psychological damage
that the abusive relationships resulted in, the participants validated and named these
experiences as abuse, which made the women realize that there is a problem in the first
place.
Table 6
Interview-Thematic Framework: How to Move and End the Abuse
Theme/sub-theme
(Other themes that emerged from the interview)
How many participants
discussed it?
How many times it was
discussed in total?
How to end the abuse 9 91
Having support from friends, family or strangers 7 24
Speaking up and reaching out for help 7 17
Realizing there is a problem 6 14
Seeking professional help 5 13
Knowing how to stand up to the abuser 5 9
Being prepared and having a plan 4 12
Trusting intuition 2 2
How to move on 6 12
Work on healing your Self 4 7
Try to move on with your life 4 5
How to end the abuse 9 91
Having support from friends, family or strangers 7 24
Speaking up and reaching out for help 7 17
Healing Yourself
Healing themselves was the key suggestion from participants around how women
could move on with their lives after the abuse. Participant 1 suggested, “finding the
resources for where you’re going to get counselling, where you’re going to get therapy,
where you’re going to heal” and do “inner work”. Participant 7 further advised women
experiencing abuse to “take time to get to know yourself and love yourself because that’s
the only way that you’ll be able to forgive yourself eventually for what you want
through.” Participant 8, in turn, suggested meditation and trying to be “kind to yourself,”
as well as therapy.
Regardless of what exactly each person does, the most important thing is to try to
move on with your life (see Table 6). After having endured abuse and isolation for so
long, it may be overwhelming and “scary” to be starting over and “leaving something that
you’ve been used to” (Participant 9), but the participants’ advice is to “pick it up from
wherever it is” (Participant 3) and move on. Sometimes this may also involve such
everyday matters as “getting security, getting a job that is steady, consistent, getting
housing” (Participant 1), but this must not discourage the victims of abuse from trying to
get their lives back to normal. Having discussed ways to cope, ways to end the
relationship and ways to move on with the life afterwards, it is now important to turn to
certain barriers that make the above more difficult.
Realizing there is a Problem
Realizing there is a problem was, in fact, another important factor that in the long
run contributed to ending the relationship. The participants often explained that it is not
always obvious that a problem exists if you are in such relationship, especially if you are
being subjected to gaslighting and other forms of manipulation and mental abuse.
Sometimes it was other people who helped the participants realize that there is a problem,
such as in the case of Participant 4, who was told by a random “lady who took me by my
side at disco” that “he will kill you if you don’t act right.” This was an important moment
of realization that led to a chain of actions that eventually helped her to escape this
relationship. For others, it was a therapist or a lawyer, or yet other people, who made
them aware that it is time to act. Participant 9 identified the degree she was pursuing in
Counselling Psychology, which helped her “put a name to what I was going through.”
There were also cases where the women said “enough is enough” (Participant 4)
following another fight or act of physical violence. In any case, without such realization,
they would never have acted and managed to escape their relationship.
Speaking Up and Reaching Out for Help
Another crucial action is speaking up and reaching out for help. In many cases, the
women explained that eventually “other people around me started noticing” (Participant
8) that something was wrong, which eventually led to the aforementioned support from
the outside. When asked to provide suggestions for other women experiencing abuse, 7
out of 9 participants emphasized the importance of speaking up.
Although some willingly reached out for help, usually “when [they] realized (…) no
person should live like this” (Participant 4), this often happened later than it should and
most participants regretted not having asked for help sooner. Also, considering that most
of them have been isolated and cut off from their friends and family (as discussed in
Section 1), to wait for other people to offer help may not always be a good idea. Instead,
they suggest talking to friends, family, church members, or even seeking professional
help, such as counsellors or therapists to interrupt the silencing effects of intimate partner
violence.
Knowing How to Stand Up to the Abuser
Knowing how to stand up to the abuser was also discussed, although it is
important to point out that standing up to the abuser may lead to even more abuse in some
cases. For the participants of this study, however, doing this usually resulted in a chain of
events that eventually helped to end the relationship and often was linked to the
aforementioned realization that something is wrong. The abusers who were confronted, in
turn, rather than being angry often either deny their actions or “shut down” and “[go]
silent,” such the partner of Participant 7. She recalled immediately confronting her
partner after being hit for the first time:
I was like, “So you’re mad at me, so you hit me? That justifies that,” you know?
And he was like, “It does, yeah.” He’s like, “I’m just mad, I’m just mad.” And I, I
was very confused. I was like, I was like, “Even though you’re mad, you don’t hit
me. Like, we have a conversation and we go from there.” And he just didn’t even
want to talk about it; he just shut down completely, went silent, took me home,
and then he went home as well.
Being Prepared and Having a Plan
To actually end the relationship, being prepared and having a plan is crucial.
Having a safe exit strategy was key to challenge the fear participants discussed of life
beyond the relationship and the experience of leaving. Here, again, very often friends and
family were helpful, with four participants explaining that such external support helped
them make the decision. Knowing that they have somewhere to go and stay, having
someone to rely on until they find a new job, or having a plan for how to address the
abuse from a legal point of view provided a peace of mind and helped the women make
the important decision.
Trusting Intuition
Finally, a factor that ultimately helped to escape the relationship is trusting
intuition. It is shown in the above section that ignoring intuition, as well as normalizing
the traumatic experiences, were among key discussed barriers to finding a way out. When
asked about advice to other women, therefore, two participants suggested that such
intuition should not be ignored.
Based on the result, there is a correlation between the findings and research
questions from nine African immigrant women who have experienced intimate partner
violence and were willing to share their experiences. The participants showed
commitment in the research study considering the traumatic and painful effects of abuse
for survivors, they were all keen to share their lived reality. One of the participants said,
she might not be able to share this story a few years ago, but she has worked on her
healing which makes it easier to speak about it now, and she advocates for other women
going through the same experience daily in her practice. It is important to end violence
against women and minority women in many societies especially in Alberta and Canada
as a country and the findings from this study highlighted some of the findings from
previous research about the effects and coping strategies victims and survivors have used
in the past.
Summary
In summary, my findings addressed the research question which was to explore
and report how African immigrant women survivors who have successfully left their
abusive relationships described their experiences of abuse in intimate partner
relationships. I wanted to focus on how these women survivors coped with the
experiences of abuse and what themes and connections emerged from the effects of abuse
on these survivors. Hence, this research highlights the experiences of African immigrant
women who have left an abusive relationship and ultimately survived intimate partner
violence. The participants described and expressed their experiences of intimate partner
violence, the effect of the violence, and their coping strategies as best as they could using
sentences and terms to fit each research questions.
In this chapter, I presented the demographic information of the participants and
my findings, using themes and sub-themes that emerged from the analysis. The evidence
of trustworthiness was presented to establish the research credibility, transferability, and
dependability, including member checking. The experiences, effects, and coping
strategies of intimate partner violence became clear from the participants statements and
point of view. NVivo 12 was used to organize and developed codes and categories, while
thematic analysis was used to express meaning of the themes and subthemes. The result
supported the research questions with 5 themes and several subthemes.
In the following chapter, I discuss the themes and their connected subthemes that
emerged from analysis as they relate to my feminist theoretical framework as well as
other research on this topic. In this concluding chapter, I also present the study
limitations, future recommendations for research, implications for social change, and
conclusion based on the findings from the study.
Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations
Introduction
This qualitative study explored the experiences and the effects of intimate partner
violence among African immigrant women who left abusive relationships in Edmonton,
Alberta, identified their coping strategies, and determined recurring themes of the effects
of abuse on the women. I chose a basic qualitative approach to obtain detailed answers
from the participants. The qualitative approach I used in this study allowed for the
opportunity to be flexible and creative as I explored and understood the phenomenon of
intimate partner violence from the perspectives of the African immigrant women
survivors (Cooper & Endacott, 2007; Erickson, 2011; Sandelowski & Barroso, 2002). In
addition, this approach gave me an insightful and descriptive knowledge of the
experiences, effects, and coping strategies of the participants and other emerging themes
that the women shared during the interview process. My research was guided by the
following questions: (a) How do African immigrant women survivors who have
successfully left their abusive relationships describe their experience of abuse in intimate
relationships? (b) How do these women survivors cope with the experience of abuse? (c)
What themes emerge from the effects of abuse on these survivors?
I used a purposive sampling method to recruit participants that fit within my
eligibility criteria. Once participants had given consent, and we had coordinated a
meeting time, data collection was guided by a semi-structured interview guide as I met
with them via online video and telephone interviews. It was important to engage
participants and ask the right questions during the process to empower women to feel
comfortable sharing and allowing their voices to be heard. By the end of the data
collection process, I met with nine African immigrant women with lived experiences of
intimate partner violence in Edmonton, Alberta. Following the interviews, I identified
themes and emerging themes that are relevant to the experiences of intimate partner
violence, the effects, and coping strategies of these women.
I used two strands of feminist theories, namely Hunnicutt’s (2009) variety of
patriarchy and Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw’s (1989) theory of intersectionality. These
theoretical frameworks helped me to understand how African immigrant women
survivors of intimate partner violence described their abusive relationships, coped with
the experiences of abuse, and described the effects of abuse; overall providing an
insightful and comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon (Reeves et al., 2008).
Findings
The use of the qualitative method for this study yielded rich descriptive data from
participants and revealed themes that increased my understanding of intimate partner
violence and the experiences of African immigrant women in Edmonton Alberta. I used
NVivo 12 to identify five themes and multiple subthemes that emerged from the
transcribed interviews to show the experiences, effects, and coping strategies that
participants implemented when dealing with the challenges of intimate partner violence.
During the interview process, I identified and reported the experiences, effects, and
coping strategies they adopted while dealing with the situation of intimate partner
violence among African immigrant women.
The study revealed some known information about the effects of abuse and coping
strategies women used when dealing with abuse, as highlighted in Chapter 2 literature
review. In this chapter, I discuss the findings from data analysis using the research
questions as a guide for clarity, and then work to interpret these findings. I then discuss
study limitations and make recommendation for practice and research study, as well as
implications for broader social change.
Interpretation of the Findings
The overall findings from the participants validated some of the findings from the
literature review in Chapter 2 on the experiences of intimate partner violence, including
the coping mechanism and the effect of intimate partner violence on victims and
survivors (Abramsky et al., 2011). Based on the findings from this study, though there are
similarities and differences in the experiences of abuse among the participants, they all
have one thing in common: the experience of one or more forms of abuse and they have
all been impacted one way or the other by the abuse in in their lifetime. For example,
most of the participants in this study had experienced intimate partner violence. This
validates Adams and Beeble’s (2019) findings that intimate partner violence is the most
common form of violence that women experience. Similarly, Ansara and Hindin (2010)
found in their study that it is common for a woman to experience more than one form of
intimate partner violence simultaneously in her lifetime. Though this was common, each
of the participants utilized different coping strategies to deal with abuse at the time. There
were instances of anger and emotional pauses during the interview for most of the
participants, but they all appeared to be contented and in a good place with a positive
outlook toward their future while sharing their experiences. It is good to highlight that all
the participants in this study were delighted and expressed relief while sharing their
stories, and they hoped it would help other women in similar situation.
Victimization with Multiple Types of Abuse
The African immigrant women survivors who have successfully left their abusive
relationships described their experiences of abuse in intimate partner relationships in
different ways with multiple types of abuse. In addition, the results from this study
revealed that the women experienced multiple forms of victimization from their male
partners such as physical, psychological, and emotional abuse. Conclusions drawn from
previous studies indicate that intimate partner violence is both a health and social issue
that affects women all across the globe, and at higher rates among minority women and
women living with a disability (Abramsky et al., 2011; Pengpid & Peltzer, 2020; World
Health Organization [WHO], 2013).
Physical abuse is devastating and dangerous in an intimate partner relationship, as
it could lead to anxiety, fear, and harm for the victim. Breiding et al. (2015) argued that if
there is an intentional use of physical force on victim, there are significant potential
harms. Although participants reported physical abuse, the reports were minimal when
compared to reports of psychological abuse. It appeared that the men used psychological
abuse as a form of coercive control. Though there is no physical punching, shoving,
pushing, or any physical violence in these cases, the effect is often more damaging to the
victim than those involving physical violence. The victim also cannot prove to anyone
what is happening because there are no scars or bruises; however, the abuser targets the
core existence of the woman, her psychological and physiological well without ever
resorting to physical violence (Pence & Paymar, 1993).
According to the varieties of patriarchy, men are encouraged to view the bodies of
women as belonging to them, leading them to view women as their property rather as
equal partners. This may predispose men to sexual victimization of women in intimate
partner relationships (Hunnicutt, 2009). The women reported sexual abuse, either being
denied sex or being forced to have sex when the woman does not want to do so. The
women also reported being ignored and neglected in the home, with their partners often
absent either physically or emotionally. Also, the victimization of the African immigrant
women in this study is multidimensional as they experience multiple forms of abuse in
intimate partner violence, impacting their current and future relationships with men. For
example, Hunnicutt (2009) explains that the systems of male domination and female
subordination puts women at risk of different types of violence and aggression, supported
by patriarchal masculinities that position them as objectively inferior.
The findings from this study and other research studies reviewed in Chapter 2
suggest that psychological abuse often precedes physical abuse and always continues
throughout the relationship. For example, Hunnicutt (2009) suggests that women
experience physical, psychological, and sexual abuse from men that assault their wives
using male dominance, physical force, and aggressiveness. Similarly, the women in this
study reported the use of force and aggressive behavior that caused physical,
psychological, and emotional harm, with impacts ranging from psychological injuries to
emotional pain as a result of enduring events of abuse. Psychological and emotional
abuse were the most common forms and were present in all cases discussed. In addition,
all participants reported some form of name-calling, blaming and criticizing, and
ridiculing and mocking.
My findings here also echo findings in the literature that show that psychological
abuse can occur without physical abuse, and its effects are just as powerful and
devastating as physical abuse (Tolman, 1992). Some of the participants mentioned that
their partner did not use any physical force on them. However, the psychological and
emotional abuse was high enough to create the damage the women experienced.
Also, the participants reported the issue of financial abuse. In most cases, it
involves the abuser not giving the woman access to their own money, which then deepens
the need to stay, or can cause further violence or abuse. This is validated in the study by
Stansfield and Williams (2021), who argued that control can lead to violence and even
murder; they found that men are more likely to use coercive control than women and
doing so can lead to violent behavior. It is important to highlight that financial
independence gives economic power and control to the victim, thereby allowing her the
chance to escape from abuse. Withholding financial control from the women showed the
abuser’s desire to be in full control of the women’s life, creating the conditions for
financial abuse.
Participants commented on financial abuse, power, and control in different forms.
Participants’ explanation of control validated the understanding of coercive control by the
Duluth Model, which indicated that coercive control could lead to intimidation, emotional
abuse, minimizing, using the children, male privilege, economic abuse, coercion, and
threat resulting in power imbalances, causing emotional and psychological distress and
instability in the relationship (Pence & Paymar, 1993). As reported by the participants
and the research both, financial abuse is an instrument of coercive control in intimate
partner violence; it starts slowly, silently, and subtly before growing to incidents of
situational violence (Johnson, 2008; Johnson, 1995).
How Female Survivors Coped with Abuse
Most of the participants developed different ways of coping with the situation
while experiencing intimate partner violence. Participants mentioned using adaptive and
maladaptive coping strategies, which fall in line with much of the literature in Chapter 2.
For example, the varieties of patriarchy theory explains that women adopt different
survival strategies and coping mechanisms when dealing with abuse (Hunnicutt, 2009).
Other scholars too have highlighted that coping can be adaptive or maladaptive, but all
serve to control and reduce stress (Rizo et al., 2017). In addition, learning and practicing
coping strategies makes the women resourceful as they navigate and negotiate their ways
out of abusive circumstances. For instance, participants’ experiences and coping
strategies in abusive partner relationship aligns with the theory of varieties of patriarchy,
which suggests that intimate partner violence creates power dynamics, the paradox of
protection, and the resources of protection (Hunnicutt, 2009). For example, out of the
participants who did comment on coping, two of them explained that having some
distractions helped and protected them. One participant shared that they worked three
jobs at the time, which served as a good distraction and prevented them from going home
to see their partner while providing them with economic power at the end. This is
validated in literature that survivors may develop reactive, anticipatory, preventive,
and/or proactive coping strategies based on their environment (Foster et al., 2015).
Other participants mentioned coping by drawing and painting as a way of keeping
the brain distracted and mentally active. Lazarus and Folkman (1980) suggested that
coping in abusive relationship are active, interactive, and descriptive behaviors that are
influenced by cultural norms, values, and beliefs. It is evident in this study that the
participants coped with different action, interaction, and behaviors that are influenced by
the participants value and cultural norms.
Additionally, few others described journaling as a coping strategy, which to them
was a form of therapy that helped them make sense of their thoughts and feeling each
time the abuse occurred. It also helped them remember what actually happened when
their partner was denying their actions. Similarly, Ursa and Koehn (2015) suggested that
journaling is an emotion-focused coping strategy that includes self-soothing, enjoying
positive experiences, cognitively rationalizing and minimizing violence, and personal
beliefs, including spiritual beliefs.
Hunnicutt (2009) also states that women create a self-protection mechanism from
their experiences of intimidation and abuse. Also, another participant resorted to praying
and keeping their faith to hold on to any hope that could help them deal with the abuse.
Research suggested that women rely on different coping mechanisms in response to abuse
including spirituality, formal and informal support, emotional and psychological coping,
fighting back, submission, avoidance, active coping, preventing escalation, and ignoring
(Flanagan et al., 2014; Schwarzer, 2000).
Finally, two participants commented on having a strong and resilient mindset,
however, it should be pointed out that all women who managed to survive intimate
partner violence experience are strong and resilient. For example, few of the participants
described that they developed a work hard mentality and not giving up but being strong
throughout the experience.
From the data gathered in this study, it is obvious that the women were
resourceful, as they used adaptive coping processes to guide and protect themselves,
while using different behaviors and relying on family, friends, and their social
environment for support (Baker & Berenbaum, 2007; Cooper & Quick, 2017). Rizo et al.
(2017) suggested that coping strengthens individual resiliency, circumstances, and
environment. In addition, leaving an abusive relationship may lead to stigmatization and
isolation. Most women who survived intimate partner violence relied on their strength
and enduring ability to bounce back after facing any adversity (Foster et al., 2015;
Freeland et al., 2018; Lee & Roberts, 2018). Survivors with strong social supports
developed positive coping mechanisms.
How Women Survivors Described the Effects of Abuse
The women described that the abuse affected them in many ways. Among the
numerous negative outcomes reported by participants were self-esteem and
selfconfidence, depression and mental breakdowns, isolation, affected sense of self,
permanent anxiety and affected trust in people, affected independence and professional
life, affected faith, and affected physical health. In some cases, participants were also able
to see a positive transformation, or a sort of silver lining. The effects of abuse on women
includes physical, psychological, and emotional health (Karakurt & Silver, 2013).
The participants reported long-term and short-term effects of intimate partner
violence which validated the findings in the literature review. For example, the long-term
and short-term effects of psychological abuse on women include mental health
challenges, such as anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)
(Campbell et al., 2018; Crabtree-Nelson et al., 2019; Hoffart & Jones, 2018; Wong &
Mellor, 2014). The physical, mental, and psychological wellbeing of victims are affected
both during and after the abuse (Candela, 2016; Fitzgerald et al., 2019; Jouriles &
McDonald, 2015; Terrazas-Carrillo et al., 2016; Toews & Bermea, 2017; Verschuere et
al., 2021).
The multiple nature of patriarchy is manifested in the narratives of the women,
whereby the participants reported forms and negative effects of intimate partner violence
on their health (Hunnicutt, 2009). In addition, the participants reported that the effects of
the abuse led to different challenges such as depression, mental breakdowns, and
isolation. It affected their sense of self. One participant stated that at some point in the
relationship, they doubted their sanity.
However, one participant mentioned a positive transformation that resulted from
this negative experience, explaining that it helped to understand the abuser and herself
better. This experience is well described and validated by Agbemenu’s (2016) study, who
found that tension in relationship may result in adaptation and acculturation processes, or
any combination of strategies such as integration, assimilation, separation, or
marginalization. The behaviors of their partners as explained by the victim’s reiterate the
crisis of acculturation as elucidated by the multidimensional nature of patriarchy and
men’s location in the social structure (Hunnicutt, 2009).
In addition, participants talked about the effects of abuse such as isolation, stigma,
stereotypes and cultural influences as barrier to leaving the abusive relationship. Some of
the participants felt isolated while experiencing the abuse and after leaving the
relationship. They lost all their common friend and social networks while going through
the abuse due to shame and stigma. They could not disclose the abuse to anyone to avoid
gossip and community backlash, and it only got worse overtime. The African immigrant
women in this study highlighted why they remained in abusive relationships but also
sheds light on why those who left may experience pronounced and prolonged
psychological effects of abuse. In leaving the relationship, women risk losing their
children, their friends, and even members of their community, especially when no one
knows what they have been going through.
Due to the participants’ cultural background, it was difficult for them to seek help
or to leave their husbands, as in their community it is considered as a taboo for a woman
to leave her husband. Although participants in this study felt relieved and happy not to be
in that situation anymore, many mentioned that they endured the abuse for far too long by
listening to family members, friends, and community members who encouraged them to
stay in the abusive relationship because of these cultural norms.
For intimate partner violence survivors, not having a strong social and community
support could create a hindrance in leaving the abusive relationship. Patriarchy designed
marriage for women as a mechanism of social protection (Hunnicutt, 2009). Most of the
participants in the study mentioned that their culture and family frown at leaving your
husband. For instance, several participants mentioned that it is common that parents
encouraged their daughters to stay in the relationship, as “they do not want divorce.”
Hence, leaving abusive relationships exerts enormous social costs for women.
Challenges and Barriers Associated with Abuse
The women in the study all discussed ways to end the abuse and barriers to
leaving, which formed part of the emerging themes from the data. Leaving the marriage is
seen as losing every benefit that comes with the marriage such as friends, family, and
social networks. Hunnicutt (2009) suggested that that marriage offers African immigrant
women an inconsistent protection, as once the women are out of the marriage, the
protection and other support afforded accordingly often cease. This is just part of the
many reasons why women remain in abusive relationships, and also sheds light on why
those who left may experience pronounced and prolonged psychological effects of abuse.
I discovered that the experiences of African immigrant women are different from the
experiences of other women who survived intimate partner violence. For example, there
is a combination of conditions in Canada and the cultural background leading to crisis
between the Western egalitarian society versus the African culture. For example, some
men want to enjoy the benefits of having a wife who is working and contributing to the
financial responsibility, and at the same time be an African wife. The role of an African
wife is to do all the chores, take care of the children, cook, and still satisfy the man in bed
at night. This was made known with a few of the participants’ responses, that the man
wants the best of both worlds. What society considers normal among women in Canadian
culture is abnormal in the African culture, hence creating a struggle to survive within a
world in which “the norms of the dominant class do not match their own reality” (Allen,
2018, p. 3).
The different barriers to leaving faced by participants are influenced by many
factors, including the different intersections they each occupy. These intersections create
nuance in experience, which is validated by Allen’s (2018) suggestion that violence
against African immigrant women is influenced by the intersections of race, age, social
class, and socio-economic status within a prevailing patriarchal culture that heavily
influences and contributes to violence. For instance, some participants mentioned their
age, that they felt too old to leave the abusive marriage. Some participants mentioned
children; that they were worried for their children, worried for lack of children; and
worried that leaving might affect their chances of having a child. Other participants too
mentioned a lack of financial stability, as some participants relied on their partner for
financial support, thus leaving would mean lack of money and being broke. The lack of
resources available or awareness of these resources that could help them deal with the
issue at the time are also intersectional factors that hindered their leaving. In addition, in
the African culture, there is a belief that women have to be married and have children at a
certain age. Failure to achieve this could lead to self-disappointment, as well as
disappointment of parents, family, and community. While some found it difficult to leave
due to their children, others found that their lack of children in the marriage prevented
them from leaving, while yet others identified their children as motivation for leaving.
Also, there is belief or a myth in the African community that blames the woman
for the lack of children in a marriage. A woman’s inability to conceive is seen as the
woman’s fault. Few of the participants were constantly bullied, berated, and blamed for
lack of children in their marriage. Intersectional factors such as race and gender are
oppressive to women in our society (Allen, 2018). Hence, this study supported existing
literature that patriarchy, male dominance, and power places women in subordinate
position as a passive wife and nurturing mother. These conditions caused some women to
feel helpless and powerless to leave their abusive relationships.
This study showed the power of African patriarchy and intersectionality in action
as a multitude of colliding, interlocking, and intersecting forces against the women,
which creates barriers and challenges to leave the abusive relationship (Crenshaw, 1989;
Hunnicutt, 2009). In addition to the control and power their partners inflict upon them,
these forces mean that many victims of intimate partner violence chose to remain in
abusive relationships.
Moving on from Abuse
The women in this study were not able to identify many coping strategies, as is
clear in Table 3. However, it is clear that they engaged in planning a safe escape route for
them and others who relied on them. Imagine planning how to escape a situation that is
unsafe? It is like living in constant fear and anxiety provoking situation daily. Most of the
participants spoke about finding a way out so many times, contradicting theories of
learned helplessness (Gondolf & Fisher, 1988). Women do not learn helplessness, nor are
they helpless; rather, they are constantly planning a way out and waiting for the
opportunity to leave. This was apparent in the stories of participants in this study.
While most of the participants used different coping strategies to deal with the
abuse, the thought of moving on was more important to them than coping. Although there
were many barriers and challenges such as culture, religious beliefs and practices, social
norms, and family orientation that made leaving later than sooner for some of the women.
Most research study highlighted the reasons why women stayed in abusive
relationship, for example, Adjei (2017) argued that some women feel trapped and find it
difficult to leave the abusive relationship. However, the participants from this study made
us to understand that women wanted to leave as soon as they start to feel unsafe in the
abusive relationship and did not necessarily feel trapped. When probed as to why this is
the case, it seemed that the fact that participants are educated and have employment
opportunities that could give them financial freedom, presenting opportunities outside the
abusive relationship. Indeed, most of the participants in this study have at least a
bachelor’s degree and were gainfully employed, giving them choices as they worked to
integrate themselves into Canadian society. Having a job is a resource that creates power
and sustainability. According to Hunnicutt (2009), social position, availability of
resources, and access to those resources influences women’s ability to cope with abusive
relationships.
It is obvious from this study that African immigrant women who are educated find
it easier to integrate into Western egalitarian society compared to African immigrant men,
which could create tension and friction that could lead to power struggle in the home
(Hunnicutt, 2009). Patriarchy co-exists with power and does not like for this power to be
challenged, especially by women as they are generally considered inferior. For example,
the African patriarchy believes women should be a subservient home maker while the
men go out and work to fend for the family. Many participants highlighted that these
dynamics were present in their households and communities, with violence often
condoned as a way to deal with challenges to patriarchal power. When men cannot find a
job to match their qualifications, women must often step up to earn money for themselves
and their family. Though this can help to create equal circumstances in relationships and
provide women with financial freedom, women working outside the home may be treated
unfavorably by their partner, or family and community members. Hunnicutt (2009)
explained that the crisis of acculturation shows multiple levels of patriarchy and men’s
location in the social structure, suggesting that maybe men are feeling displaced and out
of place in Canada dues to role shift in the home. The men may feel threatened and
challenged because the wife also makes enough money to help and sustain self. However,
African men believe in gender role and does not subscribe to gender equality; an intimate
relationship should be an equal partnership between individuals to avoid contentious
power and control that lead to violence (Giordano et al., 2016; Hamberger et al., 2017;
Stark, 2007).
Further complicating gender-based power dynamics in their relationships, most of
the women who participated came under their husband’s sponsorship to Canada, which
makes them dependent on their partner when they arrived newly to Canada. Allen (2018)
suggests that what society considers normal among women in the dominant class,
members of subordinate classes will internalize differently, “struggling to survive within
a world in which the norms of the dominant class do not match their own reality” (p. 3).
Most of the participants in this study did not understand at the initial stage that what they
were experiencing is considered abuse because it is not physical abuse, perhaps the
behavior is accepted in their societies and culture as normal. Once they understood the
behaviors that constitute abuse, they started to plan how to leave the situation.
In addition, women who were economically strong did not feel helplessness, but
they have the power to resists abuse, and did not stay in abusive relationship rather they
came up with many plans of how to leave (Gondolf & Fisher, 1988). They believe calling
the police will get the men into trouble rather than worried about being killed in such
situations. The varieties of patriarchy theory identify factors that may influence the
thoughts, perceptions, and definitions of abuse held by both victims and abusers that
impact its effect on victims (Hunnicutt, 2009).
Although most participants felt the need to report their abuser, most chose to not
report their abusers to the police due to cultural and family issues. For example, the
women were worried about getting the men into trouble rather than their own safety.
Some feared retribution or the further escalation of violence, that their partner would not
leave them alone if they did choose to leave. Yet others identified that they had nothing
financially outside of their partners and would not know what to do if they left.
Participants felt they might not find another husband and no man would want them after
being divorced in their community. Other participants wondered how they will start over
once they leave the relationship, making it difficult to leave at the initial stage of the
abuse.
Others mentioned the fear of shame in their families and communities if they were
to share what they were experiencing or report their partners. Already isolated, some
participants felt that they would lose the few friends, family members, or community
members if they reported. The social identity of many women is inextricably bound up
with marriage, and the loss of marriage ushers in the loss of the social circles and social
support systems that are necessary for managing the effects of leaving (Agbemenu, 2016;
Mame et al.,2017). Most of the social support and shared friends from the marriage were
lost as some of the women left the abusive relationship.
Patriarchy has normalized oppression against women, and influences why women
stay in abusive relationships and the consequences they suffer if they choose to leave. In
conclusion, it was clear from the narratives that participants shared that African
immigrant women experienced many effects from intimate partner violence, with
different coping strategies and mechanisms that helped them get through these
experiences and eventually leave the relationship. The research findings demonstrated
that African immigrant women are willing to share the stories and their experiences of the
intimate partner violence, coping strategies, interventions, and advice, and recovery from
their lived experiences. They do so in the hopes that other women do not have to go
through what they did, and to try to improve supports for African immigrant women
experiencing intimate partner violence in the future.
Limitations of the Study
The sensitivity of the topic created a limitation with the willingness of participants
to participate in the study. While there were many responses from potential participants,
most participants who were ready and willing to participate in the study did not meet the
eligibility criteria and were not included. The nine participants who met the inclusion
criteria and were willing to share these emotional and challenging experience gave
indepth, descriptive information while answering the research questions., and saturation
was reached at this point. This research study was designed to make inquiry about the
experiences of African immigrant women who successfully left their abusive relationship
between the ages of 18 and above. The research questions that guided the exploration are
as follows: (a) How do African immigrant women survivors who have successfully left
their abusive relationships describe their experience of abuse in intimate relationships?
(b) How do these women survivors cope with the experience of abuse? (c) What themes
emerge from the effects of abuse on these survivors?
Another limitation in the study is the inability to generalize the findings. The
study participants were African immigrant women who live in Edmonton; hence, findings
may not be generalizable to African immigrant in other regions of the country/Canada.
Similarly, the results are not representative of the majority population of African women
who are immigrant and non-immigrant, or Black women from other country that are
nonAfrican. Though these findings may not be generalizable to other ethnic minority and
immigrant women survivors of intimate partner violence in Edmonton or other cities,
they offer important insights to the intersectional dynamics of intimate partner violence
and the current gaps in both ideological and practical responses when women disclose
that they are experiencing violence. As a result, similar studies should be conducted
among these populations to confirm the generalizability of the present findings and the
ways that these dynamics shift depending on the women experiencing them.
Another limitation is the difficulty to determine whether participants have shared
without holding back. For example, not all women who experienced abuse will
acknowledge or define their experiences as abusive. The demographic culture of
participants is a limitation, the possibility that a participant might withhold some
information due to sensitivity and safety risk associated to the issue of intimate partner
violence.
Another limitation is the environment, as Edmonton is a small city and has a close
African community. Some of the women might be reluctant to open up and share their
stories for risk of being recognized or having the information get back to their
partner/community. While I attempted to prove to the women that their stories are safe,
supported by the Institute Research Board’s (IRB) commitments to privacy and
confidentiality. Also, because of the multidimensional and sensitive nature of this
research topic, limitations may occur when one accepts all the responses under emotion
and anger. Also, another limitation is that this study only examined the phenomenon of
intimate partner violence, not the specific types of abuse that African immigrant women
experience. Hence, further studies focusing on a specific type of abuse experienced by
these populations will be necessary to confirm the generalizability of this study’s
findings.
Recommendations
The findings from this study suggest that African immigrant women experience
multiple effects and victimization from intimate partner violence, while utilizing multiple
survival strategies to cope with these experiences. The themes generated from their
experiences can be used to further understand the challenges and barriers faced by
women when dealing or fleeing an abuse situation.
The first recommendation is to replicate this study among another immigrants or
minority population where intimate partner violence is identified as a concern. In
addition, this study represented only the experiences of African immigrant women living
in Edmonton, Alberta, but could be replicated with women who live in another cities and
provinces across Canada. Further, this study could be replicated in other countries where
women experience intimate partner violence with the challenges of patriarchy and
intersectionality. Women and girls from all cultures and races experience marginalization
and oppression; they endure the issues of gender inequalities and partner violence every
day. Immigrant women experience different challenges and barriers that prevent them
from leaving an abusive situation or reporting the abuse to authority due to factors such
as shame, fear, family, culture and lack of information and awareness.
I recommend that future researchers use qualitative methods to examine the
experiences, effects, and coping strategies of intimate partner violence among African
immigrant men in Edmonton. Furthermore, such researchers could use hypotheses to
query if women abuse the men equally in cases of intimate partner violence among this
population, is violence an issue of gender symmetry. This might help understand and
provide support for immigrant families who are new in the country and reduce the
incidences of abuse among immigrant men and women. In addition, I recommend the use
of quantitative methods by future researchers to examine the prevalence rate of intimate
partner violence among African immigrant women in Edmonton, other cities in Alberta,
or in Alberta as a whole.
There is continuing influx of immigrants into Canada, among whom are African
immigrants from various part of the continent. There is a growing need for cultural
understandings of these diverse populations among social workers, healthcare workers,
and other helping professionals who work with newcomers and immigrant populations.
Organizations that work with newcomers must ensure their staff too are multicultural,
carry diverse knowledge and openness, and understand diversity as a key component in
working with immigrants. For example, employing more workers who have experienced
abuse and workers who have children from these communities can increase
understanding at a service provision level. In terms of tangible supports, many
participants expressed mental health and self-esteem challenges following the
psychological and emotional abuse they endured in their relationships, recommending
increased access to counselling services that support leaving and healing following.
Others also mentioned that existing supports are restrictive and inaccessible. For instance,
one participant noted some shelters do not have provision for women who do not have
children and are fleeing intimate partner violence.
My final recommendation is a systemic one; a shift towards using a collaborative
approach to services wherein all agencies working with women experiencing intimate
partner violence should work together. At current, many of these services are siloed and
disconnected from one another, requiring women to go through many of the same
processes and share their story multiple times. Increased awareness for organizational
staff and community members about the experience, impacts, and outcomes of intimate
partner violence. Future researchers should consider a deeper and more incisive inquiry
into the life and times of women who have experienced intimate partner violence.
Implications
This study’s findings validate that intimate partner violence is a product of
patriarchy that influences and controls the implementation of public and social policy,
educational development, programs and intervention strategies on violence between men
and women (Johnson, 1995). Findings from the study also revealed that different forms of
patriarchy informed men’s behavior and action from different cultures and backgrounds,
as not all forms patriarchy are the same and various forms of patriarchy challenge women
across the globe (Hunnicutt, 2009). For example, Western society’s patriarchy has been
challenged in many ways. It continues to be under scrutiny by the feminist movements
and social advocates that continue to fight for women’s rights and freedom in Western
society. At the same time, the patriarchy from other countries continues to dominate and
perpetuate injustice, oppression, and discrimination against women and girls. For
instance, in some countries, women do not have access to public offices (World
Economic Forum, 2021), while a girl child is denied education and equal opportunity in
some world (Kaul, 2015). The men and women from such countries migrated to Canada
with this patriarchal ideology and do not understand the challenges that such practice
would have on their families in Canada. Therefore, it is essential for social workers and
health professionals working with immigrant women and girls who are victims and
survivors of intimate partner violence to understand the concept of varieties of patriarchy.
The types of patriarchy they are dealing with when working with clients must include the
differences and similarities in patriarchy across countries and culture and how they
intersect to create the conditions for violence.
Furthermore, patriarchy is multifaceted with multiple manifestations. Hence, we
need to examine the issues of intimate partner violence among women in different layers
across societies (Hunnicutt, 2009). Social and legal policies that protect vulnerable
populations must shift towards a diverse, contextual view of the issue of intimate partner
violence (Hunnicutt, 2009). Therefore, the theory of varieties of patriarchy provides a
suitable lens for understanding African immigrant women’s vulnerability patterns. I
believe that the idea of varieties of patriarchy is a working tool for social change as it
helps to explain the multidimensional nature of patriarchy and men’s location in different
social structures (Hunnicutt, 2009), providing a diverse, contextual approach to policy
and practice that is more meaningful and supportive of diverse women.
I also believe that the theory of intersectionality is a strong advocacy tool that
helps professionals working with minority and immigrant women to understand the
challenges victims and survivors of intimate partner violence face. Intersectional factors
such as race and social class oppression have historically been imposed by patriarchy,
which creates the power-infused conditions for violence (Allen, 2018). Gender-based
violence thrives in intersection with other oppressive forces to create challenges for
minority women, including African immigrant women. Like varieties of patriarchy,
intersectionality is not a one size fits all theory; it calls for an extra assessment processes
for clarity. Understanding the theory of intersectionality can create social change in social
institution and social relationships among professionals working with victims and
survivors. Social change requires the collaboration of professionals working in the
community. Social change needs government policy and strategies to address the issues.
Hence, social change involves bringing awareness to the social issues of intimate partner
violence among women from minority groups, including African immigrant women.
Using the two strands of feminist theory provides future researchers with the
opportunity to examine the relationships between patriarchy and intersectionality with
violence and oppression when working with women who face oppressive forces across
different axes of identity. They act as vital assessment and intervention tools for women
victims and survivors of intimate partner violence. In addition, these theories help to
understand the challenges and barriers that prevent women from reporting abuse from an
intimate partner. Also, challenges faced in many societies such as barriers to services that
prevents intimate partner violence and violence against women and girls.
We must create awareness of several factors that lead to gender inequalities
between men and women that have disproportionately placed women at a disadvantage in
many societies socially and economically, especially among immigrant and minority
groups (Barnett, 2001). For example, women find it difficult to leave a violent
relationship because of control and threats, lack of money and support, fear of poverty,
and the historically inadequate responses of institutions and the justice system
(Wisniewski et al., 2019; Barnett, 2001). At the societal level, on behalf of minority and
immigrant populations, the government should fund public awareness campaigns by
including signs of domestic violence in early childhood, middle school, and high school
curriculum (Giordano et al., 2015). For example, children need to know what is
acceptable and unacceptable in any adult relationship by encouraging a reporting process
that protects the victims of intimate partner violence.
Organizational changes to helping professions are also needed to offer more
meaningful and relevant supports for those experiencing intimate partner violence. For
example, the helping relationship and process should come from a partnership view to
avoid the idea of the privileged helping the needy (Yob & Brewer, n.d.). In addition,
intimate partner violence often happens in secret, within the four walls of a home; It is
hard to know unless the victims have a trusting relationship with their workers and feel
safe to share.
Social change requires a change in social policy, structural reform, and
evidencebased research to address those gaps in knowledge and practice in working with
intimate partner violence survivors/victims among immigrant and minority groups. The
government must take the matter seriously by funding prevention programs and strategies
to reduce incidences of intimate partner violence (Lehrner & Allen, 2008). In addition to
preventative approaches, increased supports must be provided to those have survived
IPV, such as increased funding for shelters (Johnson, 2005). Providing women who have
experienced violence spaces to share and feel that they are not alone was key for
participants in this study. Further, the government must provide a clear direction for
reporting incidents of intimate partner violence that protects victims’ rights and dignity
(Johnson, 2005). Johnson (2005) recommends a judicial practice that preserves evidence
and encourages the perpetrator’s prosecution where necessary. Furthermore, practitioners
and health professionals should thoroughly evaluate women who access support through
their agencies, avoiding a one-size-fits-all approach to treatment and intervention (Stith et
al., 2011).
In summary, social change activists must avoid patronizing the community they
are helping, as this could create a two-level system in the city, us versus them (Yob &
Brewer, n.d.). Therefore, any action must challenge biases, assumptions, boundaries, and
forms about culture, race, and beliefs, and rather look for ideas, information, resources,
and influences that can impact people’s lives (Kezar, 2014). Rather than relying on
simplistic and harmful understandings of ‘others’, we should focus on helping new
immigrant women on how to improve their lives, be aware of their rights, be educated
about abuse and behavior that constitute abuse, and become self-sustaining in their new
home.
Conclusion
Based on the results of this study, victims experienced many types of abuse and
multiple forms of victimization, each of which were inextricable from the others. Intimate
partner violence among immigrants may be conceptualized as victimization of multiple
kinds of abuse. This is not surprising when one realizes that abusive behaviors are
intertwined. Abusers tend to increase the doses of abuse the more they realized that the
effects of abuse are waning or if they realized that the first abusive behavior did not have
the desired impacts due to the victim’s ability to cope with the abuse. Since abusers strive
to gain control and domination over their victims, the abuser needs more types of abuse to
accomplish the desired effects. In response to these varied types and forms, participants
utilized multiple survival strategies to cope, live, and eventually, leave. Since abusive
behaviors increase with access to support systems, it is reasonable to expect victims to
use various survival strategies to cope with the victimization experience. Regrettably,
since resistance to abuse may result in physical injury or fatal consequences, many
victims resorted to covert coping strategies in the form of submission/compliance, rather
than overt coping strategies in the form of resistance and fighting back. Given the lack of
attempts to attend therapy or seek intervention to stop the abusive behaviors, there are
indications that many victims focused on surviving the abusive relationship rather than
changing the abusive partners. The victims believed that the coping behaviors could
placate the abusers to stop the abusive behaviors. Still, the strategies did not achieve the
desired results, as all the participants eventually ended the relationship. (The coping
strategy seems to have merely delayed their exit from the abusive relationship). This
reality has implications for determining and exploring the efficacy of covert
submission/compliance in changing abusive behaviors. Future studies may explore these
possibilities: should victims of abusive behaviors resist or submit to the behaviors
through coping strategies?
Abusive behaviors have effects on victims that far outweigh physical injuries that
we most often think of when abuse is mentioned. However, participants highlighted the
significance of psychological effects of violence rather than the physical effects. For
participants, their experiences of intimate partner violence caused damage to the core of
their self-identity and esteem. Reverberations on victims’ emotional, relational,
professional, and spiritual well-being are common. The effects of abusive behaviors
transcend the physical safety of victims and include complex impacts on their biopsycho-
social, professional, financial, and spiritual well-being. Exposure to multiple abusive
behaviors has numerous consequences that transcend the need to focus on physical safety
alone.
Examining the challenges and barriers associated with partner abuse enables us to
reflect on the fact that in experiencing and coping with abusive behaviors, the victims
must navigate complex thoughts and decision-making processes, evaluate productive and
counter-productive choices, engage in prolonged rumination over the stigma and cultural
perception of leaving abusive relationships, and sift through contradictory demands of
religion and culture. They engage in these complex and intentional processes to make
appropriate decisions to preserve their physical and psychological well-being.
Moving from an abusive relationship entails the victims shifting the focus from
the abusers, abusive behaviors, culture, and religion back to self. It involves moving from
covert coping strategies to overt measures, including resistance, gaining self-confidence,
self-awareness, and self-advocacy. An abusive relationship is not an indefinite
relationship of victimization. Instead, it signifies the expiration of tolerance of
victimization and the ultimate realization of the need to end the abusive relationship.
After prolonged patience, coping strategies, and access to support systems,
victim/survivors eventually realize that they do not have to simply survive in a violent
situation, but can thrive outside of it by ending the abusive relationship.
