Inferential Intuitive and Analytic Thought Processes in Criminal

Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study

Introduction

Criminal investigations have a significant impact on societal safety. Accurate and

efficient criminal investigations predominantly lead to arrests, convictions, and

imprisonment of criminals (Rossmo, 2016). The decisions made by police detectives

play an important role in accomplishing an accurate criminal investigation (Wright,

2013). Decisional thought processes are multifaceted and fluid consisting of analytic and

intuitive thought processes (Allen, 2014; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Sahm & Weizacker,

2016). Multiple researchers have examined the use of analytic, intuitive, and analytic-

intuitive thought processes to research which thought process is associated with increased

accuracy in relation to decision making (Brogaard, 2014; Calabretta et al., 2017; Olds &

Link, 2016; Pennycock et al., 2015; Pretz, et al., 2014; Worrall, 2013). Researchers have

recently begun to study these thought processes respective of strategic decision-making

by police detectives during criminal investigations (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016;

Wright, 2013).

Researchers have not come to a consensus in data with respect to the use, reliance,

and accuracy of decisional thought processes of police detectives. Rassin (2016)

completed a quantitative study on the use of analytic thought processes by police

investigators wherein he concluded analytic thought processes were superior to intuitive

thought processes in decision-making. In contrast, Sahm and Weizacker (2016) found

intuitive thought processes outperformed analytic thought processes. Wright (2013)

found that police detectives utilize both intuitive and analytic thought processes and that

each of these thought processes can result in accurate decision-making.

Though researchers have recently focused on these decisional thought processes

in relation to investigative decision-making, a focus on detectives’ conceptualizations of

these thought processes is under-researched (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016; Wright,

2013). Individual conceptualizations are collaborative understandings based on

experiences, culture, beliefs, age, and perceptions (Hampton & Passanisi, 2016). It is

important to investigate individual police detectives’ conceptualizations because their

conceptualizations are their realities (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). Fahsing and Ask (2013)

noted that participant police detectives had different conceptualizations of intuition.

Some police detectives negated the legitimate use of intuitive thought processes whereas

others accepted its usefulness. Multiple implicit and explicit factors are associated with

conceptualizations of decisional thought processes and as such further studies in this

regard are warranted (Pennycock, et al., 2015; Winston et al., 2017).

This chapter will contain information regarding the phenomenon of intuitive and

analytic thought processes as these thought processes relate to decision-making. The

chapter serves as an overview for this study’s problem statement, nature of study,

research question, theoretical framework, significance, and possible social impact. This

section will also include key definitions, operational terms, and limitations of this study.

This chapter will provide the foundational components related to this study on police

detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional intuitive and analytic thought processes used

during criminal investigations.

Background

Though previous research data vary on the beneficial use of intuitive and analytic

thought processes, most researchers agree on the existence and use of both of these

thought processes in relation to decision-making (Brogaard, 2014; Calabretta et al., 2017;

Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Olds & Link, 2016; Pennycock et al., 2015; Pretz, et al., 2014;

Rassin, 2016; Worrall, 2013; Wright, 2013). According to dual process theory, decisions

derive from two paradoxical thought processes (Calabretta et al., 2017). Intuitive or Type

I thought processes are in the simplest of forms, unconscious, and immediate. Inferential

intuitive thought processes are immediate and unconscious; however, they are cognitive

experience-based schemas and therefor extend beyond a mere hunch (Brogaard, 2014;

Calabretta et al., 2017). Analytic or Type II thought processes are time consuming,

cognitive, and reflective (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Pennycock et al., 2015). Analytic

thought processes involve task identification, information collection, and determination

of logical conclusions (Elbanna & Fadol, 2016; Olds & Link, 2016).

Improper reliance on either thought process may contribute to inaccurate

decision-making. Contextual factors are associated with thought process usage and

accuracy. According to Elbanna and Fadol (2016), the importance and certainty of

decision-making correlate with thought process usage. Individuals will access analytic

thought processes when faced with decisions that have significant consequences.

Individuals will normally access intuitive thought processes when faced with decisions

surrounded by uncertainty. According to Wright (2013), domain specific experience of

the decision-maker effect use, reliance, and accuracy of intuitive thought processes.

Wright found that inexperienced police detectives used, relied upon, and were less

accurate in intuitive-based decisions whereas experienced police detectives used, relied

upon and were more accurate in intuitive-based decisions.

Effective decision-making by police detectives is a significant factor associated

with successful criminal investigations (Rassin, 2016; Rossmo, 2016; Wright, 2013).

Successful criminal investigations ultimately result in increased societal safety (Rossmo,

2016). Police detectives’ decisions during criminal investigations consist of intuitive

thought processes and analytic thought processes or the combination of both. The key to

accurate decision-making may lie in the applicability of thought process usage (Fahsing

& Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013). An understanding of police detectives’

conceptualizations of thought process uses and reliance in relation to investigative

decision-making may provide insight into this phenomenon.

Problem Statement

Inaccurate decision-making by police detectives during criminal investigations is

the focus problem of this study. Inaccurate decision-making hinders accurate criminal

investigations and is inconsistent with investigative and prosecutorial goals (Rossmo,

2016). Though police detectives process most criminal investigations accurately, a

noteworthy number of inaccurate criminal investigations continue to occur. Inaccurate

criminal investigations can lead to nonapprehensions, suspect misidentification, and

wrongful convictions (Carter & Carter, 2016; Clow & Leach, 2013). It is for these

reasons; police detectives must place a significant emphasis on the importance of their

investigative decision-making (Brookman & Innes, 2013). Researchers have not yet

addressed United States police detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional thought

processes used and relied upon during criminal investigations in which they partook.

This study addressed this gap in research.

Inaccuracies in decisional thought processes by detectives during criminal

investigations can inhibit a successful criminal investigation, which may lead to

nonapprehensions, suspect misidentification, and wrongful convictions (Dietz &

Ramsland, 2012; Rossmo, 2016). These consequences of decisional inaccuracies are

detrimental to societal wellbeing (Kavanaugh, 2016). Crimes that remain unsolved leave

criminals within communities to recidivate, often with increased severity and frequency

(Palemo, 2015). Inaccurate suspect identifications and wrongful convictions harm the

wrongfully accused. The detrimental effects to the wrongfully accused are obvious.

These individuals endure the hardships of prosecution and the loss of freedoms and

rights. Upon release, even with evidence of their innocence, exonerees continue to

endure societal perceptions of guilt throughout most of their lives (Clow & Leach, 2013).

Wrongful arrests and convictions harm society as well. These erroneous convictions

instill mistrust in law enforcement, impede faith in the justice system, and present a

financial burden to society (Kavanaugh, 2016).

Accurate decision-making by police detectives during criminal investigations is a

significant factor associated with the accurate identification, prosecution, conviction, and

incarceration of criminals (Wright, 2013). According to dual process theory, individuals

have two thought processes, intuitive and analytic. Individuals access these thought

processes when making decisions (Brogaard, 2014). Inferential intuitive thought

processes are more complex than simple hunch intuition yet less complex than analytic

thought processes. Inferential intuitive thought processes are creative cognitions that

help address the uncertainties and complexities of decision-making. These thought

processes are tacit knowledge-based. Inferential intuitive thought processes, unlike

analytic thought processes, originate from the subconscious and are immediate

(Kahneman, 2011; Worrall, 2013). Analytic thought processes are structured and

complex (Kahneman, 2011; Wright, 2013). These thought processes consist of problem

identification, information collection, hypothesis development and assessment, and

logical choice decisions. Analytic thought processes tend to be slow, methodical,

information-based, and effortful (Olds & Link, 2016).

Researchers, who support the reflectionist perspective, argue the ability to think

analytically signifies the superiority of humans over other species (Pennycock et al.,

2015; Rassin, 2016). Rassin (2016) found that participants who utilized analytic thought

processes were more conservative in their decisions and therefore reduced inaccuracies

occurred. Based on these findings, Rassin argued in favor of the use of analytic thought

process decision-making during criminal investigations. Lack of intuitive thought

process measurement was a limitation of this study and Rassin suggested this limitation

warrants further research.

According to unconscious thought theory, inferential intuitive thought processes

can be superior to analytic thought processes because intuition is not limited to working-

memory constraints (Pretz, et al., 2014). Wright (2013) completed a qualitative intuitive

thought process study and found that while detectives strive to use analytic thought

processes, detectives access significant amounts of intuitive thought processes. Wright

also found that approximately 64% of participants scored accurately while utilizing

intuitive thought processes. Experienced detectives, while using intuitive thought

processes, scored accurately more often than detectives with less experience. Calabretta

et al. (2017) also supported this finding. Wright denoted intuition as a cognitive skill and

an important aspect of police investigative decision-making. Wright suggested further

research on inferential intuitive decision-making by detectives during actual criminal

investigations would benefit studies related to investigative decision-making as this

remains a current gap in literature.

Fahsing and Ask (2013) and Akinci and Sadler-Smith (2013) acknowledged the

dual use of inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in decision-making based

on their studies of the decision-making thought processes of police detectives. Fahsing

and Ask identified collaborative interchanging thought processes in their study of United

Kingdom and Norwegian detectives. Akinci and Sadler-Smith noted similar findings as

well as contextual factors associated with thought process usage. Contextual factors

associated with decisional thought processes consist of personality, experience, time and

cost constraints, decision uncertainty, and decision severity (Alison et al., 2013; Sahm &

Weizacker, 2016). Fahsing and Ask also noted the reluctance of United Kingdom

detectives to acknowledge the use of intuition in criminal investigations. The Norwegian

detectives did not experience the same difficulty in the acknowledged use of intuitive

decisional thought processes during criminal investigations. The authors suggested the

need for further research on investigative intuitive and analytic thought processes

associated with decision-making in differing demographics and cultures (Akinci &

Sadler-Smith, 2013; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Sahm & Weizacker, 2016).

Researchers on analytic and inferential intuitive thought processes have provided

significant data on these two thought processes in relation to decision-making (Brogaard,

2014; Calabretta et al., 2017; Olds & Link, 2016; Pennycock, et al., 2015; Pretz, et al.,

2014; Worrall, 2013). Researchers have also applied existing literature on thought

process usage to police detectives’ decision-making in hypothetical situations (Fahsing &

Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013). This qualitative study is unlike previous

research studies on decisional thought processes of police detectives. This study

investigated the conceptualizations of police detectives’ decisional thought processes

based on criminal investigations they have completed. This study focused on United

States police detectives. Previous researchers have focused on police detectives in

differing areas. Expanding research to United States police detectives may provide

beneficial data because demographics is one contextual factor associated with the

establishment of conceptualizations (Winston et al., 2017).

Literature Review

Substantial research data exist on intuitive and analytic thought processes. Dual

process theorists have provided significant data on the intricacies of these two thought

processes as well as how these processes relate and effect decision-making (Evans &

Stanovich, 2013). Intuitive and analytic thought processes are paradoxical. The

contradictory foundational basis of each thought process has called for the use of either

intuitive or analytic thought processes. Recently researchers have supported the

collaborative use of intuitive and analytic thought processes. This collaboration and

paradoxical acceptance may increase decisional accuracy (Calabretta et al., 2017).

Police detectives have enhanced decisional intuitive thought processes that exceed

simple subconscious instincts, feelings, or premonitions. Evolved intuitive thought

processes, also referred to as inferential intuitive thought processes, are perceptual,

memory-based, and introspective intellectual seemings (Brogaard, 2014). Pretz, et al.

(2014) stated inferential intuitive thought processes consist of information previously

obtained analytically. These intuitive thought processes are stored within an individual’s

sematic memory. Sematic memory is an accumulated database of fact-based information

obtained throughout an individual’s lifetime that individuals access without forethought

(Brogaard, 2014; Pretz, et al., 2014).

Elbanna and Fadol (2016) stated inferential intuition is a composite phenomenon

of sensing and defined knowledge based on previous experiences. As such, experience

increases the accuracy of inferential intuition (Brogaard, 2014; Pretz, et al., 2014; Wright,

2013). Decisions based on inferential intuitive thought processes are resistant to revision

or change (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Intuitive thought processes, inferential or

otherwise, are subject to illusions, biases, and heuristics (Kahneman, 2011). Intuitive-

based decisions by police detectives hinder prosecutorial efforts as these decisions lack

substantiating evidence (Pogarsky et al., 2017; Wallace, 2015).

Analytic thought processes are structured and complex (Evans & Stanovich,

2013; Kahneman, 2011; Wright, 2013). These thought processes consist of problem

identification, information collection, hypothesis development and assessment, and

logical choice decisions. Analytic thought processes tend to be slow, methodical,

information-based, and effortful (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Olds & Link, 2016).

Analytic thought processes in decision-making are fact-based and reflective (Evans &

Stanovich, 2013; Rassin, 2016). Fact-based decisions, wherein individuals analyze

multiple possibilities, are more acceptable and effective within prosecutorial processes

(Rassin, 2016; Rossmo, 2016; Wright, 2013). Analytic thought processes may hinder

investigative decisions that must adhere to restricted timelines, are extremely

complicated, and uncertain (Calabretta et al., 2017).

Most researchers who have completed studies on police detectives’ decision-

making acknowledge the use and importance of both analytic and inferential intuitive

thought processes (Calabretta et al., 2017; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Wright, 2013). Even

with this consensus, researchers differentiate on usage and appropriateness. Wright

(2013) found that detectives acknowledged they formed immediate inferential intuitive-

based preliminary hypotheses upon presentations of crime scenes. Detectives then

reflected, via analytic thought processes, to counteract any fallacies associated with their

intuitive thought processes. Sahm and Weizacker (2016) reached similar conclusions

wherein intuitive thought processes excelled at the beginning and end of situations.

Fahsing and Ask (2013) found situational factors navigate thought process designation.

Rassin (2016) argued decision-making should result from analytic thought processes only

because intuitive thought processes do not derive from facts.

Contextual factors influence the use, reliance, and accuracy of inferential intuitive

and analytic thought processes. Experience correlates with inferential intuitive accuracy

(Wright, 2013). Fahsing and Ask (2013) found both external and internal factors are

associated with a transition of thought process usage. External factors consisted of

availability of information, community and time pressures, and situational impact.

Internal factors were experience, training, and personal characteristics. According to

Elbanna and Fadol (2016), individuals under certain circumstances require flexible and

expedient approaches to decision-making. Inferential intuition is a semi cognitive

process that allows individuals to utilize their experience-based knowledge to bypass

procedural time-consuming steps. Decisional factors, such as importance, uncertainty,

and motive will influence some individuals’ use of intuitive and analytic thought

processes (Alison, et al., 2013; Sahm & Weizacker, 2016). According to Calabretta et al.

(2017), inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes are different but equal in

relation to decision-making.

Nature of Study

The goal of this qualitative study was to explore the conceptualizations of police

detectives’ decisional thought processes during criminal investigations. The nature of

this study was narrative inquiry. Narrative inquiry consists of conversational style

interviews between participants and researcher. I was able to observe and translate

investigative experiences of detectives, which participants told through their narratives or

stories, via verbal and nonverbal components (see Clandinin, 2016). Narrative inquiry

results in rich data due to the transfer and sharing of knowledge between participants and

researcher (Kohler-Riessman, 2008). Though using narrative inquiry reduces data

generalizations, which was a limitation of this study, narrative inquiry best suited the

focus of this study (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). This qualitative study explored

narratives of participating detectives to obtain participants’ conceptualizations (realties)

concerning convergent and divergent thought processes relating to criminal investigative

decision-making.

Participants in this study were police detectives who had completed at least one

criminal investigation. To address this study’s limitation of generalization, I sought

participant diversity. Participants in this study consisted of police detectives from

different demographics and organizational cultures. Researchers have shown

demographics and organizational culture have a significant effect on decisional thought

processes of police detectives (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Winston et al., 2017). Obtaining

participants from different locals and police cultures assisted in addressing limitations of

generalization in this study. In addition, participants in this study varied in ethnicities,

gender, age, and experience. These factors are also associated with differing decisional

thought process use and reliance (Alison et al., 2013; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Winston et

al., 2017; Wright, 2013). The inclusion of a diverse population of participants enriched

data from this study.

Data collection derived from semi structured open-ended questions asked to

participants during individual face-to-face interviews. The inclusion of semi structured

questions helped maintain uniformity and direction. The inclusion of open-ended

questions allowed for individualistic conceptualizations through elaboration (see

Sutcliffe, 2016). The insertion of the researcher is an integral component of data

collection in narrative inquiry. Data for this study derived from the collaborative

conversation of participants and myself (see Clandinin, 2016). Data were analyzed via

thematic and structural analysis. This triangulation of data increased this study’s

trustworthiness (Koehler-Riessman, 2008).

Purpose of Study

The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore police detectives’

conceptualizations of inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes when making

decisions during criminal investigations in which they partook. Research studies have

produced data on decisional intuitive and analytic thought processes from multiple

perspectives (Brogaard, 2014; Calabretta et al., 2017; Olds & Link, 2016; Pennycock et

al., 2015; Pretz, et al., 2014; Worrall, 2013). Research data also exist on decisional

thought processes and law enforcement, although in considerably lower proportions

(Fahsing & Ask, 2013, Brookman & Innes, 2013; Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013).

Significant gaps in literature exist regarding police detectives’ conceptualizations of

intuitive and analytic thought processes in relation to decision-making during criminal

investigations (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013). This study addressed

a current gap in literature by exploring United States’ police detectives’

conceptualizations of decisional inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes

during criminal investigations in which they partook.

The conceptualizations established via participant narratives in this study

provided insights into detectives’ subjective realities. Each detectives’ experiences,

perceptions, culture, and environments influenced these subjective realities (see Rubin &

Rubin, 2012). A better understanding of detectives’ realities may provide significant

insights into the importance, if any, detectives place on each decisional thought process.

A better understanding may also provide insights on perceived motivating factors

associated with thought process usage and reliance. Data retrieved from this study sought

to add to existing research data on investigative decisional thought processes that may

lead to more effective criminal investigations.

Research Question

Research Question: How do United States police detectives conceptualize

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in decision making during criminal

investigations?

Theoretical Framework

Dual Process Theory

The concepts of dual process theory state that individuals have two distinct

information- processing systems (Kahneman, 2011). These systems consist of automatic

or intuitive (Type 1) thought processes and controlled or analytic (Type 2) thought

processes. In the traditional view, Type I thought processes are implicit and automatic

coming from an individual’s subconscious. Type II thought processes are explicit and

calculated derived from outside an individual’s subconscious. Dual process theory has

gained much attention throughout its existence and has branched out in multiple

directions (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Kahneman, 2011; Pennycock et al., 2015).

Evans and Stanovich (2013) argued that individuals utilize both intuitive (Type 1)

and analytic (Type 2) thought processes in decision-making. According to default-

interventionist theory, intuitive thought processes yield default responses wherein

spontaneous decisions occur. These spontaneous decisions will remain constant unless

analytic thought processes override those decisions (Thompson & Johnson, 2014).

Intuitive thought processes have distinct and paradoxical perimeters to analytic thought

processes (Blackburn, 2016). Intuitive thought processes are instinctive, immediate,

automatic, and nonconscious. Intuition is biased and associative because these thought

processes derive from experiences and personal beliefs. Intuition is contextual and

independent of cognitive ability (Evans & Stanovich 2015; Olds & Link, 2016). Analytic

thought processes are reflective, slow, deliberate, and can be tedious. Analytic thought

processes are considered to be higher ordered and more accurate. Analytic capacity may

be limited to available information and cognitive ability. Decisions made via analytic

thought processes are rule and experienced based (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Kahneman,

2011; Olds & Link, 2016). Contextual factors affect the use of, reliance on, and accuracy

of both intuitive and analytic thought processes. This inclusion makes it difficult to

determine whether one thought process correlates more positively with accuracy than the

other (Elbanna & Fadol, 2016).

In the study by Calabretta et al. (2017), the authors advocated for an acceptance of

the paradoxical relationship between intuitive and analytic thought processes.

Acceptance of the differences between these two thought processes will improve

decision-making based on collaboration. Intuitive and analytic thought processes are

both significant thought processes associated with decision-making. Accurate decision-

making may not require individuals to negate one thought process in acceptance of the

other. Mijovic-Prelec and Prelec (2010) further supported this concept of collaboration

of thought processes in a self-signaling game study wherein dual mindset mechanisms

resulted in accurate decision-making.

Theoretical evolution is unavoidable in psychological research. Dual process

theory is without exception. Researchers have dissected the components of dual process

theory resulting in additions, subtractions, and re-categorizations. Critics of dual process

theory argued these revisions have not clarified the theory and in fact have done just the

opposite (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). “We propose that the different two-system theories

lack conceptual clarity, that they are based upon methodological methods that are

questionable, and that they rely on insufficient (and often inadequate) empirical

evidence.” (Keren & Schul, 2009, p. 534). Despite any arguments to the contrary, dual

process theory based on the assumptions of Evans and Stanovich (2013), Kahneman

(2011), and Calabretta et al. (2017) efficiently theorize decisional thought processes and

served as a strong theoretical framework of this study.

Expected Utility/Rational Choice Theories

Expected utility and rational choice theories seek to provide explanations for the

way in which individuals make decisional choices. Utilitarian theory is the basis for

these theories. Utilitarian theory purported individuals make choices based on obtaining

utility or happiness. Expected utility and rational choice theories assume that though

there may be multiple options, one decision will result in greater utility (Herbert, 2015;

Pettigrew, 2016). Rational choice theory is based on three basic conditions;

completeness, transitivity, and maximization. Completeness refers to preference order;

meaning that one choice, even if slightly, is favored over the other (x > y). Transitivity

refers to the relationship of preferred order. This means that if decision X is preferred

over decision Y and decision Z is preferred over decision X then it is also preferred over

decision Y (z > x > y). Maximization conditions means that a person will decide on the

most preferred choice (Herbert, 2015). Expected utility states that individuals have

internal and external attitudes toward decision-making. Internal attitudes relate to

preference order, similar to completeness, and external attitudes refer to outcome desire

(Pettigrew, 2016).

Critics of these theories state that the exclusive goal of utility or maximum

wellbeing does not allow for the allocation of scientific activity. Meaning if everyone is

seeking maximum wellbeing how can maximum societal wellbeing be realized (Khalil,

2012). Many argue though that utility is not exclusively hedonistic (Herbert, 2015).

Decisions-makers make rational choices based on the most optimal outcome in relation to

the current situation. Individuals will calculate decisions by assessing probabilities and

determining how advantageous each probability is to the task-at-hand (Wallace, 2015).

The assumptions of utility and rational choice theories add to a solid theoretical

framework for this study on decisional thought processes of police detectives during

criminal investigations (Gintis, 2015; Herbert, 2015; Pettigrew, 2016).

Definitions

Analytic thought process: One of the two thought processes associated with

decision-making as described in dual processing theory. This thought process is

reflective, slow, and methodical (Evans & Stanovich, 2013)

Community pressure: The pressure society places on police detectives to

accurately and expeditiously process criminal investigations (Fahsing & Ask, 2013).

Conceptualization: A person’s reality based on his or her perceptions and

influenced by implicit and explicit contextual factors (Rubin & Rubin, 2012).

Contextual factors: Implicit and explicit factors that influence. With respect to

this study, these factors influence thought process use and reliance and include

perceptions, experiences, culture, gender, demographics, time-restraints, and

organizational and social pressures (Alison et al., 2013; Elbanna & Fadol, 2016).

Criminal investigations: Process wherein police detectives obtain evidence about

a particular crime (Dondo & Ormerod, 2017).

Decision-making: Refers to when detectives make a determination based on

multiple choices (Wright, 2013)

Investigative experience: Refers to the number of investigations police detectives

have completed (Wright, 2013).

Heuristics: Factor associated with intuitive thought processes causing reliance on

mental short cuts in investigative decision-making (Pogarsky, et al., 2017).

Inferential Intuitive thought process: One of the two thought processes associated

with decision-making as described in dual processing theory. This thought process is

nonconscious, immediate, and experienced based (Elbanna & Fadol, 2016).

Narrative inquiry: A qualitative methodology wherein data collection and

analysis result from participants’ personal narratives with the interaction of the researcher

(Clandinin, 2016).

Organizational culture: Refers to specific police department cultures based on

size, local, and legislature policies and procedures (Terpstra & Schaap, 2013)

Police detective: A police officer who has received specialized investigative

training and participates in criminal investigations (Terpstra & Schaap, 2013).

Reflectionist perspective: Analytic thought process activation wherein multiple

options are explored (Pennycock et al., 2015).

Societal wellbeing: Refers to when society is protected against harm (i.e. when

criminals are arrested and incarcerated); when society is improved (Kavanaugh, 2016)

Thought process designation: choice of intuitive or analytic thought process in

decision-making (Calabretta et al., 2017).

Utility: Refers to optimal outcome of police detectives’ decisions (Pettigrew,

2016).

Wrongful conviction: Inaccurate arrest, charge, and conviction of an individual

(Clow & Leach, 2013).

Assumptions

This study is reliant upon multiple assumptions pertaining to law enforcement,

law enforcement protocols, criminal behaviors, decisional thought processes, and

conceptualizations. Participants in this study were police detectives. This study assumed

that police detectives are educated and well trained in the specialized area of criminal

investigations. This specialization includes but is not limited to forensic knowledge,

criminal behaviors, investigative evidence processing, departmental protocols, and local

and state laws. This study assumed participants’ goals were to investigate crimes

accurately.

Based on the theoretical framework of this study, it was assumed that police

detectives have decision-making capabilities based on utility (Pettigrew, 2016). Police

detectives will instantaneously process, without forethought, the number, order, and

preference of available options. Police detectives make decisions on these available

options as well as how strongly he or she desires a particular outcome. It was assumed

that each investigative decision, however simple or complex, originated from police

detectives’ desires to reach optimal utility (Herbert, 2015; Pettigrew, 2016). It was also

assumed that optimal utility is not hedonistic. Optimal utility is equivalent to efficient

and accurate criminal investigations (Herbert, 2015).

The prominent assumption of this study was that individuals have dual thought

processes. These thought processes are intuitive and analytic (Evans & Stanovich, 2013;

Kahneman, 2011). This study assumed police detectives use both intuitive and analytic

thought processes and that both these thought processes are involved in investigative

decision-making (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013). Based on previous

research studies, this study was completed based on the assumption that there are

contextual factors associated with thought process use and reliance including experience,

expectations, time restraints, and decisional complexity. This study also operated under

the assumption that conceptualizations are individual perceptions that make up

individuals’ multi-faceted realties (Rubin & Rubin, 2012).

Limitations

Generalizability was the prominent limitation of this study due to methodology,

focus, and demographics. The methodology for this study is qualitative. Qualitative

research provides rich data, however, that data are individualistic (Ravitch &

Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). Conceptualizations were the focus of this study.

Conceptualizations are personal individualistic realties. These factors promoted quality

rich individualistic data that were inconsistent with generalizability of data. Participants’

culture, religious beliefs, moral compass, gender, age, and professional and personal

experiences may have affected data of this study (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl,

2016). Demographics was also a generalizability limitation in this study. Even though

participants were from differing law enforcement organizations within different states,

participants were only from the Pacific North and Southwest coasts. Data realized in this

study lack direct applicability in differing demographics (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Winston

et al., 2017).

Other possible limitations of this study revolved around the transpiring of time.

This study obtained data from police detectives’ experienced criminal investigations. As

these are past investigations, data were reliant upon each participant’s memory.

Although police detectives’ memories have shown superior to civilians, participants’

abilities to accurately recall memories may have had a significant effect on this study’s

data. In addition, people grow and evolve over time. The perceptions of participants at

the times of their interviews may not equate to their perceptions when they made their

investigative decisions. This perceptual difference may have affected the data collected

in this study (Lewinski et al., 2016; Vredeveldt et al., 2017).

Significance

This study is significant because it addressed gaps in research on decisional

thought processes of police detectives during criminal investigations. In studies on

decisional thought processes of police detectives, researchers primarily focused on

detectives within the United Kingdom, Norway, and other countries outside the United

States. Expanding research on investigative decisional thought processes to include

detectives within the United States addressed a current gap in literature. Expanding

research to include different locations is significant because demographics and culture

affect detectives’ decisional thought processes. This study provided data on United

States’ law enforcement organizational structure, culture, protocols, laws, policy, and

state versus federal implementation of criminal justice. This logistical expansion will add

to research data and possibly increase generalizability of data on police detectives’

decisional thought processes (Meissner, et al., 2014; Vallano et al., 2015; Verhoeven &

Stevens, 2012).

This study is also significant because it investigated both intuitive and analytic

thought processes of decisions made by detectives during investigations in which they

partook. Previous researchers of studies on inferential intuitive and analytic thought

processes have focused on these decisional thought processes either individually or in

contrast to each other (Calabretta et al., 2017; Rassin, 2016; Sahm & Weizacker, 2016).

This study focused on both inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes with no

pre-established hypothesis on contradiction or collaboration. In addition, previous

research studies involved hypothetical investigative scenarios. Participants’

conceptualizations in this study derived from criminal investigations detectives have

completed. The inclusion of lived experiences increased credibility of data (see Rassin,

2016, Wright, 2013). This qualitative study provided information-rich data on United

States’ police detectives’ conceptualizations of intuitive and analytic thought processes

centered on investigations in which they partook. Data from this study may provide a

better understanding of decisional investigative thought processes and identification of

detectives’ decisional thought processes that are inconsistent with accurate and efficient

criminal investigations (Olds & Link, 2016).

Summary

Accurate investigations have a significant impact on societal wellbeing (Clow &

Leach, 2013; Kavanaugh, 2016). Decisions made by police detectives during criminal

investigations have a significant impact on investigative accuracy (Wright, 2013).

Decisions consist of intuitive and/or analytic thought processes (Kahneman, 2011).

Intuitive thought processes are nonconscious and immediate while analytic thought

processes are conscious and reflective. Intuitive thought processes are subject to

illusions, biases, and heuristics. Analytic thought processes are reflective, can cause

cognitive strain, and are time consuming (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Pennycock et al.,

2015; Pretz, et al., 2014; Worrall, 2013). Internal and external factors are associated with

decisional thought processes. These factors regulate accuracy, use, and reliance (Winston

et al., 2017; Wright, 2013). Though researchers disagree on which thought process is

superior most concede to duality of use and reliance (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Fahsing

& Ask, 2013; Pennycock et al., 2015; Pretz, et al., 2014; Worrall, 2013; Wright, 2013).

This study obtained data that will provide a better understanding of United States police

detectives’ conceptualizations of these investigative decisional thought processes. A

better understanding of these conceptualizations may enhance investigative training and

education to increase efficient criminal investigations.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

Introduction

The decisions police detectives make during criminal investigations directly affect

the outcome of their investigations. Inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes

make up these decisions (Wright, 2013). Both of these thought processes are associated

with effective decision-making, however improper use and reliance is associated with

inaccuracies. Though one wrong decision may not negate an accurate investigation, one

wrong decision has the ability to misdirect subsequent investigative decisions resulting in

inaccurate investigations (Bookman & Innes, 2013). Decisional inaccuracies based on

investigative thought process errors are a significant reoccurring problem during criminal

investigations (Rossmo, 2016). Inaccurate investigative decisions can result in

nonapprehensions, longer investigations, societal discontent, suspect misidentification,

wrongful convictions (Kavanaugh, 2016).

Suspect misidentifications resulting in wrongful convictions are detrimental to

society for multiple reasons. The most obvious are the injustices experienced by the

wrongfully accused. Their arrests, prosecutions, and incarcerations result in their loss of

freedom and cause emotional and financial stresses. Even upon exoneration, exonerees

find it difficult to recoup a normal existence. Exonerated individuals continue to

experience financial burdens, emotional stressors, and public alienation. Exonerees find

it difficult to obtain employment based on their gap in employment while incarcerated.

The public devalues, criminally stigmatizes, pities, and ostracizes the wrongfully

accused. Wrongfully accused individuals do not regain their pre-incarceration lifestyles

upon exoneration and usually experience diminished existences (Clow & Leach, 2013).

Nonapprehensions, extended criminal investigations, misidentifications, and wrongful

convictions harm society in general. These occurrences result in financial losses to

taxpayers and diminish societal trust and faith in law enforcement and the judicial system

(Kavanaugh, 2016).

As this study was on the decisional thought processes of police detectives during

criminal investigations, it is important to notate that the responsibilities of police

detectives and investigative protocols have evolved significantly over the last several

decades. This evolution was a result of technological advances such as DNA analysis,

firearm identification, and single-digit fingerprinting. The advancement in investigative

protocols was also a result of an increased emphasis on human rights issues resulting

from past indiscretions and errors made by law enforcement officers. According to

Geberth (2015), most police detectives are now college educated and have extensive law

enforcement experience. These detectives are educated on the dynamics of human

behavior, modern technology, as well as local and federal laws. Law enforcement

agencies train police detectives to be aware of their own biases and prejudices and to

refrain from allowing interference. Law enforcement agencies also train police detectives

to be aware that the crimes they investigate will significantly impact victims, victims’

families, and society in general (Geberth, 2015).

Despite of these advancements, decisional inaccuracies by police detectives

during criminal investigations still occur (Rossmo, 2016). Detectives must make

decisions from the initial presentation of the crime scenes to the conclusion of the

investigations (Geberth, 2015). Researchers have shown that police detectives utilize

both intuitive and analytic thought processes when investigating crimes (Fahsing & Ask,

2013; Wright, 2013). Inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes can result in

both accurate and inaccurate decisions (Kahneman, 2011). Multiple contextual factors

affect decisional thought process accuracy, use, and reliance (Elbanna & Fadol, 2016).

Rassin (2016) purported the beneficial use of analytic thought processes in

criminal investigative decision-making and rejects the use of inferential intuitive thought

processes. Rassin acknowledged investigative decisions are not free of intuitive thought

processes; however, minimal intuitive thought process impact is required to avoid

heuristics, biases, and illusions. Investigative decisions must be explicable to ensure

accuracy and withstand the judicial process. Analytical thought processes accomplish

explicability. The ability to analytically process information makes human beings

superior from other species and as such supports the superiority of analytic thought

processes (Pennycock et al., 2015; Rassin, 2015).

Sham and Weizsacker (2016) disagreed with Rassin (2016) wherein they argued

inferential intuitive thought processes can outperform analytic thought processes.

Inferential intuitive thought processes, which result from experiences, can result in

accurate decision-making. Individuals also tend to utilize inferential intuitive thought

processes more often than analytic thought processes. Decisional thought processes start

intuitively, move toward analytic assessment, and then revert to intuitive thought

processes. Sahm and Weizsacker argued analytic thought processes are initially more

precise, however, with experience, intuitive thought processes can be more accurate.

Inferential intuitive thought processes are more advantageous than analytic thought

processes because reflection, time, and cognitive strain do not delay these thought

processes.

Wright (2013) acknowledged the importance of analytic thought processes during

criminal investigations but also found significant data supporting the use of inferential

intuitive thought processes. Wright found that police detectives rely upon inferential

intuitive thought processes at the initial presentation of crime scenes. At this point

detectives make immediate experience-based observations forming intuitive decisions.

Detectives either will accept these immediate intuitive decisions or chose to analyze

further. Though detectives may acknowledge the use of inferential intuitive thought

processes at the initial presentation of crime scenes, they advocate the use of analytic

thought processes to maintain an open mind and avoid biases.

Multiple contextual factors are associated with thought process usage in

investigative decision-making. These factors can influence the use of one thought

process over the other at inappropriate times that result in decisional inaccuracies. Ego,

biases, heuristics, cognitive ability, and compelling desires to solve crimes are implicit

factors that affect thought process usage (Elbanna & Fadol, 2016; Kahneman, 2011).

Explicit factors such as societal and organizational pressures, time constraints, and case

complexity may also influence decisional thought process usage. These contextual

factors may improperly influence the decisional thought processes of police detectives

resulting in an over reliance on one thought process over the other (Elbanna & Fadol,

2016; Evans & Stanovich, 2013).

Individual inborn proclivity to one thought processes over another may be another

factor associated with thought process usage. Pennycock et al. (2014) found that

individuals with high self-regard tend to over emphasize the accuracy of their intuition

and therefor rely too heavily on intuitive thought processes when making decisions.

Individuals with lower levels of self-regard underestimate intuitive abilities and rely more

on analytic thought processes in decision-making. Cognitive ability may also affect

thought process usage in decision-making. Individuals with higher cognitive ability

correlate with reflection, which coincides with analytic thought processes. Individuals

with lower cognitive abilities may not have the ability to reflect and thus rely on intuitive

thought processes more often. Thompson and Johnson (2014) disagreed that cognitive

ability relates to decisional thought processes. Thompson and Johnson (2014) argued

susceptibility to cognitive errors via inability or lack of desire to initiate the correct

thought process system is associated with decisional inaccuracies. This susceptibility

may result from laziness or lack of time to analyze situations. Individual proclivity to

thought process reliance may contribute to decisional inaccuracies by police detectives

during criminal investigations.

Decisions made by police detectives during criminal investigations significantly

affect investigative outcome. Improper reliance on intuitive or analytic thought

processes, regardless of the reason, may result in decisional inaccuracies (Elbanna &

Fadol, 2016). These inaccurate decisions may in turn influence the remainder of the

investigation and ultimately result in prolonged investigations, unsolved crimes, suspect

misidentifications, and wrongful convictions. Accurate decision-making is essential to

effective and accurate criminal investigations (Rossmo, 2016).

This study on police detectives decisional thought processes during criminal

investigations is significant to psychological research. Previous research studies have

produced mixed results on police detectives’ conceptualizations of intuitive and analytic

thought processes in relation to decisions made during criminal investigations. These

discrepancies call for further research on investigative decisional thought processes. In

addition, researchers primarily focused on police detectives outside the United States

(Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013). Law enforcement organizations

differ based on demographics and culture (Verhoeven & Stevens, 2012). Accepted

practices and protocols of law enforcement organizations within one demographic may

differ from law enforcement organizations within differing demographics (Meissner, et

al., 2014; Terpstra & Schaap, 2013; Villano et al., 2015). Finally, previous research

studies on decisional thought processes of police detectives center on hypothetical

criminal investigative scenarios. Minimal research studies exist that include past lived-

experiences of completed criminal investigations (Fahsing & Ask, 2013). This study

addressed these gaps in literature by obtaining an understanding of United States police

detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional thought processes during criminal

investigations personally experienced by participants.

The following sections are concerned with aspects of the literary review processes

for this study. The first section, titled “literature search strategy” pertains to the

strategies, techniques, databases, and information sources used to complete a thorough

review of literature in connection with intuitive thought processes, analytic thought

processes, theoretical and foundational frameworks, law enforcement protocols, and

criminal investigations. The subsequent section, titled “theoretical foundation” pertains

to the theoretical foundation of this study. This section will detail dual process theory,

which served as the foundational basis of this study as well as supporting theories, such

as expected utility and rational choice. This study also relied on the concepts of bounded

rationality, police culture, and anger attribution affect.

This literature review section begins with a full review of intuitive thought

processes. The review first details the description of intuitive thought processes also

referred to as system 1 thought processes according to the dual process theory

(Kahneman, 2011). Previous researchers disclosed identification of the benefits and

limitations of intuitive thought processes. The literature review section also discloses the

implicit and explicit factors associated with intuitive thought processes in relation to

decision-making. The literature review section also provided information relating to

heuristics, biases, and illusions associated with intuitive thought processes. Throughout

this section, I make connections between the literature and detectives’ investigational

decision-making.

The next section of the literature review provides a full appraisal of analytic

thought processes. This portion of the review details the description of analytic thought

processes also referred to as system 2 thought processes according to the dual process

theory (Kahneman, 2011). Research examples and studies will be detailed that have

resulted in data supporting the description, benefits, and limitations of analytic thought

processes. The connection between police detectives’ investigative decisions intertwines

with these thought processes throughout this section of the review. The literature review

section will provide examples of the contextual factors associated with analytic thought

processes and their relation to criminal investigative decisions.

Literature Review Strategy

Via literary research articles, books, and journals via database searches within the

Walden and University of Phoenix libraries, psychology and criminal justice databases

were searched. The focus of this computerized search was to identify current peer-

reviewed information on intuitive thought processes, analytic thought processes, strategic

decision-making, criminal investigations, detectives’ investigational decision-making

strategies, dual process theory, rational choice theory, heuristics, biases, illusions,

inattentional blindness, qualitative research, narrative inquiry, and any additional

pertinent psychological domains in connection with this study’s focus.

I accessed articles, journals, and book excerpts through different databases

through Walden University library and University of Phoenix library and accessed

psychology articles, journals, and book excerpts were accessed via EBSCO electronic

databases through the Walden Library. The databases used were psychINFO,

psycARTICLES, and ProQuest. Criminal justice articles, journals, and book excerpts

were obtained through SocINDEX and ProQuest databases through Walden library.

Psychology and criminal justice articles, journals, and book excerpts via 360Link from

the University of Phoenix library were also accessed. Literary data was also retrieved

from books required or suggested by instructors at Walden University. These books

consist of “Thinking Fast and Slow”, “Engaging in Narrative Inquiry”, “Narrative

Inquiry”, “Qualitative Research”, and “Intentional Interviewing and Counseling”.

EBSCO PsychINFO from Walden library’s databases were first accessed to

search the terms police and decision-making. The initial search was limited by peer-

review and five-year publication dates and resulted in 260 articles. The same search

words, with the same perimeters were then entered into PsycARTICLES. This resulted

in 60 articles. This processed was repeated in the criminal justice database, SocINDEX

and retrieved 149 articles. When ProQuest was searched, using the same Boolean

phrases and limitations, 20 articles were retrieved. The University of Phoenix library,

which is an accumulation of multiple databases, produced 11,814 articles with the search

terms police and decision making.

Because the focus of this study was on police detectives, it was necessary to

complete additional searches with the Boolean terms; detectives and decision-making.

EBSCO PsychINFO produced 13 results when limited by peer-review and five-year

publication dates. PsycARTICLES produced one article. I then entered the Boolean

terms detectives and decision-making into the criminal justice databases, with the same

limitations. SocINDEX resulted in six articles and ProQuest resulted in 20 articles. The

University of Phoenix databases produced 640 articles.

Intuition and analytical thought processes were also prominent subject matters to

this study and therefore a search using the Boolean phrases intuition and analytical

thinking was needed. All searches were limited by peer-review and publications within

the last five years. Using Walden library databases, PsychINFO produced seven articles,

PsycARTICLES resulted in two articles, ProQuest resulted in 52 articles, and SocINDEX

produced four articles. The University of Phoenix databases resulted in 546 articles.

When intuition and decision-making were searched within Walden library

databases, using the same limitations, PsychINFO resulted in 256 articles,

PsycARTICLES produced 76 articles, SocINDEX resulted in 122 articles, and ProQuest

provided 344 articles. The University of Phoenix databases produced 7,360 publications.

When analytical thinking and decision-making were searched via Walden library

databases. PsychINFO resulted in 12 articles, PsycARTICLES produced no finding,

SocINDEX resulted in four articles, and ProQuest resulted in 434 articles. The

University of Phoenix database resulted in 1,492 publications.

Additional Boolean terms and phrases in connection with this study were

searched via Walden library and University of Phoenix databases. These terms and

phrases, searched individually or in combination with other terms are as follows:

analytic, analytic thinking, analytic thought processes, intuition, intuitive thinking,

intuitive thought processes, dual process, investigation, criminal investigation, police,

detectives, heuristics, biases, illusions, inattentional blindness. In addition, I searched

authors’ names, including Kahneman, Stanovich, Calabretta, and Travesty.

Theoretical Foundation

The focus of this study was to explore decisional thought processes of police

detectives during criminal investigations. According to dual process theory, decisional

thought processes consist of intuitive and analytic thought processes (Kahneman, 2011).

Therefore, dual process theory aligned properly with this study and served as its

theoretical framework. Additional theories and conceptualizations, such as expected

utility, rational choice, bounded rationality, police culture, and anger attribution affect

also supported the theoretical framework of this study. The framework was supported by

the concepts and theories addressed in the following section.

Dual Process Theory

The premise of dual process theory is that individuals have two separate and

unique thought processes. Dual process theorists refer to individuals’ intuitive thought

processes as Type 1 or System 1 thought processes and individuals’ analytic thought

processes as Type 2 or System 2 thought processes (Kahneman, 2011). These thought

processes originate and operate in opposite ways (Calabretta et al., 2017). Intuitive

thought processes are nonconscious, immediate, and effortless. Analytic thought

processes involve reasoning, calculation, and result from conscious thought (Pennycock

et al., 2015). Intuitive thought processes yield default responses which some argue are

either accepted or rejected by analytic thought processes (Evans & Stanovich, 2013;

Kahneman, 2011). Although these systems are paradoxical, they can work

collaboratively in strategic decision-making (Calabretta et al., 2017).

Critics of the original dual process theory have caused adaptations and revisions

since its origination (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Pennycock et al., 2015). The

assumptions of Evans and Stanovich (2013) and Kahneman (2011) create the theoretical

framework for this study. The assumptions of dual process theory according to

Kahneman and Evans and Stanovich stated that individuals utilize both intuitive and

analytic thought processes when making decisions. Intuitive thought processes result

spontaneously and will remain constant unless individuals activate their analytic thought

processes. Analytic thought processes produce reasoning and analysis. Analytic thought

processes either endorse or reject intuitive thought process responses (Kahneman, 2011).

Researchers differ in their determinations on which thought process results in

increased accurate decision-making (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rossmo, 2016; Wright,

2013). Elbanna and Fadol (2016) stated that determining which system is more accurate

is difficult, if not impossible, because multiple contextual factors influence thought

process usage. Implicit contextual factors associated with dual process theory are

cognitive ability, beliefs, biases, and domain-specific experience. Explicit contextual

factors are time constraints, situational complexity, and outside pressures. Calabretta et

al. (2017) argued that although these systems are paradoxical, the collaborative

appreciation and use of both systems may increase accurate decision-making.

For the purposes of this study, the findings and assumptions of Calabretta et al.

(2017) added to dual process theoretical framework. Rather than focus on one thought

process’ value over the other, they found benefit in the appreciation of the paradoxical

aspects of each. Educated and collaborative use results from an awareness of each

thought processes characteristics. Collaborative use of inferential intuitive and analytic

thought processes improves accuracy in decision-making. Dual process theory with the

assumptions of Evans and Stanovich (2013), Kahneman (2011), and the paradoxical

model of Calabretta et al. provide a strong theoretical framework for this study.

Expected Utility/Rational Choice Theories

Decision-making refers to option choice, wherein an individual chooses one

option over another. As such, expected utility theory and rational choice theory

contributed to the theoretical framework of this study. Utilitarian theory is the foundation

for these theories. An assumption of utilitarian theory is that individuals make decisions

based on the amount of utility (happiness) they expect to receive. As both of these

theories derive from a utilitarian base, expected utility and rational choice theories

provide insight into the reasons behind decision-making. Expected utility and rational

choice theories assume individuals face multiple options when making decisions.

Individuals make decisions based on which option will result in greater utility (Herbert,

2015; Pettigrew, 2016). Rational choice theory purports that utility is rank ordered with

the highest order utility determining the decision (Herbert, 2015). Expected utility theory

purports internal attitudes such as preference and external attitudes such as outcome

desire influence decision-making (Pettigrew, 2016). This study assumes that expected

utility and rational choice theories are not solely hedonistic (Herbert, 2015). Optimal

utility is realized when decisions are made leading to accurate suspect identifications and

apprehensions. The assumptions of expected utility and rational choice theories added to

a strong theoretical foundation for this study wherein investigative decisional thought

processes of police detectives were explored.

Bounded Rationality

Police detectives usually receive little information when initially investigating a

crime. It is for this reason that the concepts of bounded rationality are applicable to this

study. Bounded rationality states that individuals make decisions prior to discovery of all

pertinent information and without full assurances of maximum achieved utility.

According to the concepts of bounded rationality, these rather immediate decisions may

result in accuracies, however, given time and additional information may prove to be in

accurate (Ross, 2014). Bounded rationality purports biases and beliefs may influence

these immediate reactionary thought processes. The concepts of bounded rationality are

applicable to the framework of this study because police detectives often are required to

make decisions when little information is available (Rossmo, 2016; Wallace, 2015).

Police Culture

Law enforcement officers operate within an organizational subculture wherein its

collectiveness helps protect its participants against the stressors and strains of job

requirements (Terpstra & Schaap, 2013). “The police culture is a distinct complex

ensemble of values, attitudes, symbols, rules, recipes, and practices” (Reiner, 2010, p.

116). This subculture trains its’ recruits uniformity in appearance, attitudes, and

behaviors, however not all police styles are homogenous. Law enforcement is a distinct

subculture wherein police officers must balance their authority and servitude to society

against the danger imposed upon them by that same society. A rather large division

exists between these two groups. This division exists because of multiple factors.

Danger experienced by law enforcement officers creates an in-group/out-group mentality.

Past indiscretions and mistakes committed by law enforcement officers, as well as the

power law enforcement holds over society in general aggravates this division. This

division has caused an “us versus them” mentality. Law enforcement subcultures reshape

the characteristics of law enforcement officers resulting in internal cohesiveness,

increased suspiciousness of out-groups, and focused attention on self-preservation

(Paoline, III, 2003). Law enforcement organizations operate with organizational

similarities however are not monolithic.

Anger Attribution Affect

Police detectives, like most individuals, may have a propensity to anger when

confronted with horrific crimes such as murder and sexual assaults. Though anger may

be a normal and an expected response, anger is a strong emotion and can misguide

decisional thought processes. Misdirected anger during criminal investigations may

result in dysfunctional decisional thought processes. Anger is an uncomfortable emotion

wherein rapid reduction or removal of the ill effects are primal. Misguided anger in

police detectives may attribute to rushed judgements in decision-making. This

unconscious rush to relieve the ill effects of anger can result in an over reliance on

intuitive thought processes. Misdirected anger can significantly influence accurate

decision-making capabilities of police detectives and therefore contributed to the

theoretical framework for this study (Wallace, 2015).

Literature Review

Intuitive Thought Processes

Some individuals equate intuition with supernatural-like powers or insights.

Exceptional results from these intuitive thoughts reaffirm their allure. A firefighter who

intuitively clears a room that explodes immediately after exiting or a physician who

accurately diagnoses on first-sight help maintain intuitive allure. Although the results of

these occurrences are incredible and based on expertise, these intuitive thought processes

are the same intuitive thought processes used by individuals in everyday life. An

individual’s ability to detect emotions, differentiate sounds, and maneuver a vehicle are

all examples of intuitive thought processes (Kahneman, 2011). Intuitive thought

processes are valid constructs within organizational sciences. This study focused on

experienced intuitive thought processes of police detectives that exceed basic intuition.

Researchers refer to these enhanced intuitive thought processes as expert or inferential

intuitive thought processes (Salas et al., 2010).

Expert or inferential intuitive thought processes result from domain-specific

experiences, expertise, and recognition (Kahneman, 2011; Salas et al., 2010; Wright,

2013). Inferential intuition occurs upon the presentation of a cue. This cue accesses

stored information within one’s memory and results in an answer to a presented question

(Kahneman, 2011). Inferential intuition results from extensive domain-specific

knowledge gleaned from experiences. This knowledge is conceptually organized and

stored within one’s sematic memory. Inferential intuitive thought processes produce

accurate decisions more often than basic intuitive thought processes (Wright, 2013).

The use of inferential intuitive thought processes is dependent upon multiple

factors. The experience of the decision-maker may affect the use of inferential intuitive

thought processes. Individuals with domain-specific expertise tend to rely heavier on

intuition than those with less domain-specific experience (Wright, 2013). Task

complexity not only effects intuitive thought processes in general but inferential intuitive

thought processes as well. A complicated task will increase inferential intuitive thought

process use (Salas et al., 2010). Pressure, whether it be organizational or time, has an

effect on inferential intuitive thought process use and reliance. A pressured individual

will tend to rely on inferential intuitive thought processes over analytic thought processes

to satisfy that pressure (Kahneman, 2011).

Inferential intuition is beneficial for a variety of reasons. Inferential intuition

allows for automaticity. Automaticity occurs when individuals repeatedly perform acts

that become instinctive. Individuals subsequently perform these repeated acts without

conscious thought. Automaticity frees up individuals’ cognitive processes allowing them

to focus on novel information. Inferential intuition also provides individuals with sense-

making and situational assessment abilities. Individuals can detect and identify problems

automatically and correlate explanations and rationales while quickly assessing

situations. These characteristic of inferential intuitive thought processes assist

individuals in accurate decision-making (Salas et al., 2010).

Police detectives rely on inferential intuitive thought processes during criminal

investigations (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Wright, 2013). Detectives’ inferential intuitive

thought processes consist of perceptual recognition processes that allow detectives to

assess crime scenes quickly (Kahneman, 2011; Wright, 2013). Inferential intuitive

thought processes can originate from knowledge that was once obtained analytically and

stored within one’s sematic memory. This once analytically gained knowledge is now

automatic allowing cognitive focus on new information (Salas et al., 2010). Data from

previous research studies on decisional thought processes supported the use of inferential

intuitive thought processes for some decision-making during criminal investigations

(Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Kahneman, 2011; Sahm & Weizacker, 2016; Salas et al., 2010;

Wright, 2013).

Some researchers theorized law enforcement officers have unique subconscious

thinking styles that allow them to make rapid and effective decisions. Law enforcement

organizations have accepted this concept (Skolnick, 2008; Worrall, 2013). Worrall

(2013) argued inferential intuitive abilities of law enforcement officers are a combination

of fear, suspicion, and experience. This combination enables detectives to make accurate

and expedited decisions based on little evidence. Skolnick (2008) proposed that

suspicion plays a primary role in police inferential intuitive skills. Skolnick stated

suspicion is a learned cognitive skill for danger recognition that transitions with

experience into intuitive thought processes. Worrall agreed with Skolnick regarding

inferential intuitive danger recognition. Worrall stated inferential intuitive abilities of

police detectives work as a defensive mechanism against the danger and unpredictability

of the profession that increase intuitive decisional accuracy (Worrall, 2013).

Intuitive thought processes are necessary in every day decision-making. Intuitive

thought processes generally produce accurate models of familiarity (Kahneman, 2011).

The short-term predictions of intuitive thought processes produce appropriate reactions to

routine challenges (Andrzejewska, et al., 2013). Inferential intuitive thought processes,

gained through domain-specific experience and expertise, increase accuracy in intuitive

thought processes (Elbanna & Fadol, 2016; Wright, 2013). Individuals effectively use

inferential intuition in decision-making. According to Worrall (2013) and Skolnick

(2008), police detectives have increased inferential intuitive abilities resulting from the

complexities of their jobs. Inferential intuitive thought processes can be effective and

contribute to accurate decision-making (Salas et al., 2010).

Because intuitive thought processes can be beneficial, use and reliance on these

thought processes in decision-making could result in significant cognitive errors.

Intuitive thought processes are subject to illusions, heuristics, and biases. Illusions occur

when individuals see or perceive something that is not there. Heuristics are mental short

cuts that can assist in expediting decisions but omit reflection of all pertinent information.

Biases consist of emotions and internal beliefs rather than facts. Illusions, heuristics, and

biases can cause systematic errors resulting in inaccurate decision-making (Kahneman,

2011).

Visual illusions occur when individuals see things inaccurately. Error

identification is very difficult in visual illusions because individuals conditionally believe

in what they see (Kahneman, 2011). The Muller-Lyer geometrical illusion is one of the

most effective visual illusion examples that illustrates what one visually perceives is not

always reality (Howe & Purves, 2005). Visual illusions occur based on distortions of

visual cues (Hamburger, 2016). Intuitive thought processes are susceptible to visual

illusions because of the characteristics of intuition (Hamburger, 2016; Kahneman, 2011).

Intuitive thought processes readily accept, without question, presented visual information.

Once intuitively accepted visual cues becomes perceptual realities regardless of whether

or not those perceptual realities are accurate (Kahneman, 2011).

Cognitive illusions are false beliefs (Yarritu et al., 2015). Cognitive illusions

occur when contradictory information is presented to individuals’ learned thought

processes or stored memories. Individuals refuse to accept any contradictory information

(Kahneman, 2011). Cognitive illusions serve a purpose in environmental adaptation

however interfere with individuals’ abilities to acquire evidence-based information. Race

perceptions are prime examples of cognitive illusions effecting detectives’ decisional

thought processes. Detectives, who have pre-established negative beliefs of a certain

race, may automatically view individuals within that race as more suspect than

individuals outside that race. Intuitive thought processes influenced by cognitive illusions

will omit evidence in conflict with internal beliefs that may result in unfounded

prejudices and inaccurate investigative decision-making (Yarritu et al., 2015).

Even though experience can increase the effectiveness of intuitive thought

processes, experience can also hinder the accuracy of intuitive thought processes.

Individuals tend to normalize experiences when they repeatedly encounter like-kind

experiences. The mere fact that the experience or thought process has become

normalized diminishes objectivity resulting in the omission of alternate details. The

Moses Illusion illustrates this concept. Researchers asked participants how many animal

pairs Moses loaded onto the arc. Most participants answered incorrectly stating two. It is

common knowledge that Noah not Moses loaded the arc. Intuitively processed answers

ignored normative details resulting in cognitive errors (Kahneman, 2011). Experienced

police detectives, who rely on intuitive thought processes, may normalize criminal

investigations, causing oversights of details and decisional inaccuracies (Wright, 2013).

Heuristics are mental shortcuts that allow individuals to reduce cognitive load

when making decisions (Kahneman, 2011). Heuristics enable individuals to expedite and

simplify the decision-making process. Reduction of cognitive load via process

simplification is a common goal of many decision makers (Pogarsky et al., 2017;

Savolainen, 2016). Heuristics access experienced-based stored information. Even if

loosely applicable, individuals will access this stored information when making decisions

(Savolainen, 2016). Though these mental shortcuts effectively accelerate the decision-

making process, heuristics can significantly affect the accuracy of intuitive thought

processes and decision-making (Kahneman, 2011). Data from previous research studies

have shown heuristics have improperly influenced decisions made by police detectives

during criminal investigations (Dietz & Ramsland, 2012; Wallace, 2015).

Availability heuristic occurs when individuals face complex situations and rely

upon previously stored information to make decisions (Cassidy & Buede, 2009). This

information must be easily retrieved and simply relate to the current situation.

Individuals rely on information based on recall ease (Geurten et al., 2015). Individuals

who employ availability heuristic will correlate similarly experienced events with their

current situation to ease the cognitive load of decision-making. Employment of

availability heuristic may result in simulation when situational similarities do not

necessarily exist (Cassidy & Buede, 2009). Availability heuristic also causes assumption

and omission of pertinent present information (Bruin et al., 2016; Kliger & Kudryavtsev,

2010). Intuitive decisions, influenced by availability heuristics, may result in systematic

errors because the unique factors associated with current experiences may go ignored or

uninvestigated (Kahneman, 2011).

Representativeness heuristic involves conclusions based on how individuals

describe or label an event, place, or person. The representation of the event, place, or

person influences decisional thought processes to fall in line with the representation.

Focus on the representation negates recognition of pertinent facts (Laibson &

Zeckhauser, 1998). Representative heuristic influences individuals to ignore probability

outcomes due to similarity judgements. Representative heuristic can cause police

detectives to make decisional errors in dealing with witnesses, suspects, fellow law

enforcement officers, and the public in general. Representativeness can improperly

influence intuitive thought processes causing generalizations and assumptions resulting in

cognitive systematic errors (Ridley et al., 2017).

Affect heuristic refers to a tendency of individuals to base intuitive decisions on

individual affect pools. Affect refers to individuals’ feelings or emotions toward a

particular subject, person, or event. Emotionally charged situations discount logical

thoughts and are vulnerable to affect heuristic (Siegrist & Sutterlin, 2014). Individuals’

likes and dislikes directly influence individuals’ judgements causing little to no

deliberation or reasoning (Bruin et al., 2016). Affect heuristic cause individuals to rely

on internal beliefs rather than evidence or facts (Savolainen, 2016; Siegrist & Sutterlin,

2014)

Anchoring heuristic refers to individuals’ tendencies to allow outside information

to influence decision-making. Presentation of outside information (anchor) influences

subsequent decision-making wherein decisions made in the absence of the anchored

information would be different (Jasper & Ortner, 2014). In criminal investigations, initial

presentations of evidence can anchor ensuing thought processes of police detectives.

This anchoring of information makes deviation difficult even when that deviation is

warranted (Savolainen, 2016). Inaccurate initial evidence during criminal investigations

may cause decisional errors based on the influence anchored information have over

subsequent information (Dietz & Ramsland, 2012).

Inferential intuitive decisions made with the employment of satisficing heuristic

are vulnerable to cognitive errors. This vulnerability occurs because the first plausible

option available to individuals directs quick decision-making (Willman-Livarinen, 2017).

Satisficing heuristic occurs when individuals generate and settle on sufficing solutions

that are possible but not always probable or factual. Employment of satisficing heuristic

will cause individuals to ignore the possibility of other scenarios in order to expedite

resolutions. Individuals will rely on quick satisfying solutions rather that decisions based

on facts. Individuals accomplish cognitive ease but not necessarily cognitive accuracy

(Dondo & Ormerod, 2017).

Biases are strong suggestions of the mind that can be favorable or unfavorable

toward people, events, or situations. Biases, whether cognitive or motivational, deviate

from the normative rule of probability. Cognitive biases are internal judgements that

direct thought processes toward decision-making that violate normative rule.

Motivational biases are a combination of conscious and subconscious distorted thought

processes and result from self-interests, social pressures, or organizational contexts

(Montibeller & Winterfeldt, 2015). These distortions originate from unquestioned and

unverified information. Individuals have a tendency to exaggerate consistency of their

biases. Police detectives’ decision-making are susceptible to their personal biases as well

as biases created by and within law enforcement subcultures (Dondo & Ormerod, 2017).

Confirmation bias is associated with investigative decision-making cognitive

errors. Confirmation bias occurs when individuals settle upon prematurely established

theories. Individuals will choose to ignore information that falls outside predetermined

theories (Wallace, 2015). Selective thinking will ensue with subsequent thought

processes. Selective thinking refers to individuals’ tendencies to refute information,

consciously or unconsciously, that is inconsistent with established hypotheses.

Confirmation bias occurs because of the pressures associated with information

processing. Confirmation bias aides in decision-making when decisions are complicated

or restricted by constraints. Confirmation bias also occurs as a protection measure for

self-esteem. Information that is similar to individuals’ beliefs will reinforce those beliefs

and produce feelings of rightness. Information that is in conflict with individuals’ beliefs

will bring strife and therefore be rejected (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2016). Police

detectives with less experience appear to be more susceptive to confirmation bias (Dondo

& Ormerod, 2017). Confirmation bias within criminal investigations may result in

omission of evidence, misinterpretation of ambiguous information, and minimization of

inconsistent evidence (Rossmo 2016; Wallace, 2015)).

Expectancy violations bias and guilt bias are two additional domain-specific

biases that may affect decisional thought processes of police detectives during criminal

investigations. Expectancy violations bias occurs when individuals tend to judge others

negatively when those individuals behave outside the norm. Police detectives assigning

interest to a suspect based on unexpected emotional reactions may be a result of

expectancy violations bias (Burgoon et al., 2008). Guilt bias is excessive presumption of

guilt in others. Police detectives, because of their organizational culture, have a tendency

to disbelieve others. This guilt presumption increases instances wherein this bias may

negatively influence investigative decision-making (Dondo & Ormerod, 2017).

Expectancy violations bias and guilt bias may create perceptual distortions that deter

logical thought processes and result in cognitive errors in decision-making (Reich, 2013).

Kahneman (2011) refers to intuitive thought processes as being in a state of

cognitive ease. Little to no ambiguity exists in intuitive thought processes. Intuitive

thought processes are immediate, effortless, self-affirming, and familiar. These

characteristics of intuition increase individuals’ reliance on intuitive thought processes.

Intuitive thought processes are an essential element of effective decision-making but do

not always produce accurate decisions in and by themselves. Inferential intuition are

intuitive thought processes based on experience and expertise. Inferential intuition is

more effective than intuition in general (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Salas et al., 2010; Wright,

2013). Though intuitive thought processes can prove beneficial in decision-making,

intuitive thought processes have limitations. Intuition is subject to illusions, heuristics,

and biases. These factors have the ability to influence negatively the accuracy of

intuitive decision-making thus reducing confidence the psychological research

community may have in intuitive thought processes (Dondo & Ormerod, 2017;

Kahneman, 2011; Rossmo, 2016).

Analytic Thought Processes

Analytic thinking is one of the primary characteristics that differentiates human

beings from other species (Pennycock et al., 2015). Analytic or system 2 thought

processes require vigilance, cognitive ability, and time (Rossmo 2016). Analytic thought

processes require effort and result from the unmet demands of system 1 (Kahneman,

2011). Cognitive strain associated with analytic thought processes often discourages its

use. It is simpler to rely on intuitive thought processes because it requires no cognitive

effort (Kahneman, 2011; Pennycock et al., 2014). Analytic thought process decisions are

not emotion nor bias based. Analytic decisions are fact- and evidence based and

therefore supported and promoted in criminal investigations (Rassin, 2016).

One of the primary functions of analytic thought processes is to monitor and

regulate the suggestions of intuitive thought processes to avoid cognitive errors

(Andrzejewska et al., 2013; Kahneman, 2011). Individuals who support default-

interventionist theory believe individuals initially make intuitive decisions by default and

unless these individuals activate analytic thought processes, intuitive decisions remain

constant (Kahneman, 2011; Thompson & Johnson, 2014). Individuals have the option to

endorse or question their intuitive thought processes. One famous study of analytic

thought process activation consisted of the bat and ball puzzle. In this study, researchers

asked Ivy League university students the cost of a ball when the bat was one dollar more

than the ball and the total cost was $1.10. A large number of those educated students

answered incorrectly. The students who answered incorrectly chose to endorse their

intuition rather than invest in analytic thought processes to verify the answer. The

students who answered correctly accessed analytic thought processes to resist incorrect

intuitive decisions. This particular study was significant to this study because it

demonstrates the ease in which educated individuals avoid the use of analytic thought

processes to avoid cognitive stain (Kahneman, 2011).

Cognitive ability has been associated with analytic thought process use and

reliance in differing ways (Pennycock et al., 2015; Sullivan et al., 2005; Thompson &

Johnson, 2014). Some theorize high cognitive capacity reasoners are more capable of

engaging in analytic thinking over lower cognitive capacity reasoners. This increased

reliance results simply from higher cognitive abilities. Others argued that both high and

low cognitive capacity reasoners have equal accessibility. However, higher cognitive

capacity thinkers choose to access analytic thought processes more often because their

higher cognitive ability results in increased accurate decisions (Thompson & Johnson,

2014). Still others state characteristics of cognitive capacity reasoners effect thought

process use. High cognitive capacity reasoners base decisions primarily on logic wherein

low cognitive capacity reasoners primarily base their decisions on beliefs (Pennycock et

al., 2015). Based on these studies, police detectives who are educated individuals with

high cognitive capacity would rely on analytic thought processes more often (Sullivan et

al., Rosen, & Schulz, 2005).

Cognitive ability is also associated with conflict detection. Conflict detection

occurs when individuals realize possible inaccuracies exist in their intuitive thought

processes. The identification of possible inaccuracies causes activation of analytic

thought processes. Individuals with higher cognitive abilities tend to identify conflict

more often than do individuals with lower cognitive abilities. Conflict identification is an

important aspect of decisional thought process accuracy because unidentified intuitive

inaccuracies will remain consistent (Stanovich & West, 2008).

Conflict detection, which is associated with higher cognitive ability and increased

analytic thought process use, is also associated with decreased feelings of rightness

(FOR). FOR is a characteristic of intuitive thought processes, wherein individuals feel

their intuitive thought processes are more accurate than not. FORs cause overconfidence

and overreliance on intuitive thought processes and rejection of transition to analytic

thought processes. FORs consist of beliefs and ego that make it difficult for individuals

to dismiss (Thompson & Johnson, 2014). FORs can contribute to confirmation bias

wherein detectives discredit factual data that are inconsistent with initial hypotheses

(Wallace, 2015). Analytic thought processes allow for a rejection of FORs and focus on

evidence-based data (Thompson & Johnson, 2014).

During criminal investigations police detectives must maintain unbiased and

nonjudgmental thought processes even in the presence of horrific and emotionally

charged crimes (Sullivan et al., 2005). Visceral and unwavering intuitive responses

ensue when individuals experience emotionally disgust-based events. This emotional

response increases FORs making the transition to analytic thought processes difficult

(Pennycock et al., 2014). Analytic thought processes reduce emotion-based decisions but

are not exempt from the detrimental effects of emotions. Emotions deplete cognitive

resources and distract attention thus disturbing proper cognitive allocation to analytic

thought processes. Accurate decisional thought processes in emotion-based situations

require strict adherence to analytic reasoning (Tremoliere et al., 2016). The use of

analytic thought processes allows individuals to resist emotional affect and reflect on

possible alternative hypotheses (Pennycock et al., 2015).

Analytic thought processes reduce collective culpability attribution. Collective

culpability attribution is a significant phenomenon related to criminal investigations.

Collective culpability attribution occurs when individuals assume guilt in others because

of their mere association with or proximity to wrongdoers. This can be a significant

problem within law enforcement with the abundance of gang related crimes. Analytic

thought processes reduce the intuitive impulse to blame collectively individuals without

evidence of their personal wrongdoing (Kwan & Chiu, 2014).

Though analytic thought processes prove more accurate than inferential intuitive

thought processes, analytic thought processes are subject to cognitive errors. Analytic

thought processes require attention. When individuals are required to divide attention,

analytic thought processes may fail resulting in inaccurate decision-making (Kahneman,

2011). Inattentional blindness is a pervasive perceptual phenomenon associated with

analytic thought processes. Inattentional blindness occurs when individuals become

blind to objects and events that are outside their focused attention. Simons and Chabris

(1999) completed an interesting naturalistic study on inattentional blindness called the

Invisible Gorilla Experiment. Researchers asked participants to focus and count ball

throws. Approximately forty-two seconds into the counting a woman dressed in a gorilla

costume walked through the ball throwers, banged her chest, and then walked off.

Approximately forty-six percent of participants did not see the gorilla. Not only did these

participants not see the gorilla, they refused to believe the occurrence when presented

with evidence (Simons & Chabris, 1999).

Inattentional blindness effects decisional thought processes of law enforcement

officers. In 1995, a police detective was chasing an armed suspect. His full focus and

attention were on the fleeing suspect. While chasing this suspect, this police detective

ran past a brutal assault. When called to testify about that assault the police detective

stated he had no knowledge of the assault. Authorities charged this detective with

perjury. Regardless, this detective affirms his testimony, which some theorize to be a

result of inattentional blindness (Chabris et al., 2011). Chabris et al. (2011) used this

case scenario as the basis for their naturalistic study on inattentional blindness. When

participants experienced a similar situation, sixty-five percent of participants did not see

the altercation in nighttime settings and fifty-six percent of participants did not see the

altercation in daytime settings. Cognitive errors in analytic thought processes can occur

when individuals are fully focused on one particular event or scenario wherein their

focused attention is required elsewhere (Kahneman, 2011).

Analytical thought processes, by their basic characteristics, are a hindrance to

their use. Analytic thought processes are effortful and require attention and cognitive

ability. Individuals tend to gravitate toward cognitive ease, which is inconsistent with

analytic thought processes (Kahneman, 2011). Analytic thought processes are time

consuming. In an environment of political, social, and institutional pressures, individuals

will often discard time-consuming analytic thought processes for quicker intuitive

thought processes (Pennycock et al., 2014). Analytic thinking reduces individuals’

feelings of rightness and reduces confidence. Individuals’ egotistical need to feel right

and increase confidence results in reduced use of analytical thought processes (Thompson

& Johnson, 2014).

Summary

This chapter contained reviewed literature on intuitive and analytic thought

processes as well as how these thought processes related to decisional thought processes

of police detectives during criminal investigations. This review covered the benefits and

detriments of both intuitive and analytic thought processes and the contextual factors

associated with their use (Brogaard, 2014; Calabretta et al., 2017; Olds and Link, 2016;

Pennycock et al., 2015; Pretz et al., 2014; Worrall, 2013). This chapter also contained

information on the structural framework for this study. Dual process theory provided the

theoretical framework for this study based on the assumptions of Evans and Stanovich

(2013), Kahneman (2011), and Calabretta et al. (2017). This chapter provided

information on theories and concepts supporting the theoretical foundation for this study.

These theories and concepts consisted of expected utility, rational choice, police culture,

bounded rationality, and anger attribution.

The dual use of intuitive and analytic thought processes in decision-making by

police detectives during criminal investigations was supported by the literature reviewed

in this chapter (Akinci & Sadler-Smith, 2013: Pennycock et al., 2015; Rassin, 2016;

Wright, 2013). Although previous researchers have reached a consensus in the dual use

of thought processes in decision-making, differences in the applicability, accuracy, and

contextual factors existed within the reviewed literature. Some researchers found police

detectives acknowledged the use of both thought processes and that both thought

processes are uniquely beneficial to decision-making (Pennycock et al., 2015; Wright,

2013). Other researchers found a complete rejection in the use of intuitive thought

processes during criminal investigations stating evidence-based analytic thought

processes produce primarily accurate decisions (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016,

Rossmo, 2015). The ambiguity of thought process use and reliance extracted from

previous research studies provided a need for further research on police detectives’

conceptualizations of both intuitive and analytic thought processes as they relate to

criminal investigative decision-making.

Previous literature reviewed in this chapter provided extensive information on

intuitive thought processes. Intuitive thought processes have a distinct role in decision-

making. Intuition provides immediate, effortless, and nonconscious responses to

situations (Worrall, 2013). Intuitive thought processes save time when dealing with

routine daily functions. It would be an ineffective use of time and cognition to access

analytic thought processes for every faced decision during one’s life (Kahneman, 2011).

Domain-specific experiences increase intuitive thought process use, reliance, and

accuracy. Expertise-based intuition can assist in criminal investigations by expediting

initial crime scene analyses (Wright, 2013). However, intuitive thought processes are

subject to biases, illusions, and heuristics that can negatively affect decisional accuracy

(Kahneman 2011).

Paradoxical to intuitive thought processes, analytic thought processes are

calculated, effortful, and time consuming (Calabretta et al., 2017). According to default-

interventionist theory, individuals initially call upon analytic thought processes to

endorse or reject decisions reached by intuitive thought processes (Kahneman, 2011;

Thompson & Johnson, 2014). Analytic thought processes are evidentiary based and

therefore supported within law enforcement and judicial systems (Rassin, 2016; Worrall,

2013). Though decisions made via analytic thought processes are not always accurate,

analytic thought processes tend to result in accuracy more often than intuitive thought

processes (Rassin. 2016; Rossmo, 2016). Analytic thought processes are subject to

inattentional blindness that negatively affect accurate decision-making (Kahneman,

2011). However, the main deterrents of analytic thought process usage may lie in the

contextual factors associated with its use. Societal and organizational pressures as well

as situational complexities, and cognitive strain hinder thought process use and reliance

(Penny, Cheyne, Barr, Koehler, & Fugelsang, 2014).

Intuitive and analytic thought processes have specific purposes. Each thought

process can result in accurate and inaccurate decisions. Multiple contextual factors

strongly influence thought process use and reliance (Elbanna & Fadol, 2016; Kahneman,

2011). Regardless of which decisional thought process is activated, inappropriate use of

or reliance on either thought process increases systematic errors. Research on decisional

thought processes in relation to police detectives is compelling but not complete.

Significant gaps in research currently exist in relation to investigative decisional thought

processes resulting in a need for additional research studies (Sahm & Weizacker, 2016;

Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013).

This chapter also provided current literary researcher data on the subcultural

environment of law enforcement organizations and how inclusion within this subculture

affects decisional thought processes (Geberth, 2015). Law enforcement officers have a

distinctive role within society wherein they must protect and serve a public that may

bring them harm. The danger experienced by law enforcement officers exists as an

underlying and constant theme that has shown to effect thought process use and reliance.

The unique subculture of law enforcement organizations serves yet another contextual

factor associated with investigative decisional thought processes (Paoline III, 2003).

The introduction to this chapter provided information on the detrimental effects of

inaccurate investigative decision-making by police detectives. Erroneous decision-

making is one of the primary causes of inaccurate investigations. Erroneous investigative

decisions result in suspect misidentification, nonapprehensions, and wrongful convictions

(Rossmo, 2016). Suspect misidentifications, nonapprehensions, and wrongful arrests and

convictions negatively affect societal wellbeing. These consequences result in harm to

the wrongfully accused, victims, and society as a whole. Inaccurate criminal

investigations diminish societal trust in law enforcement and the judicial system.

Erroneous investigative decisions, which result in inaccurate criminal investigations,

represent a significant hardship to society (Close & Leach, 2013).

Research to date on decisional thought processes by police detectives during

criminal investigations is limited. It is actually surprising that more research studies have

not taken place based on the significant impact that law enforcement have on society. A

gap in literature exists pertaining to detectives’ conceptualizations of thought processes

utilized in investigative decision-making (Pennycock et al., 2015; Rassin, 2016; Rossmo,

2016; Wright, 2013). An abundance of research studies exists on decisional intuitive

thought processes, decisional analytic thought processes, and contextual factors

associated with each of these thought processes. However, much less research exists

with respect to these thought processes and police detectives’ during criminal

investigations. Even less research exists in relation to detectives’ conceptualizations of

decisional intuitive and analytical thought processes during criminal investigations.

A significant gap in research exists on decisional thought processes of police

detectives within the United States. Most research studies have taken place in countries

outside the United States (Brookman & Innes, 2013; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016;

Wright, 2013). This study addressed this gap in research by exploring United States

police detectives’ conceptualizations. This study of police detectives specifically within

the United States was significant because the thought processes of police detectives in

different demographics and cultures have shown variance. Demographics and culture are

factors that affect decisional thought process research data and therefor completing

research on differing populations is beneficial (Meissner, et al., 2014; Vallano et al.,

2015; Verhoeven & Stevens, 2012).

Another significant gap in literature is detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional

intuitive and analytic thought processes during criminal investigations in which they

partook. Literature in this chapter provided insight into hypothesized crime scenes or

criminal investigations in general (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rossmo, 2016; Sahm &

Weizacker, 2016; Wright, 2013). This study sought to understand detectives’

conceptualizations of their decisional intuitive and analytic thought processes made

during criminal investigations in which they partook. Data retrieved on actual decisional

thought processes made during actual completed investigations provided valuable

interpersonal data rather than data assumed from hypothesized scenarios.

Literature reviewed in this chapter supported the dual use of intuitive and analytic

thought processes in decisions made by police detectives during criminal investigations

(Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Sahm & Weizacker, 2016; Rossmo, 2016; Wright, 2013). This

chapter provided literature that supported the problem, purpose, and significance of this

study. This study provided a better understanding of United States police detectives’

conceptualizations of decisional intuitive and analytic thought processes used during

criminal investigations in which they partook. Data from is study may aid in enhancing

education and training techniques to increase decisional accuracy by police detectives

during criminal investigations. Increased accuracies in investigative decision-making by

police detectives may assist in the reduction of injustices and assist in increasing societal

safety and confidence in law enforcement (Olds & Link, 2016).

Chapter 3 contains information relating to this study’s methodology, data

collection, and data analysis. Chapter 3 provided information that substantiated that this

study aligned within the criterion for a qualitative study. The following chapter contains

information regarding this study’s participants and sampling strategies. It also contains

data on the materials, measurements, and instruments used in data collection and

analysis. Chapter 3 ends with a discussion on this study’s ethical considerations and the

safeguards implemented to maintain beneficence.

Chapter 3: Research Method

Introduction

The purpose of this qualitative study was to obtain a better understanding of

United States police detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional inferential intuitive and

analytic thought processes during criminal investigations in which they partook.

Previous researchers have not adequately studied United States police detectives’

conceptualizations of these decisional thought processes. Previous research studies have

primarily taken place outside the United States and focused on hypothetical criminal

investigations (Akinci & Sadler-Smith, 2013; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Sahm & Weizacker,

2016; Wright, 2013). Lack of adequate research provides a need for further exploration

into the conceptualizations of decisional thought processes made during criminal

investigations United States detectives personally experienced.

This chapter details the procedural protocols for this study addressing police

detectives decisional thought processes during criminal investigations. This chapter

begins with the research question addressing this study’s phenomenon that guided this

study. The chapter provided comprehensive details of the procedures associated with this

study. These procedures consist of methodology, design, population and sample,

materials and instruments, data collection, data analysis, and ethical considerations of this

study. Observance to the procedural protocols established in this chapter assisted in

addressing the research question associated with this study.

Research Question

Research Question: How do United States police detectives conceptualize

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in investigative decision-making?

Research Method and Design

Qualitative methodology is applicable to studies wherein researchers seek

personalized in-depth information-rich data. As I sought to explore individual

conceptualizations of decisional thought processes rather than generalizations, a

qualitative methodology provided proper alignment. Within qualitative studies there are

five basic methodologies; ethnography, narrative, phenomenological, grounded, and case

study (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). Conceptual data from the lived-experiences

of police detectives were sought in this study. Participants exposed their lived

experiences via their stories of experiences in decision-making during criminal

investigations in which they participated. The best-suited qualitative method for

obtaining this type of data was narrative inquiry (see Clandinin, 2016; Clandinin &

Connelly, 2000; Kohler-Riessman, 2008).

A narrative inquiry methodological approach was appropriate to address the

research question “How do United States police detectives conceptualize inferential

intuitive and analytic thought processes in investigative decision making?” Narrative

inquiry is a twentieth century development based on realist, postmodern, and

constructionist perspectives. Narrative inquiry is based on Dewey inspired pragmatic

assumptions of experiences. Dewey argued experiences interact with situations, have

continuity, and are perceptual. Dewey inspired assumptions state that researchers must

understand each individual participant as a whole to understand the individual’s story.

An understanding of experiences involves exploring an individual’s perspective of reality

based on the factors that shape that individual’s perception or individualistic reality

(Clandinin, 2016).

The ontological commitments of narrative inquiry consist of the study of human

experiences wherein human experiences are continually evolving. Human experiences

are personal, subjective, and relational. Narratives told by participants are not merely

one-dimensional. Narratives are transactional with the researcher and evolve with the

conversational back and forth between researcher and participants (Clandinin, 2016).

The epistemological commitments of narrative inquiry are two-fold. An individual’s

narrative is not a faithful representation of reality independent of participant and

validated experiences through living, telling, and retelling produce comprehensive

knowledge (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000).

Narrative inquiry stresses the importance of the narrators. Meanings are placed

on narrators’ specific to their cultures, demographics, linguistics, familial statuses,

education, institutions, and so forth. These factors are significant to understanding

participants’ narratives because these factors help shape the perspectives or

conceptualizations for which the stories were legitimized (Clandinin, 2016; Kohler-

Riesman, 2008). Individuals’ perceptions are on a continuum. The events individuals

experience at one point in their lives may be perceived differently at another point in their

lives. These perceptual transitions result from situations individuals have experienced in

the interim. Perceptual experiences are relational to feelings, events, and people,

including the researcher (Clandinin, 2016). Previous narrative study researchers have

also found participants will improvise elements of their narratives if they perceive

judgments or uncertainties. The mere presence of the researcher becomes a relational

factor in participants’ narratives (Kohler-Riesman, 2008).

Narrative inquiry involves a collaborative effort between participants and the

researcher. The researcher plays an active role in the telling, retelling, and reliving of the

stories. The researcher’s perspectives and experiences will affect depiction of

participants’ stories, no matter how organic the researcher seeks to keep the stories

(Kohler-Riessman, 2008). The collaborative interview process between participants and

the researcher in the telling and retelling of experiences will evolve the narrative to

expose participants’ truth and retold stories (Clandinin, 2016).

The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore police detectives’

conceptualizations of decisional thought processes during criminal investigations. A

narrative inquiry approach was used to discover these detectives’ conceptualizations of

the use of inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes when making decisions

during criminal investigations. Narrative inquiry aligned best with this study because

subjective and personal narrations of experienced criminal investigations we sought.

Narrative inquiry allowed for the retrieval of quality rich data based on experiences

related to the phenomenon associated with this study (Kohler-Riessman, 2008).

Population and Sample

Qualitative studies focus on individualistic quality rich data rather than quantity

or generalizability of data. The intent of qualitative research is to extract, interpret, and

report on this study’s phenomenon (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). Sampling must

be representative of these qualitative goals. The focus and intent of qualitative research

typically results in smaller and more purposeful sampling (Guetterman, 2015). Purposive

sampling was used in this study to maintain proper alignment to address the research

question regarding United States police detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes during criminal investigations.

Conceptualized data of decisional thought processes originated from a specific

population (police detectives). A purposive sampling was required to address properly

the research question because this study had specific characteristics and objectivity. In

purposive sampling, the researcher identifies participants for the study based on their

ability to answer the research question. Some may view this as a disadvantage as issues

related to researcher bias and dependability of data can occur. To defend against these

obstacles and increase credibility, safeguards were established (Barusch et al., 2011). A

researcher identity statement is attached as Appendix B. Researcher identity statements

provide detailed synopses of researchers exposing any potential biases (Ravitch &

Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). In addition, an audit trail was created. Audit trails are

descriptive steps taken from the beginning to the end of studies and include researchers’

decisions made throughout the studies. Audit trails allow for accountability,

transparency, and increased credibility (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

There are different strategies of purposive sampling. Research studies are not

limited to just one strategy and often sampling strategies will overlap (Van Rijnsoever,

2017). This flexibility and variability of sampling is one of the benefits of purposive

sampling. Maximum variance sampling or heterogeneous sampling best aligned with this

study. Heterogeneous sampling seeks to obtain a broad spectrum of perspectives related

to the phenomenon (Guest et al., 2006). I sought to obtain conceptualizations based on

experiences and perspectives of a diverse population of participants to reach inductively

ideas addressing the phenomenon. The focus was on the perspectives of participants not

the participants themselves (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). In addition to

heterogeneous sampling strategy, snowball sampling was applicable in this study.

Snowball sampling occurs when participants refer individuals to the researcher who may

add to the study (Guest et al., 2006). Referral participants also partook in this study.

Determining sample sizes for qualitative studies can be complicated,

controversial, and convoluted. There is no one answer to address the number of

participants needed in qualitative studies (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

Qualitative sampling sizes are dependent upon multiple factors. The research question,

data collection, data analysis, and availability of resources direct sample sizes (Creswell,

2013). The key is to choose an appropriate number of participants that adequately

address the research question (Guetterman, 2015).

Some qualitative researchers measure participant size based on theoretical

saturation. Theoretical saturation occurs at a point when no new information, codes, or

concepts emerge (Guetterman, 2015; Van Rijnsoever, 2017). Van Rijnsoever (2017)

suggested that more is not always better in qualitative research participation. His

findings supported the use of no more than fifty participants in qualitative studies. Guest

et al. (2006) tested saturation levels and realized 92% theoretical saturation after

interviewing only twelve of the sixty participants in their purposive sampling qualitative

study.

Narrative inquiry is laborious and time consuming (Clandinin, 2016; Kohler-

Riessman, 2008). Time and cost limitations influence sampling sizes in these types of

studies. Guetterman (2015) found in his meta-analytic study of sampling sizes that

previous narrative inquiry research studies reached theoretical saturation with as few as

two participants, however on average thirty participants were adequate to reach

saturation. Participants’ subcultures and cultural confidences also effect theoretical

saturation. According to Guest et al. (2006) theoretical saturation can be reached with

small sampling sizes in studies where purposive sampling involved specific subcultures

wherein participants displayed cultural confidence.

Taking into consideration this study was qualitative via narrative inquiry with

purposive sampling of participants within a specific subculture with cultural confidence;

the sampling consisted of eleven participants. I originally estimated the sample size to be

between ten to fifteen participants. Merriam (2009) suggested sample sizes be listed in

approximation when completing proposals to allow for any needed variance. Theoretical

saturation occurred in this study with eleven participants.

Participants in this study were gender nonspecific police detectives. The

detectives had varying years of experience in criminal investigations. Participants came

from different sociocultural backgrounds. Participants work or have worked within law

enforcement organizations in different demographical areas along the Pacific North and

Southwest Coasts. Participants came from small and large law enforcement

organizations servicing both large and small populations. Demographics effect law

enforcement subcultures and as such interviewing police detectives from different

demographics lessened the generalizability limitation and increased transferability of data

in this study (Winston et al., 2017).

Instrumentation and Materials

The interview process allows the opportunity for one person to step into the

experiences of another to gain insight into that person’s reality. Narrative inquiry is only

achieved when the collaboration of ideas and perspectives are verbalized via the

interview process (Clandinin, 2016). “The skilled questioner and attentive listener know

how to enter into another’s experience” (Patton, 2015, p. 421). This study consisted of

face-to-face individual interviews of police detectives with the researcher. These

interviews connected the phenomenon addressed in this study to participants’ lived

criminal investigative experiences as well as how these participants constructed and made

sense of their realities. The interview process is an expected instrument in qualitative

research because it allows for the unification and integration of well-developed

contextualized experiences (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

Interviews for this study consisted of semi structured open-ended questions. Semi

structured pre-established questions asked of all participants during the interview process

established collective organization and collaboration. To maintain individuality and

conversational flow, the sequence in which participants were asked these questions

varied. This is an important instrumental feature of this study because narrative inquiry

requires flexibility in story telling (see Clandinin, 2016). Flexibility in question

sequences allowed for in-depth narratives told in the manner in which participants desired

(see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). The semi structured questions assisted in

initiating and maintaining the interview process in a systematic manner (see Ravitch &

Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). Conversational style dialogues were achieved using open-

ended questions that encouraged the evolution of information indicative of narrative

inquiry (see Kohler-Riessman, 2008).

Narrative inquiry is a collaboration of ideas and perceptions that evolve into

participants’ told stories (Clandinin, 2016). Participants were able to direct the interview

to expose their personalized stories with the use of follow up questions specific to their

stories. Because this direction of the interviews was unknown when I established

research protocols, the inclusion of individualized follow up questions was necessary.

Follow up questions were not uniform, pre-established, and evolved based on the

information provided by participants. The use of spontaneous follow up questions

catered to the uniqueness of each interview (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner- Carl, 2016).

I utilized multiple forms of instrumentation to document the interviews for this

study. All interviews were audio recorded. Audio recording enabled the subsequent

review of data for analysis purposes (Saldana, 2016). Though audio recording is

essential for interviews in qualitative research, its use can cause anxiety in participants.

Participants are aware of the monetarization, which can affect their narrations (Ivey et al.,

2014). An audio recorder serves as a visual reminder of this monetarization. Easing

participants is essential to create the conversational style interview required in narrative

inquiry (Clandinin, 2016). A Livescribe Echo smart pen was the audio recording device

used in this study and reduced the continual awareness of monetarization. The audio

recorder is located in the smart pen and I informed all participants that the pen was the

audio recording device. The removal of a visual recording apparatus created and

maintained a relaxed interviewing environment (see Ivey et al., 2014).

In addition to audio-recording interviews, I took journaled notes of observational

data during each interview. The journaled notes provided an additional data source.

Observational data are important because not all information is verbal. Participants will

often express their emotions and meanings nonverbally. Pauses in speech, facial

expressions, and body language can provide informative data (Ivey et al., 2014; Kohler-

Riessman, 2008). Audio data, as well as observational data, were significant sources of

data in this study. The combination of these data sources triangulated data. Triangulated

data increase credibility in qualitative studies because it provides an additional source of

verification (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

Data Collection

Data were collected addressing the research question for this study via narrative

inquiry. Participants exposed their personal lived experiences, as these experiences relate

to decisional thought processes during criminal investigations, via this approach.

Participants told their complete stories of past criminal investigations in which they

partook. Participants’ stories identified their investigative thought processes throughout

those investigations. Participants and I obtained the re-storying of experiences through

collaboration. This collaboration exposed descriptive conceptualizations of detectives’

decisional thought processes during criminal investigations.

Participants in this study consisted of 11 police detectives with varying degrees of

law enforcement and investigative experiences and within different demographics. I

assigned each participant with a number to ensure participants’ confidentiality and

interviewed each participant individually. Interviews lasted between twenty-five and

ninety minutes. The interviews lasted as long as was needed to reach its goal. The

interviews consisted of two sections; the telling and then retelling of decisional thought

processes made during criminal investigative experiences.

In the first section of each interview process, I asked each participant the same

pre-established question to initiate narratives. Participants were able to answer the

question as fully as they desired. This section of the interview process was without

interruption or input, with the exception of slight acknowledgements of understanding or

brief clarifications. Allowing participants to speak unabridged and without interruption

produced raw data in reference to the research question (Ivey et al., 2014).

The second section of the interview process consisted of an interplay between

participants and myself. Participants were asked pre-established and spontaneous follow

up questions in reference to participants’ previously told stories. This allowed for

elaboration of narrations and effected retellings of the stories. The retellings of stories

increased exposure to overlooked experiences, feelings, emotions, and thoughts (see

Clandinin, 2016). The collaborative retellings of the stories clarified perspectives and

conceptualizations (see Kohler-Riessman, 2008). Participants’ retellings of their

investigative experiences and decisional thought processes with researcher interaction

provided significant data to address this study’s research question.

Data Analysis

Data analysis methods for narrative inquiry vary depending on the research

question and focus of the study (Clandinin, 2016). Thematic analysis is one of the most

commonly used methods in narrative inquiry studies. Thematic analysis deals with the

content of the narrator’s story and strives to keep that story intact. The focus of analysis

is solely on what participants say in their narratives. Data were sought to obtain police

detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional thought process use and reliance during

criminal investigations. I sought detectives’ conceptualizations of lived experiences so

thematic analysis aligned best with this focus. Thematic analysis uncovered the themes

of each participant’s lived experiences based on their spoken words. Thematic analysis

resulted in a final summation of similarities and differences across all participants’

narratives (see Kohler-Riessman, 2008).

Thematic data analysis began with transcripts of the audio-recorded interviews. I

analyzed each transcript individually on its own merit to isolate and organize relevant

episodes into chronological and biographical accounts and then thematically summarized

these episodes. Unlike qualitative coding wherein chunks of data are broken down into a

word or small stance, thematic summarization involves brief one to two sentence

summaries of the theme directly derived from texts. Thematic summaries are synopses of

overall meanings participants were conveying. After analyzing all transcript individually,

thematic summaries, underlying themes, general patterns, and ranges in variations across

all interviews were identified (Kohler-Riessman, 2008).

Credibility or trustworthiness in qualitative studies is much different from validity

and reliability in quantitative studies. Quantitative validity and reliability are measured

with scientific and mathematical statistics. Qualitative credibility, also referred to as

trustworthiness, is not as finite (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). A credible

qualitative study results from strict methodological structure in data collection and

analysis. In order to strengthen the credibility of this study and increase narrative

coherence and competence, interview transcripts were also structurally analyzed.

Structural analysis focuses on how the narrator told the story which results in the overall

theme of the narration segment (see Kohler-Riessman, 2003). To structurally analyze the

transcripts, I labeled thematically analyzed significant segments of participants’

narratives. These labels consisted of the point of the story, orientation, complicating

action, evaluation, resolution, and coda (ending). This attention to structure served as a

triangulation measure of data because it generated information that either reinforced or

contradicted thematic analysis findings. Making analytical sense of both convergent and

divergent data, via structural analysis, helped increase the credibility of this study (see

Kohler-Riessman, 2008).

Thematic and structural analysis are effective methods of data analysis for

narrative inquiry studies. Thematic analysis focused on what participants said in their

narratives. Structural analysis focused on how participants narrated their stories. The

dual use of these analysis methods provided triangulation of data that increased this

study’s trustworthiness (see Kohler-Riessman, 2008). The dual use of these data analysis

methods provided insights into participants’ conceptualizations of decisional thought

processes during criminal investigations in which they partook.

Ethical Considerations

Psychological research requires ethical guidelines and practices to avoid

intentional and unintentional harm. Unethical research practices and procedures can

result in harm to participants and contamination of data. Ethical considerations in

qualitative research studies are multifaceted and complex requiring focus on procedural

and relational aspects of the study (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). Research

procedures were established in this study to prioritize participants’ safety, wellbeing, and

privacy. The procedures established for this study abided by the ethical requirements of

Walden University’s internal review board to avoid participant malfeasance and to

promote participant beneficence.

Participants within qualitative studies open themselves to researchers and share

their experiences in relation to the study’s phenomenon. Researchers must take the

responsibility of receiving the stories of these experiences seriously (Clandinin, 2016).

Healthy relationship cultivation is necessary throughout the interview process to show

respect for participants and their stories. Equity-oriented relationships are essential in

qualitative research. It is ethically important for researchers to ensure participants of

their equality within the researcher-participant relationship (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl,

2016). Correspondence and dialogue with participants in this study was respectful. I

showed appreciation for the profession of law enforcement and for participants’ efforts

and time. Likewise, to maintain balance, the same respect for the researcher was

expected and realized. Any unbalance of equities might have diminished the authenticity

of stories and truthfulness of data. Respectful rapport-built relationships were essential to

this qualitative research study, adhered to ethical considerations, and enhanced this

study’s credibility (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

Ethical considerations and guidelines are needed that relate directly to the

researcher because the researcher plays a significant role in qualitative research.

Qualitative researchers must maintain an open mind and appreciate differences to effect

quality research. Continual researcher self-reflection will help accomplish this and is

ethically beneficial in qualitative research. It is impossible for researchers to be bias-free,

because individuals consist of their experiences, cultures, and upbringings. These factors

create perceptions, conceptualizations, prejudices, and biases (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-

Carl, 2016). To avoid ethical issues related to researcher-bias, I drafted a researcher

identity statement (Appendix B), prior to the commencement of this study. This

researcher identity statement addressed my perceptions, possible biases, and

conceptualizations that relate to this study’s topic that may bias data collection and

analysis. The researcher identity statement also served as a self-checking measure

throughout this study to dissuade personal biases and prejudices from tainting

participants’ narratives (see Barusch et al., 2011). Quality qualitative research results

when researchers look within themselves reflectively to acknowledge personal

perceptions and biases (Kohler-Riessman 2008).

Transparency and honesty are ethical foundations of qualitative research.

Informed consent relates directly with these two factors. Prior to participation, it was

imperative to disclose accurately to all participants the purpose, procedures, and

requirements of this research study. The informed consent document for this study

included time requirements, participation entailment, risks and benefits, confidentiality,

and data dissemination. The consent document also informed participants that their

participation was voluntary and could be rejected or terminated at any time (see Ravitch

& Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). Each participant was provided with a copy of the informed

consent document approximately one week prior to participation to allow time for full

review. Each participant was required to sign the informed consent document before

participation within this study. The executed consents have been electronically stored

and the files are password protected.

Confidentiality is another essential ethical component of qualitative research.

Confidentiality allows participants to tell freely their stories without fear of disclosure,

embarrassment, or retribution (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). To ensure

confidentiality in this study, each participant was designated a numerical code so as not

to disclose participants’ names. Participants’ names in relation to their numerical code

are stored electronically and the file is password protected. Third parties, including

transcription services, did not have access to the participant ledger. As certain

demographics are applicable to this study; participants’ locals, ages, genders, and

experience may be disclosed but have only been referenced in relation to their numerical

coding. These measures helped address any ethical considerations in relation to

confidentiality in this study (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

Summary

This chapter contained in-depth procedural protocols to address the phenomena of

investigative decisional thought processes of United States police detectives. The

procedural protocols of this study included methods and design, population and sample,

instrumentation and materials, data collection, data analysis, and ethical considerations.

This chapter provided detailed information regarding the protocols for this study. These

protocols were in proper alignment for a qualitative study. Adhering to the procedures

and protocols established in this chapter assisted in retrieving information-rich data from

participants that created a credible qualitative research study.

This study was qualitative as it sought to explore individual United States police

detectives’ conceptualizations. Conceptualizations consisted of participants’ perceived

beliefs based on their personal experiences, feelings, and emotions. Individual

conceptualizations of participants consisted of their perceived truths and not necessarily

factual truths. Factual truths were irrelevant to this qualitative study because information

sought focused on participants’ perceived truths (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

This study sought to extract conceptual truths from the lived experiences of participants.

Narrative inquiry was an effective method to extrapolate data and explore investigational

experiences to obtain a better understanding of police detectives’ decisional thought

processes (see Kohler-Riessman, 2008).

Data were collected for this study via audiotaped, individual face-to face

interviews. The conversational style interviews consistent in narrative inquiry were

comprised of semi structured open-ended questions. The semi structure aspect of the

interview questions maintained procedural structure. The open-ended aspect of the

interview questions allowed for freedom of storytelling (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl,

2016). This study consisted of 11 participants. Participants were a purposive sampling

of gender nonspecific police detectives of different ages, within different demographics,

and with varying degrees of investigative experience.

Upon completion of all interviews, participants’ narratives were thematically and

structurally analyzed. Thematic analysis focused on what participants said in their

narratives. Structural analysis focused on how participants told their narratives. A dual

analysis approach resulted in triangulated data and increased trustworthiness of this

study. Although each narrative stands on its own story, through thematic and structural

analysis of the narratives, convergent and divergent themes emerged (Kohler-Riessman,

2008). These themes may help identify factors that are not conducive to accurate

investigative decisional thought processes of police detectives during criminal

investigations.

In conclusion, a credible qualitative research study is dependent upon structured

methodological practices that adhere to trustworthy and ethical practices (Ravitch &

Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). As shown in this chapter, this study was procedurally

structured with properly aligned components. Safeguards were established to decrease

researcher bias via a researcher identity statement and audit trails and increase

trustworthiness in data analysis through triangulation. In addition, protocols were

established to adhere to ethical considerations to protect participants, their stories, and

this study’s trustworthiness. This qualitative study, via narrative inquiry and with

thematic and structural analysis methods, extrapolated police detectives’ narratives of

decisional thought processes during criminal investigations in which they partook. The

following chapter provides detailed information about the results of this study.

Chapter 4: Results

Introduction

The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore United States police

detectives’ conceptualizations of inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in

relation to decisions made during criminal investigations. Narrative inquiry was the

method used to explore these investigative decisional thought process conceptualizations.

Data from this study may expand current scientific literature on investigative decisional

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes. The following research question

guided this study was:

Research Question: How do United States police detectives conceptualize

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in investigative decision-making?

This chapter consists of data collection from in-depth individual interviews, data

analysis with triangulation, and decisional conceptualization results of this study. In this

chapter data collection settings, demographics, and participant summaries, as well as

procedures used in data collection and analysis was described. Trustworthiness of this

study and data analysis results were also addressed.

Context of Study

Once Walden University’s Internal Review Board approved this study (IRB

Approval Number 12-27-18-0501007) the recruitment process began with retired police

detectives. Introduction emails were sent with a copy of the recruitment flyer (Appendix

D) to retired police detectives requesting their participation in this study. When retired

police detectives responded with their agreement to participate, informed consent letters

were provided for their review and approval. Interview locations and times were

subsequently established.

Data collection for currently employed police detectives began once law

enforcement supervisors provided executed letters of cooperation (Appendix E) and

Walden University’s IRB approved these letters. It was imperative to obtain letters from

supervising law enforcement officials authorizing participant solicitation from active-

duty police detectives for this study. I located appropriate law enforcement personnel

who had authority to approve participation and sent emailed letters requesting

cooperation. Included with the cooperation agreement was a brief synopsis of this study.

One department approved participation based on this documentation and emailed the

executed cooperation agreement. The other police department requested additional

clarification regarding intended interview questions and verification of confidentiality

regarding suspects’ names and locations. The supervisor was reassured that suspect

and/or witness names nor investigative outcomes were necessary for this study. The

supervisor agreed to participation and emailed back the executed cooperation agreement.

Upon Walden University’s IRB approval of said cooperation agreements, recruitment of

active police detectives began.

Requests for participation emails were sent to active-duty police detectives. Some

requests were accepted, some were rejected for various reasons, and some participants

never responded. Some detectives referred other police detectives who may wish to

participate in this study. These referrals resulted in additional participation. To comply

with confidentiality requirements, information pertaining to referring or referred

participation were not disclosed. All participants who agreed to participate in this study

were accepted. Times and locations of interviews were subsequently established.

Participant Descriptions and Demographics

Participants consisted of eleven police detectives from areas within the Pacific

North and Southwest Coasts. Participants consisted of ten men and one woman with a

mean age of 49.73 years. The mean number of years participants worked in law

enforcement is 20 years. The mean number of years participants acted in the capacity of

police detectives is 9.41 years. Participants in this study served small, medium, and large

populated areas. The majority of participants worked consistently within the same

demographical area for most of their careers. There were no participants with law

enforcement experience in both small and large populated areas. Participants were

experienced in a variety of criminal investigations; burglary, theft, domestic violence,

narcotics, gang-related crimes, child physical and sexual abuse, sexual assault, and

homicide.

Table 1

Participants

Participants Law enforcement Law enforcement Primary

demographics experience / investigative

Investigative type

experience (years)

Participant 1 Large metropolitan 25/12.5 Robbery/theft

area homicide

Participant 2 Small-medium 25/22 Homicide

populated area

Participant 3 Small rural area 16/3 Robbery/theft

homicide/swat

Participant 4 Small rural area 23/8 Narcotics

Participant 5 Small rural area 21.5/8 Robbery/drug

enforcement/

homicide

Participant 6 Small rural area 25/8 Robbery/drug

enforcement/

homicide

Participant 7 Small rural area 23/8 Narcotics

Participant 8 Small rural area 21.5/8 Child

physical/

sexual abuse

Participant 9 Large metropolitan 27/15 Gang related

area crimes

Participant 10 Large metropolitan 17/6 Narcotics/

area assault/gang

related crimes

homicide

Participant 11 Large metropolitan 19/5 Domestic

area violence

Participant 1.

Participant 1 is a college educated male retired police detective who retired

approximately two years ago. His law enforcement experience consisted of 25 years.

His entire law enforcement career took place within a large metropolitan area. He was a

police detective for a period of approximately 12.5 years. Participant 1 investigated a

variety of criminal investigations including robbery, theft, gang violence, and homicide.

Participant 2.

Participant 2 is a retired police detective with 25 years’ experience in law

enforcement. His law enforcement career took place in a small town; however, many of

his criminal investigations took place in mid-sized populated areas. He was a detective

for the majority of his law enforcement career and retired approximately 23 years ago.

Participant 2 investigated a variety of criminal investigations, however, primarily handled

homicide investigations.

Participant 3.

Participant 3 is an active-duty police officer with 16 years’ experience in law

enforcement. His law enforcement career has taken place in a small rural town. He was

a criminal investigative detective for approximately three years. Participant 3

investigated a variety of criminal investigations, including theft, robbery, homicide, and

swat.

Participant 4.

Participant 4 is an active-duty police detective with 23 years’ experience in law

enforcement. He has eight years criminal investigative experience. His law enforcement

career has taken place within a small rural town. Participant 4 has investigated a variety

of criminal investigations; however, his primary investigative experience is in narcotics

and drug enforcement.

Participant 5.

Participant 5 is an active-duty police officer with 21.5 years’ experience in law

enforcement. His law enforcement career has taken place in small to medium populated

towns. He was a criminal investigative detective for eight years. Participant 5 has

investigated robbery, drug enforcement, and homicide criminal investigations.

Participant 6.

Participant 6 is an active-duty police officer with 25 years’ experience in law

enforcement. His career has served towns with small to medium populations. Participant

6 was a criminal investigative detective for eight years. Prior to becoming a police

officer, he was in the military. Participant 6 handled a variety of criminal investigations

including robbery, drug enforcement, and homicides.

Participant 7.

Participant 7 is an active-duty police detective with 23 years’ experience in law

enforcement. He has eight years’ experience in criminal investigations. Participant 7’s

law enforcement career has taken place in a small rural town. Participant 7 has

investigated multiple types of crimes; however, his primary and current experience is in

narcotics crimes and drug enforcement.

Participant 8.

Participant 8 is an active-duty police officer with 21.5 years’ experience in law

enforcement. Her career has taken place within a small-populated town. She was a

criminal investigative detective for eight years. Participant 8 investigated multiple types

of crimes; however, she predominantly investigated child physical and sexual abuse

cases.

Participant 9.

Participant 9 is a retired police officer with 27 years’ experience in law

enforcement in a large metropolitan area. He was a police detective for 15 years. Prior

to entering law enforcement, he was in the military. Participant 9 has been retired for

approximately 12 years. Participant 9 investigated gang-related crimes that consisted of

vandalism, narcotics, assault, and homicide.

Participant 10.

Participant 10 is an active-duty police officer with 17 years’ experience in law

enforcement. He has six years’ experience as a detective. His law enforcement career

has taken place in a large metropolitan area. Participant 10 investigated a variety of

crimes including narcotics, assault, gang-related crimes, and homicide.

Participant 11.

Participant 11 is an active-duty police detective with 19 years’ experience in law

enforcement in a large metropolitan area. He was a police detective for five years. Prior

to becoming a police officer, he was in the military. Participant 11 has investigative

experience in domestic crimes consisting of violence, restraining orders, and child

abductions.

Settings and Procedures for Data Collection

All interviews took place at locations and times of each participant’s choice.

Interviews for two of the retired participants took place in their respective homes. The

third retired participant’s interview took place in enclosed offices via Skype due to

logistics. The remainder of the interviews consisted of active-duty police detectives.

These interviews took place in participants’ respective police departments within private

enclosed conference rooms or interrogation rooms. There were no interruptions during

any of the interviews. I personally completed all interviews with participants. Interviews

with currently employed detectives took place while officers were on and off duty.

Supervisors provided permission to on duty participants to participate in interviews. The

interviews with on duty participants did not interfere with participants’ work obligations.

All participants confirmed they were comfortable within their interview settings and no

participants expressed stress or discomfort during the interviews.

The interviews began with participants reviewing and signing consent forms

(Appendix A). Participants were asked if they had any questions about the consent forms

and were reminded the interviews were confidential and voluntary. Participants where

shown the recording device, which was a LiveScribe pen, prior to interviews beginning.

Participants did not express any objections to the recording device or to the fact that

interviews were to be recorded. Participants were then briefed on the study and were

asked to describe a criminal investigation in which they partook. Initially, a few

detectives had difficulties deciding on or remembering particular cases. In these

instances, participants were asked to reference a hypothetical case, which eventually led

to memories of actual cases. I took observational notes of nonverbal cues during the

interviews. At the conclusion of each interview, participants’ questions were addressed

and they were thanked again for their time and contributions to this study. Thank you

notes with 10 dollar coffee gift cards were mailed to the retired police detectives after

their interviews were completed. Active duty participants were presented with coffee gift

cards at the conclusion of the interviews. One police department did not allow active

police detectives to accept gift cards and in adherence with this supervisorial instruction,

those participants refused the gift cards.

Data Analysis

Narrative research data analysis involves the determination of emergent themes

through an evolutionary process. The researcher must be aware of all aspects of

participants’ stories from the beginning unabridged stories, through researcher interaction

in the retelling of stories, to the final retold collaborative stories (Clandinin, 2016). This

form of analysis occurs in stages, wherein each stage evolves into the next (Kohler-

Riessman, 2008). Participant interviews were analyzed separately and independent of

each other to establish emergent conceptualized themes. The emergent themes from

individual interview analyses were then compared and contrasted to establish

collaborative themes. In following this procedural format, individualistic themes and

collaborative comprehensive themes were established.

While waiting for the transcription of audio interviews, data analysis first began

with listening to the recorded interviews. This audible review provided familiarization

with the interview experiences and establishment of notes referring to significant

information. Upon receipt of the written interview transcripts, I compared written

transcripts with the audio files and made required adjustments. Analysis of the written

transcripts resulted in comprehensive summaries for each participant. These summaries

consisted of each participant’s demographic details, observational notes, thought process

consistency, thematic analysis notes with applicable quotes, structural analysis notes with

applicable quotes, and a list of conceptual themes established from thematic and

structural analysis methods.

Review of interview transcripts first consisted of identifying inferential intuitive

and analytic thought processes in participants’ initial stories and notating the frequency of

each decisional thought process. This analysis provided an introduction into participants’

conceptualizations of decisional thought processes. After the establishment of this

conceptual baseline, I thematically analyzed initial stories told by participants notating

themes and identifying substantiating quotes. The next step of transcript analysis

involved the re-telling of stories wherein researcher interjection had taken place. During

the retelling portion of interviews, participants were asked questions regarding

investigation details and perceptions of decisional thought processes. Participants’

responses were thematically analyzed and emergent themes along with substantiating

quotes were notated. The combination of established emergent themes from initial

stories and perceptual emergent themes from the retelling of stories established overall

conceptualizations. This resulted in the final retold stories that produced comprehensive

summaries of individualistic conceptualizations.

Data were triangulated via structural analysis of participants’ interviews.

Thematic analyses of narrative data are concerned with what participants say in their

stories. Structural analyses of narrative data are concerned with how participants tell

their stories. This secondary analysis helped measure thematic analysis accuracy.

Structural analysis entails separating informative segments of participants’ stories into

stanzas. These stanzas usually have at least one abstract, orientation, action, resolution,

and coda (see Kohler-Riessman, 2008). I structurally analyzed participants’ stanzas from

their interviews in the telling and retelling of their investigative stories. Structurally

analyzing stanzas that occurred at different times during the interviews, with and without

researcher integration, provided a broad spectrum for analysis (see Clandinin, 2016).

This secondary structural analysis measure confirmed, added to, and contradicted

thematic analysis findings of participants’ stories.

After thematic and structural analysis of data, emergent themes of each were

added to participants’ individual summaries. Divergent themes established through

structural analysis were notated in participants’ individual summaries. Participants’ all-

inclusive summaries were then compared and contrasted collaboratively to established

collective comprehensive emergent themes. This final review of triangulated data of all

participants’ summaries led to the formation of comprehensive emergent themes related

to investigative decisional inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes.

Evidence of Trustworthiness

Procedures within this study relating to credibility, transferability, dependability,

and confirmability established trustworthiness in this study (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-

Carl, 2016). The research question for this study directed data collection and analysis

upon the completion of an extensive literature review and establishment of a theoretical

framework. These procedures assisted in the establishment of trustworthiness.

Additional procedures, such as purposive sampling, verbal and transcribed interviews,

saturation, in-depth descriptors, and saturation also assisted in the establishment of

trustworthiness.

Credibility

Credibility in qualitative research equates to internal validity of data in

quantitative research. Data are foundational to research studies and therefore must be

valid to substantiate the results and solidify the study (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl,

2016). To ensure the accuracy of data in this study, all interviews were recorded. At the

end of each interview, audio recordings were transferred and saved separately and

securely in Echo Desktop. Echo Desktop audio files were then electronically forwarded

to a professional transcription company. The transcription company returned the

transcripts in separate Microsoft word document files that were electronically and

securely stored. I personally reviewed the written transcripts against their respective

saved audio files and made corrections as needed to ensure accuracy for data analysis.

Transferability

Transferability in qualitative research refers to the degree to which the results

from this study may be applicable to other situations and populations (see Terpstra &

Schaap, 2013). Qualitative research, especially narrative qualitative research, typically

consist of small purposive sampling sizes that may hinder generalization. To increase

transferability, the setting, participants, demographics, and findings of this study were

descriptively disclosed. Verbatim participant quotes were also provided. The results of

this study may be generalized to other populations whose participant demographics are

similar to those within this study.

Dependability

In qualitative narrative research, dependability refers to the reliability of data

(Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). Descriptive procedural processes established

dependability in this study. Process replication in future studies is possible based on the

comprehensive and detailed procedures disclosed in this study. The inclusion of audit

trails also established dependability in this study. I created journaled notes of decisions,

procedures, thoughts, and interpretations that evolved during data collection and data

analysis stages. The inclusion of audit trails allowed for self-monetarization as well as

reflexivity during this study (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

Confirmability

Confirmability in qualitative research equates to objectivity in quantitative

research. Confirmability relates to the extent to which alternate researchers can confirm

the results of this study (Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). Confirmability was

achieved with the inclusion of an identity statement (Appendix B). I do not have

personal career experience in law enforcement nor have been investigated or arrested for

a crime. I do have familial relationships that relate to both. To disclose any possible

biases a researcher identity statement was created. This identity statement discloses my

life experiences that may have inadvertently affected data. The inclusion of the identity

statement will allow future researchers to interpret the extent, if any, they allocate to

researcher bias (see Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016).

Study Results

In narrative research, the ultimate retold story develops from participants’

uninterrupted first told stories and the process of retelling stories with researcher input.

Comparison of these comprehensive retold stories produced significant emergent themes

(see Clandinin, 2016; Clandinin & Connelly, 2000; Kohler-Riessman, 2008). Significant

themes were established related to police detectives’ conceptualizations of inferential

intuitive and analytic thought processes in relation to investigative decisions. These

themes evolved by comparing the retold stories of all participants. Multiple themes

associated with inferential intuitive thought processes were established; starting point,

informative, experience driven, value, and fallibility. Reoccurring themes in relation to

analytic thought processes were also established; mandatory, purpose, and collaboration.

These themes developed from the comprehensive data that aligned with the research

question of this study.

Table 2

Themes

Thought Process Associated Common Themes

Inferential Intuitive Thought Processes Theme 1: Starting point – providing

direction upon presentation of new

information

Theme 2: Informative – providing

directional information including

information for self-protection

Theme 3: Experience driven –

experience increased intuitive use

and reliance

Theme 4: Value – inferential

intuition results in investigational

value

Theme 5: Fallible – inferential

intuition can be inaccurate

Analytic Thought Processes Theme 6: Mandatory – analytic

thought processes are required

during criminal investigations

Theme 7: Purpose – differing

reasons for the use of and reliance on

analytic thought processes

Theme 8: Collaboration – criminal

investigative decisions are based on

both inferential intuitive and analytic

thought processes

Theme 1: Inferential Intuitive – Starting Point

According to default-interventionist theory, intuitive thought processes act in a

manner that provide individuals with immediate information (Kahneman, 2011). This

instinctive information directs an initial spontaneous decision (Thompson & Johnson,

2014). Data from this study supported default-interventionist theory. Numerous excerpts

from participants’ interviews disclosed that inferential intuitive thought processes acted

as starting points. These starting points directed participants’ subsequent thought

processes, decisions, and actions. At the presentation of new information, inferential

intuition planted thoughts or ideas into the minds of the detectives that directed these

detectives’ decisions and actions. Inferential intuitive thoughts provided participants

starting-point decisional direction during their criminal investigations.

Participant 1 discussed bicycle thefts and stated:

“If they’re BMX, the first thing that comes to mind is kids, because kids want

them for parts, mountain bikes, I’m going to think more of transient because their

more heavy duty, they’re going through canyons, Now if they’re training bikes,

well now this is probably going to be some middle-class person or persons from

middle class background because they’re going to notice the $4,000 to $5,000

training bike.”

Participant 2 stated: “I wasn’t sure why I knew something wasn’t right, because at

first sight it was probable that the death was of natural causes, but I just knew something

wasn’t right.”

Participant 3 stated:

“But to me, high-crime area based upon the totality of the circumstance, that

sends a little buzzer off in my head that, “Hey, something’s going on here and I

need to talk to that guy.” It might be nothing. It might be a guy out taking a walk

at 3:00 in the morning because he has insomnia. You know, I’ve encountered that

before.”

Participant 5 referred to inferential intuitive thoughts as “themes” and stated:

“…so you’re trying to follow up on that theme and see if you’re right.”

Participant 8 stated: “Because I'm cataloguing those in my mind, as she's saying,

A, B, C, and D. I'm like okay, well, I want to follow up on that. I want to follow up on

that. I want to follow up on that.”

Participant 10 stated: “Hunches are very real things and I teach them to always

follow up on them because there’s something that you haven’t processed yet.”

Theme 2: Inferential Intuitive – Informative

According to Kahneman (2011), inferential intuition provides individuals with

immediate information that will assist and/or protect. The results from this study

supported this concept. All but one participant referred to inferential intuition as being

informative. Some participants referred to inferential intuitive thought processes as

providing them with information when questioning witnesses and suspects. These

participants found this information beneficial in determining truthfulness and when

seeking to bond with suspects to obtain confessions. Other participants described this

intuitive ability as a protection measure. Participants’ inferential intuitive thought

processes enabled them to immediately apprise individuals and their surroundings to

avoid harm. Participants also stated informative intuition was established from verbal,

nonverbal, and body language cues.

Participant 1, when describing a fellow detective’s intuitive thoughts during an

initial interview of a witness, who later turned to be a suspect, stated: “So long story

short, first minute she walked in … she had already figured things out, and knew who it

was.”

Participant 2 described inferential intuition as being informative at an initial

meeting with a potential suspect and stated: “you just automatically read body language,

eye shifting, you follow that instinct.”

Participant 3 described inferential intuitive thought processes as being informative

during patrol. He stated:

“However, the average person when they’re walking down the street doesn’t turn

their head away from the police, they don’t try to avoid eye contact or anything

like that. And so, that inference that something is going on is just present because

you’ve seen it before a bunch of times.”

Participant 4 likened his intuitive sense to protection. When describing an

undercover controlled drug buy, he stated:

“Cops, generally... after you've been a cop for a little while, you just start getting

that instinct where you can just tell something is not right. But there are times

when it starts getting a little more uncomfortable what they're asking and why.”

Participant 5 referred to inferential intuition as being a protective mechanism

when describing a situation wherein the suspect had a weapon, he stated: “So, and you

can tell by their actions, because hand movement, you know, or they might look away

from me or turn a certain side of their body away from me.”

Participant 6 also referred to intuitive thought processes as being a protective

mechanism when he discussed confronting a suspect in his homicide investigation, he

stated:

“That whole sixth sense, I completely believe in it. You’re on a call and you’re

already getting inky feelings just based on their nonverbal cues, the way they’re

standing, the way they’re talking to you or their fists clench. Are they taking their

hat off, getting ready for a fight? If those hairs on the back of your neck stand up,

you better listen to it.”

Participant 7 perceives inferential intuition as a means of protection. When

referring to an undercover controlled drug buy, he stated “Because, you know, you do

this a while and you just kind of get a feel of how a person acts and stuff.”

Participant 8 referred to inferential intuition as an ability to bond with suspected

child abusers, she stated:

“Yeah. There are little telltale signs. Right. They're becoming more comfortable

with you. You're building more of a rapport with. There have been cases where

I've had to really let my guard down and feed into their own crap that they're

spoon feeding themselves as to why they sexually assaulted a child.”

100

Participant 9 referred to inferential intuition as being informative for protection.

When referring to his dealings with gang members he stated: “I think obviously, knowing

and understanding the gang issues, I mean, you just know it. I mean, it’s not a matter of

analyzing anything. It’s a matter of just knowing that they’re going to go with it.”

Participant 11 stated:

“That’s intuitive, because you’re, you’re thinking this guy’s going to talk. So, I, I

have an intuition that I can get him to admit to it, or at least provide some type of

incriminating answers to at least lean that way, where I could probably make an

arrest.”

Theme 3: Inferential Intuitive – Experience Driven

Previous researchers have documented that experience increases inferential

intuitive thought process use, reliance, and accuracy (Akinci & Sadler-Smith, 2013;

Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Wright, 2013). Inexperienced police detectives have less law

enforcement knowledge to draw from and therefore exhibit less intuitive confidence.

This results in decreased intuitive thought process use and reliance (Evans & Stanovich

2015; Olds & Link, 2016; Wright, 2013). This concept was indicative to many of

participants’ in this study. Many participants referenced increased inferential intuitive

thought process use and reliance based on their extensive law enforcement experience.

The results from this study reinforced the conceptualization that experience has an effect

on the use of and reliance on inferential intuitive thought processes during criminal

investigations.

101

Participant 3 stated: “When police officers have an inference that something is

going on because you have seen it before a bunch of times and it’s hard to articulate those

things on paper.”

Participant 4 stated: “Cops, generally... after you've been a cop for a little while,

you just start getting that instinct where you can just tell something is not right.”

Participant 6 stated: “That intuition definitely plays a part in it, and it does get

stronger over time.”

Participant 8 stated her inferential intuitive knowledge, based on extensive

experience, expedited victim interview processes: “Our younger guys use these

checklists. We're all supposed to use the checklists. But after working 1,000 of those

cases, I don't.”

Participant 10 stated:

“What I can tell you now, me being almost a 17-year veteran, my trainees almost

believe I can tell the future because I can tell them what’s going to happen on

calls, why it’s going to happen and whatnot, and what I explain to them is that the

reason I know what I’m going to do.”

Participant 11, when questioned about intuition and experience, responded: “I

think it’s a whole lot of it. The more experienced you are and the more you know, and

you’ve made the mistakes and have learned from them, automatically you don’t do that

again.”

102

Theme 4: Inferential Intuitive – Value

Previous researchers reported mixed results when identifying the value police

detectives place on inferential intuitive thought processes (Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Sahm &

Weizacker, 2016; Wright, 2013). Fahsing and Ask (2013) found that participants either

minimized or denied use of or reliance on inferential intuitive thought processes during

criminal investigations. Wright (2013) found overall participants’ acceptance of

inferential intuitive thought processes. Participants within this study identified

acceptance of inferential intuitive thought processes. The majority of participants in this

study expressed their acknowledged use of, reliance on, and appreciation for inferential

intuitive thought processes during criminal investigations. The majority of participants in

this study also disclosed inferential intuitive thought processes were accepted within their

law enforcement organizations and viewed as an investigative tool.

Participant 1 expressed his admiration for intuitive thought processes:

“But intuitive and just the skill, I mean work hand in hand. But like I said there

are some officers that intuition is just far and beyond, almost like a sixth sense,

then what I personally have. And I admire those guys. I just look at them just like

in awe.”

Participant 2 expressed his view of intuitive value in stating: “You have to pay

attention to those initial thoughts.”

Participant 3 expressed the value he perceives in the use of inferential intuitive

thought processes: “So, that hunch is key to success many times”. Participant 3 also

103

stated recruits are taught how to recognize and use inferential intuitive thoughts which

reinforces organizational value as well:

“So, like we run a reserve academic. And they try to – I think officers are scared

– or detectives even – are scared of going outside the law [referring to inferential

intuition]. They’re like, “I saw this. You know, it’s very linear and very single-

tracked. I saw this, he violated this crime, I did this, I did that.” And they fail to

mention all those other body language cues or the actions – the actual actions – of

that person, their nervousness, and things like that.”

Participant 5 identified his perception of the value of inferential intuitive thought

processes in relation to training recruits:

“Like, I trained, I was training a guy the other day and picked up a woman with a

warrant, she always has warrants and she, she saw us and the pedaling started

getting faster and I told him she’s telling you right now she has a warrant.”

Participant 6 expressed his faith in investigative decisional inferential intuitive

thought processes stating: “You learn to trust it.”

Participant 8 disclosed value in inferential intuition in reaching a positive

outcome during an interrogation of a child sexual abuse suspect: “But sometimes you

need to read between the lines, and feel your setting, and determine what is going to get

you the best response for your outcome.”

Participant 10 expressed perceptional value in inferential intuition is the ability to

unconsciously foresee situations to improve reactions:

104

“Well, it’s just because I know these things or I’ve seen so many different things,

so I can see slightly into the future of what’s going to happen and it allows me to

react quickly, whether that’s in a use of force or anything like that.”

Participant 10 also disclosed he teaches his trainees to identify and acknowledge

inferential intuitive thought processes: “I teach my trainees today; your sixth sense is a

very real thing. Hunches are very real things and I teach them to always follow up on

them because there’s something that you haven’t processed yet.”

Participant 11 stated a value of inferential intuition is that it allows for expedient

reactions: “It can end it a lot faster than going through all the proper steps.”

Theme 5: Inferential Intuitive – Fallible

Inferential intuitive thought processes are vulnerable to inaccuracies. Inferential

intuition is not based on presentation of facts and are subject to illusions, heuristics,

personal beliefs, and biases. These factors significantly influence intuitive thought

process use, reliance, and accuracy (Kahneman, 2011). The majority of participants

within this study identified their awareness of the fallibility of inferential intuitive

thought processes. This awareness caused participants to engage alternate thought

processes to verify the accuracy of their intuitive thoughts and change investigative

direction when required.

Participant 1 expressed his reservations with inferential intuitive thought processes:

“Yeah because they’re so experienced or feel so confident in their abilities that they may

jump the gun.”

105

Participant 3 expressed the fallibility of inferential intuitive thought processes when

discussing a police-stop. In spite of his internal intuitive warnings, the individual he

stopped was not acting nefariously. He stated:

“No big deal. But to me, high-crime area based upon the totality of the

circumstance that sends a little buzzer off in my head that, “Hey, something’s

going on here and I need to talk to that guy.” It was a guy out taking a walk at

3:00 in the morning because he had insomnia.”

Participant 5 expressed his awareness that inferential intuition is fallible, when

referring to some of his inferential intuitive thoughts: “Sometimes, you’re right, most of

the time, you’re wrong.”

Participant 10, when speaking of sole reliance of inferential intuitive thought

processes, stated: “That’ll lead to the convictions that aren’t accurate.”

Participant 11 expressed his awareness of inferential intuitive thought process

fallibility when referring to a back-end interrogation of a suspect “So, you can have an

intuition and think it’s going to go, but if you blow it, your whole case is gone.”

Theme 6: Analytic - Mandatory

All participants in this study expressed, through their stories and via their

responses, that analytic thought processes are essential to decision-making during

criminal investigations. Some participants expressed analytic thoughts were in response

to inferential intuitive thoughts, as purported in default-interventionist theory (see

Thompson & Johnson, 2014). Some participants referred to analytic thought processes as

independent of other thought processes (see Kahneman, 2011). All participants told their

106

unabridged criminal investigation stories almost exclusively via analytic thought

processes. Participants’ retold stories also reinforced participants’ conceptualizations

regarding the necessity for decisional analytic thought processes during criminal

investigations in which these participants partook.

Participant 1 discussed his investigative procedures when investigating a series of

bicycle thefts:

“So as I go out – since it’s a series and there’s seven in that one neighborhood I’m

going to start knocking on doors. I’m going to start talking to people instead of

just sitting at my desk looking at seven reports. ’m going to take each report and

go follow up and talk to the people who actually had their bikes stolen.”

Participant 2 discussed analytic thought processes practiced at the beginning of

each day during a homicide investigation: “So we met every morning and discussed all

the information and evidence we collected the day prior. We then established an

investigative plan for the day.”

Participant 3 referenced analytic procedures when tracing victim’s steps to link a

crime to possible suspects:

“So, we were able to backtrack that through the State of Oregon to get certain

times and see – kind of like a trail of breadcrumbs, if you will – of where he had

made purchases. And we were able to get video and kind of track back who he’d

been with. Got a vehicle that he had been in at that time, her description of it.”

Participant 4 relates analytic thought processes to determining whether or not to

investigate a suspected drug dealer:

107

“So, I'll start with them and start doing research on that individual, finding out

who they are, what they're about, and if we have any past information on them,

crime histories, connections, who they're associated with, and put all those pieces

together to be able to confirm what the informant said, that this person is

legitimately involved in that type of activity.”

Participant 5 disclosed some of his analytic thought processes and procedures at

the initiation of a homicide investigation of a juvenile killed on public streets: “So, you

go into investigative mode, you’re getting evidence, you’re trying to figure out what’s

going on. And, then once you get that collected, you have officers, detectives out in the

field actually knocking on doors, canvassing.”

Participant 6 described how his analytic thought processes verified his intuitive

thought processes when determining whether a suspect would be arrested: “We did a

work up on him, even though we didn’t absolutely—couldn’t say it was him. We had

nothing to go on, so we just kept diving into it, but we did start tracking him.”

Participant 7 described investigative procedures of a drug investigation

exclusively via analytic thought processes:

“And, then we did that two or three times until, just to kind of get the lay of the

land as far as their, their way of doing things. And, then we wanted to, we would

bust them. So, with all those controlled buys, I would apply for, applied for search

warrants, went into their house with the search warrant and we ended up finding

an ounce, just over about an ounce and a quarter.”

108

Participant 8 discussed her analytic thought procedures during the beginning

stages of a child abuse case:

“Then, I determine whether or not by and through just kind of looking at, even

Googling, "What is the temperature of water? Or, what does the water

temperature need to be to cause second third-degree burns? Then comparing it to

that, and then even going to the next step of me just taking my arm, my bare arm,

and putting it under the water while another officer videoed it.”

Participant 9 described his analytical procedures while investigating a gang

shooting: “I was doing research on the computer with my partner and I interviewed the

girl and I’m putting a lineup together – a photograph lineup together – until we identify

the character.”

Participant 10 expressed the requirement of analytic thought processes when

preparing for interrogations: “the big thing is coming up with plans for interviews… I

was able to get a confession out of this guy in five minutes because of a plan.”

Participant 11 explained analytic thought processes are required in determining lie

detection in a child sexual abuse suspect: “So, that pretext phone call was huge for us,

because now we’ve corroborated it and now, we had probable cause to arrest.”

Theme 7: Analytic – Purpose

Previous researchers have identified numerous contextual factors associated with

the use of and reliance on analytic thought processes (Alison et al., 2013; Calabretta et

al., 2017; Elbanna & Fadol, 2016; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Sahm & Weizacker, 2016;

Wright, 2013). Upon the retelling of participants’ investigation stories, the importance of

109

investigative decisional analytic thought processes remained consistent. However, the

reasons or purposes for analytic thought process use and reliance varied. Based on this

multi-purpose identification this comprehensive theme of analytic thought process

purposes is included.

Participant 1 stated the need for analytic thought processes were to provide a solid

case for prosecution:

“It took a long time because they had to put the pieces together. We have to put

all these pieces together before we can present it to the DA”. He also expressed

using analytic thought processes made the job interesting “It’s the little bits and

pieces that make it interesting, to put it together.”

Participant 2 conceptualized the use of analytic thought processes during criminal

investigations determined the quality level of the detective. He emphasized at least three

times during the interview his disdain for law enforcement professionals who are: “lazy

and do half-assed jobs, not using their mind’s capacity.”

Participant 3 expressed one of the primary purposes for the use of analytic

thought processes during criminal investigations is based on a need to quantify inferential

intuitive thought processes:

“And I hit this home with those people that our students or recruits in the

academic pretty hard because it’s going to come up later. You can interact with

somebody based on a lot of things. And if you’re doing it for the right reason and

you can articulate that, then, that’ll lead to a positive outcome more often than

not.”

110

Participant 4 conceptualized the purpose or need for analytic thought process use

during criminal investigations is to remain competitive with drug dealers:

“I have spent eight years of my 20-year career working just narcotics, so I've

handled just about every way a deal can possibly go down – good or bad. But as

time progresses, drug dealers progress, get smarter, learn our trends, learn what

we're doing, so we have to be smarter in how we do things.”

Participant 5 perceived analytic thought processes as necessary to fact-check

intuitive thought processes: “…so you’re trying to follow up on that theme [inferential

intuitive thought] and see if you’re right.”

Participant 6 believes one of the primary purposes behind analytic thought

process use during criminal investigations is to retain employment:

“You learn to—if you’re going to make a decision to arrest somebody, you really

learn to make sure that you can back up that intuition with articulation.

Obviously, you don’t want to just do it off intuition. It just doesn’t help you

career…”

Participant 8 stated that a successful abuse investigation requires analytic thought

processes to lessen harm to the abused child. Confronting the suspect with analytic facts

improves the chance of a confession. Usually abused children are able to avoid trials

when confessions are obtained. When responding to a question regarding analytic

thought processes Participant 8 responded: “In the 20 years that I've been here and the

eight years that I worked nothing but child physical and sexual abuse cases, I think I went

to trial maybe three times.”

111

Participant 10 purported one of the primary purposes of analytic thought process

use is to fact-check intuitive thoughts so as to avoid confirmation bias:

“All right, so the issue that I have, I think it’s important for us to develop opinions

on cases, and you can have an opinion and you can place your opinion here, and

you allow the facts to lead you to wherever they lead you, but if they lead you

here, you must take your opinion and push it to right here.”

Participant 11 expressed the gravity of the situation is a primary purpose for

analytic thought process usage and reliance during criminal investigations:

“I can’t really [rely on inferential intuition], I, I can’t say I’ve ever done that. I’ve

always investigated a case, because again, in our business, it’s not like you lost a

backpack or a bike. This is hardcore life-changing, sometimes life-ending.”

Theme 8: Analytic/Inferential Intuitive – Collaboration

Previous researchers on investigative decisional thought process studies identified

the dual use of and reliance on inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes (Akinci

& Sadler-Smith, 2013; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Wright, 2013). When questioned about

inferential intuitive and analytic thought process use, all participants in this study

collectively conceded dual use of these decisional thought processes during criminal

investigations. Though participants varied in each thought processes’ importance,

purpose, and frequency, they all agreed in the dual access of these decisional thought

processes during criminal investigations.

Participant 3 expressed the dual use of these thought processes when referring to a

missing person case:

112

“So, as soon as we got this information And, so we, we had this hunch, like I

wonder if maybe we should go look at this property that the narcotics dealer was

attached to, that he had, he was buying, basically.”

Participant 5 responded: “Well, I think it is a combination of everything” when

asked what thought processes are used during criminal investigations.

Participant 6 responded when questioned about the duality of thought process use

during criminal investigations: “Both of them do…if you’re going to make a decision to

arrest somebody, you really learn to make sure that you can back up that intuition with

articulation.”

Participant 8 stated criminal investigations were:

“A combination of both, I think you have a series of information (internal and

external) that's placed in front of you. You look at that information. You

strategically plan out what is going to be your best course of action.”

Participant 10 stated:

“I think it’s important for us to develop opinions [inferential intuitive thoughts] on

cases, and you can have an opinion and you can place your opinion here, and you

allow the facts to lead you to wherever they lead you…”

Participant 11 responded when questioned about investigative thought processes

stating:

“…there’s a lot of cases that are very similar, and you look at and you already

know, just reading the report, you’re like I know where this is going. And, sure

113

enough, by the time you’re done with it, it’s like I knew that. …there is a process.

And, it’s in a certain, you know, certain direction, but it doesn’t always work that

way. It depends on the case, depends on your victim, it depends on your suspect,

it depends on witnesses. It, it depends on the evidence.”

Summary

The purpose of this narrative qualitative study was to explore United States police

detectives’ conceptualizations of inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes used

and relied upon during criminal investigations in which they partook. Data obtained from

participants’ stories within this study were extracted from individual face-to-face

interviews. Through narrative thematic analysis, what participants said in their stories

were established. Through narrative structural analysis, how participants told their stories

were identified. The triangulation of data through thematic and structural analysis

solidified identifiable themes associated with participants’ conceptualizations. Collective

exploration of participants’ conceptualizations resulted in significant comprehensive

themes associated with investigative decisional inferential intuitive and analytic thought

processes. Chapter 5 will contain information related to the interpretations of the

findings from this study, limitations of this study, and recommendations for further

research. Chapter 5 ends with the positive social change possibilities related to the

findings from this study.

114

Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations

Introduction

The purpose of this narrative qualitative study was to explore United States police

detectives’ conceptualizations of inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in

relation to decisions made during criminal investigations in which they partook.

Narrative research seeks to derive a comprehensive understanding of the lived

experiences of individuals. These comprehensive lived experiences evolve with the back

and forth communication style interview between participants and the researcher

(Clandinin, 2016; Clandinin & Connelly, 2000; Kohler-Riessman, 2008). Participants’

comprehensive evolved stories in this study exposed their conceptualizations with respect

to investigative decisional inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes. A better

understanding of police detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional thought processes

adds to existing literature on thought process use and reliance. The findings from this

study have implications for positive social change. Data from this study can be used to

improve training and education for police detectives and new police recruits.

The following research question provided the foundational direction of the

interview questions in this narrative qualitative study:

Research Question: How do United States police detectives conceptualize

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in investigative decision-making?

Information in chapter 4 identified the results of this study on participants’

conceptualizations of inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in relation to

decisions made during criminal investigations in which they partook. Identified themes

115

emerged associated with these conceptualizations. These conceptualizations consisted of

inferential intuitive-starting point, inferential intuitive-information, inferential intuitive-

experience driven, inferential intuitive-value, inferential intuitive-fallible, analytic-

mandatory, analytic-purpose, and analytic/inferential intuitive-collaborative.

Theme 1 - Inferential intuitive-starting point refers to default-interventionist

theory wherein detectives’ immediate intuitive thought processes provided a starting

point for future investigative decisions. Theme 2 - Inferential intuitive-information refers

to the concept that intuitive thought processes provided immediate information to

detectives for investigative assistance and protection. Theme 3 - Inferential intuitive-

experience driven is a theme that emerged wherein the majority of detectives correlated

law enforcement experience with investigative decisional inferential intuitive thought

process use and reliance. Theme 4 -Inferential intuitive-value is an emergent theme

wherein detectives exposed their acceptance and appreciation for inferential intuitive

thought processes. Theme 5 - Inferential intuitive-fallible is an all-inclusive theme

wherein participants conceptualized inferential intuitive thought processes as being

vulnerable to inaccuracies.

Theme 6 - Analytic-mandatory is a unanimous conceptualized theme wherein

participants purported the necessity for analytic thought processes during criminal

investigations. Theme 7 - Analytic-purpose is a divergent theme wherein multiple

reasons for analytic thought process use and reliance emerged. Theme 8 -

Analytic/inferential intuition-collaborative is the final theme that emerged from

participants’ interviews wherein most participants expressed investigative decisions

116

resulted from both inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes. These emergent

themes evolved from the descriptive investigative stories told by participants in this

study. These emergent themes represented participants’ conceptualizations of

investigative decisional inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes.

Chapter 4 also included procedures and protocols established to insure the

trustworthiness of this study. Adherence to these protocols increased credibility,

transferability, dependability, and confirmability of this study. This chapter consists of

the interpretations of these findings, limitations associated with this study,

recommendations for future research, and possible positive social change implications.

Interpretation of Findings

This section includes interpretations of findings from this study on United States

police detectives’ conceptualizations of investigative decisional inferential intuitive and

analytic thought processes. These interpretations are presented according to the research

question and from the context of peer-reviewed literature referenced in Chapter 2. In

Chapter 2, I reviewed and synthesized previous research studies related to intuitive

thought processes, inferential intuitive thought processes, analytic thought processes,

criminal investigations, law enforcement culture, heuristics, illusions, and beliefs.

Based on the reviewed literature from Chapter 2, decisions consist of intuition and

analytic thought processes. Multiple contextual factors affect each thought process’ use

and reliance. Individuals with domain-specific experience exhibit inferential intuitive

thought processes. Individuals access inferential intuitive thought processes more

frequently and inferential intuitive thought process decisions tend to be more accurate

117

than simple intuition. Researchers also have documented that the decisional thought

processes of police detectives during criminal investigations correlate with investigative

accuracy. Inaccurate investigative decisions are one of the primary factors associated

with inaccurate suspect identification, nonapprehensions, and wrongful convictions

(Rossmo, 2016). Injustices and diminished faith in law enforcement can result from

inaccurate investigative decisions. What is unknown with respect to investigative

decisional thought processes is how United States police detectives conceptualize

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in relation to decision-making during

criminal investigations in which they partook. I address this gap in research through the

following emergent themes that evolved from participants’ investigative stories.

Inferential Intuitive – Starting Point

Intuitive thought processes were primarily explored during the retelling of

participants’ stories. The majority of participants expressed either directly or in the

telling of their investigation stories that intuitive thought processes provided them with

starting points throughout their investigations. Upon the presentation of new information

during criminal investigations, participants’ inferential intuitive thought processes

provided investigative direction. Participants would encounter new information and

immediate inferential intuitive thoughts would arise. Participants would then investigate

further in the direction set by those intuitive thoughts. Participant 1 illustrated this

conceptualized theme in his investigation of a series of bicycle thefts. Information as to

the types of stolen bicycles was presented to Participant 1. This presentation of

information activated an immediate inferential intuitive thought as to what type of

118

person(s) the suspect(s) would be. This led Participant 1 to begin his investigation

looking into possible suspects within that group:

BMX bicycles stolen > Suspects = kids > Investigative direction - kids

Mountain bicycles stolen > Suspects = transients > Investigative direction - transients

This emergent theme was supported by previous research studies on investigative

decisional thought processes. Participant 1’s series of thought processes, along with

other participants who expressed this conceptualization, supported the arguments of

default-interventionist theory. According to default-interventionist theory, intuitive

thought processes yield default responses. Default responses result in immediate

decisions and actions. These immediate decisions or actions will remain constant unless

analytic thought processes intervene and redirect decisions and/or actions (Thompson &

Johnson, 2014). Wright (2013) also found in her study of police detectives’ decisional

thought processes that police detectives rely on their immediate inferential intuitive

thought processes upon the presentation of new information. Wright found that police

detectives have a cycle of cognition wherein contextual cues are presented, which lead to

spontaneous hypotheses generation, which lead to inferences, and then to decisions or

actions.

Fahsing and Ask (2013) found that investigative “tipping points” caused a shift in

decisional thought processes. Like Wright (2013), they found that hypotheses generation

occur in inferential intuitive mindsets (implemental mindsets). The studies by Fahsing

and Ask and Wright purported detectives use and rely on inferential intuitive thought

processes in investigative hypotheses generation. With respect to inferential intuitive

119

thoughts providing investigative starting points, the findings from this study are

consistent with the findings of Fahsing and Ask and Wright. Inferential intuitive thought

processes provide detectives with starting points for investigative decision-making.

Inferential Intuitive – Informative

Inferential intuition can provide individuals with information that directs and

protects (Kahneman, 2011). Ten participants within this study perceived inferential

intuitive thought processes as being informative. Participants expressed that immediate

intuitive thought processes provided information used in investigative decision-making.

Participants also expressed investigations wherein inferential intuitive thought processes

afforded them protection. Others perceived information gained from inferential intuition

enhanced their bonding abilities. All participants correlated this intuitive information

with the ability to decipher immediately verbal and nonverbal cues. According to Wright

and Wheatcoft (2017), police detectives’ abilities to identify verbal and nonverbal cues

exceed those abilities within the general public and is an acknowledged concept among

law enforcement.

Participants within this study stated inferential intuition informatively prompted

them to investigate or interrogate further. This concept was supported in Wright (2013)

wherein participants in that study disclosed inferential intuitive thought processes

directed lines of inquiry for further investigation. Participants in this study also

expressed that their inferential intuitive thoughts provided them with immediate

information for their protection. Worrall (2013) also found this protective mechanism

concept in his law enforcement decisional thought processes study. Participants in this

120

study also perceived their inferential intuition enhanced their ability to bond with

suspects. Participants within this study conceptualized inferential intuitive thought

processes as providing them with information. This intuitive information enabled them

to assess quickly individuals and situations that enhanced investigative goals and

increased personal safety.

Participants 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, and 11 perceived that their inferential intuitive thought

processes enabled them to interpret nonverbal cues that provided immediate information.

Participants’ intuitive thought processes directed attention to possible wrongdoers or

enabled adaptation during interrogation questioning. Participant 3 illustrated this concept

in the apprehension of an individual with felony warrants. Participant 3 stated that the

individual’s body language activated his inferential intuitive thought processes

instructing him to investigate further. Participant 11 described an interrogation scenario

wherein his inferential intuition provided him with information that successfully directed

his interrogation tactics. The detective intuitively processed the suspect’s verbal and

nonverbal cues that directed his questioning and led to a confession.

Participants 4 and 6 perceived that inferential intuitive thought processes provided

information that helped maintain their safety. Their inferential intuition alerted them to

the possibility of danger throughout their law enforcement experiences. Participant 4

conceptualized his inferential intuition increased his ability to maintain safety when

interacting with known drug dealers while undercover. Participant 6 described a scenario

of inferential intuitive thought process protection when he confronted a suspect.

Participant 6 stated he intuitively suspected something was not right based on the

121

suspect’s nonverbal cues and he reacted by pulling his weapon. This reaction, based on

inferential intuitive thought processes, resulted in his protection.

Participants 8 and 9 stated suspects’ verbal and nonverbal cues provided them

information that increased suspect bonding during investigations and interrogations.

Participant 8 stated inferential intuitive information helped her bond with a sex-offender

suspect. This ability to bond resulted in the establishment of suspect-investigator trust

and ultimately resulted in a confession. Participant 9 expressed his ability to bond with

gang members was a result of information provided by his inferential intuitive thought

processes. His intuitive abilities assisted him in blending within gang environments to

obtain information for investigations.

According to Wright and Wheatcoft (2017) verbal and nonverbal cues, such as

emotion, body language, eyes, vocal pitch, and external cues, provide implicit and

immediate thoughts. Intuitive thought accuracy, based on these cues, are just over chance

at 54% within the general public. Police detectives’ intuitive thought accuracy, based on

these cues, are higher ranging from 64% to 72% (Mann & Vrij, 2006). Two factors are

primarily associated with determining truth/deception via these contextual cues. There

must be an observable behavior differences between truth-tellers and deception-tellers

and individuals must be cognizant of those differences. It may be the latter that relates to

law enforcements’ increased intuitive accuracy in verbal and nonverbal lie detection

(Wright & Wheatcoft, 2017).

Researchers have shown that law enforcement officers, in high stakes situations,

immediately and accurately identify verbal and nonverbal deception (Mann & Vrij, 2006;

122

Mann, et al., 2004; Mann et al., 2006; Vrij & Mann, 2001; Mann et al., 2006; Wright et

al., 2015a). Hartwig and Bond (2011) went so far as to say that due to the nature of high

stakes situations, intuitive judgments about deceptive behaviors may be more accurate

than analytic information. Wright and Wheatcroft (2017) found that law enforcement

officers are more sensitive to these cues and therefore can immediately and implicitly

identify behaviors indicative of deception. Data from these studies supported accuracy is

plausible and even probable in detectives’ ability to intuitively interpret cues and respond

accordingly. The findings from these studies may provide scientific rationale for the

conceptualization that inferential intuitive thought processes are informative. Participants

in this study self-reported high rates of accuracy when relying on inferential intuitive

information based on social cues associated with truth/deception detection.

Inferential Intuitive – Experience Driven

Experience is a contextual factor associated with inferential intuitive thought

process use and reliance (Brogaard, 2014; Calabretta et al., 2017; Wright, 2013). The

study completed by Calabretta et al. (2017) found that inexperienced police detectives

used and relied upon inferential intuition at lower rates than experienced police detectives

rely. Elbanna and Fadol (2016) referred to inferential intuition as a composite

phenomenon of sensing and acquired knowledge based on experiences. The findings

from this study supported the findings from previous studies wherein experience

correlates with inferential intuitive thought process use and reliance. Participants in this

study purported that their domain-specific experiences have an effect on inferential

intuitive thought process use and reliance.

123

Participants 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 10, and 11 perceived a correlation existed between

experience and inferential intuitive thought process use and reliance. As an example,

Participants 2 and 4 stated that experiences have increased their intuitive abilities to

identify crime scene inaccuracies. Participant 10 referred to his 17 years’ experience in

law enforcement as having increased his intuitive abilities wherein his trainees believe he

can see into the future. Participant 11 perceived his law enforcement experiences

increased inferential intuitive thought process use that allowed him to intuitively avoid

past mistakes.

Wright (2013) also found that experience is a significant contextual factor

associated with inferential intuitive thought process use and reliance. In her study of

police detectives, she found that more experienced police detectives, detective constable

inspectors (DCI’s), relied upon intuitive thought processes more often than less

experienced police detectives, detective inspectors (DI’s). DCI’s relied upon their

inferential intuition 70% of the time wherein DI’s relied upon inferential intuition 62% of

the time. DCI’s also showed increased inferential intuition accuracy over DI’s. DCI’s

were inaccurate 21% of the time and DI’s were inaccurate 26% of the time. The results

from this study reinforced the findings of previous researchers that experience has a

correlational relationship with inferential intuitive thought process use and reliance in

detectives’ criminal investigative decision-making.

Inferential Intuitive – Value

The value law enforcement officers place on inferential intuition is not consistent

throughout existing research studies (Akinci & Sadler-Smith, 2013; Fahsing & Ask,

124

2013; Wright, 2013). Fahsing and Ask (2013) found that United Kingdom and

Norwegian law enforcement officers diminished the importance and even the existence of

inferential intuitive thought process-based decisions during criminal investigations. In

contrast, Wright (2013) found in her study of United Kingdom law enforcement officers

that detectives placed value on inferential intuition in perceptual recognition of

interpretations of crime scenes. Akinci and Sadler-Smith (2013) found law enforcement

officers value inferential intuition and linked inferential intuitive thought processes to

measurements of workplace performance. A common theme that emerged from this

study was that participants placed a degree of value on inferential intuitive thought

processes in criminal investigative decision-making. Many participants in this study

placed a high degree of value on inferential intuitive thought processes use and reliance

in investigative decision-making.

Participants 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11 expressed value in investigative

decisional inferential intuitive thought processes. Participant 3 placed a high value on

inferential intuitive thought processes. He feels the problem is not with the accuracy of

inferential intuitive thoughts, but in the way in which officers articulate their inferential

intuitive thoughts. This inability to articulate causes problems with prosecutorial

scrutiny. Participant 5, much like Participant 3, stated that inferential intuition has

significant value however, the judicial system and the court of public opinion do not

accept this value. Participants 1, 5, 6, and 8 reported high value in inferential intuitive

thought processes wherein their intuitively-based investigative decisions resulted in

apprehensions, confessions, and convictions. Participant 11 expressed value in the speed

125

of inferential intuitive thought processes in investigative decision-making. According to

Participant 11, inferential intuitive thought processes can be advantageous in situations

that require quick responses.

Identifying the value police detectives place on inferential intuitive thought

processes is significant as it relates to usage and reliance in investigative decision-

making. Cognitive style refers to differences in the representation, organization, value,

and processing of information of thought processes. Understanding cognitive styles,

which is inclusive of intuitive and analytic thought processes, aids in understanding

decision-making and behaviors (Akinci & Sadler-Smith, 2013). The results of this study

provided evidence that police detectives place a significant value on inferential intuition

when making investigative decisions. Data from this study supports the

conceptualization that inferential intuition is a valued investigative tool accessed during

criminal investigations.

Inferential Intuitive – Fallible

Numerous researchers have identified that intuitive thought processes are

susceptible to error (Elbanna & Fadol, 2016; Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Kahneman, 2011;

Rassin, 2016; Sahm & Weizsacker, 2016; Wright, 2013). Intuitive thought processes are

not fact- nor evidence-based and spontaneously result from an individual’s subconscious.

Intuitive thought processes are internal and consist of an individual’s experiences and

beliefs. It is for these reasons; intuitive thought processes are susceptible to error via

heuristics, biases, and illusions (Kahneman, 2011).

126

Many participants within this study reported awareness in the fallibility of

inferential intuitive thoughts. Participant 1 expressed investigative errors can occur with

the reliance on inferential intuitive thought processes. He stated intuitive thought

processes lack evidence and can result in premature decisions causing investigative

errors. Participants 3, 5, 10, and 11 stated inferential intuitive thought processes could

lead to inaccurate decisions, inaccurate suspect identifications, and wrongful convictions.

Participant 11 expressed inferential intuitive thought process reliance can cause rush-to-

judgements that can disrupt an entire investigation.

Police detectives’ awareness of the fallibility of inferential intuitive thought

processes is a significant theme associated with criminal investigative decisions. Sole

reliance or over-reliance on inferential intuitive thought processes can cause decisional

errors resulting in inaccurate suspect identifications and nonapprehension of suspects

because these thought processes are not evidence- nor fact-based (Rossmo, 2016).

Inferential intuitive thought processes, even with the benefit of experience, are vulnerable

to factors that increase the likelihood of cognitive error. Factors that correlate with

intuitive thought process cognitive errors are heuristics, illusions, biases, personal beliefs,

and FORs (Kahneman, 2011; Thompson & Johnson, 2014). Data from this study

supported findings from previous research wherein police detectives are fully aware of

the fallibility of inferential intuitive thought processes. This awareness indicated that

police detectives practice restraint when relying upon inferential intuitive thought

processes during criminal investigations.

127

Analytic - Mandatory

Analytic thought processes are structured, time consuming, methodical, complex,

and information-based (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Kahneman, 2011; Wright, 2013).

Analytic thought processes consist of problem identification, information collection,

hypothesis development and assessment, and logical choice decisions. Analytic thought

processes result in higher accuracy rates than intuitive thought processes however, are not

exempt from cognitive errors (Evans & Stanovich, 2013; Olds & Link, 2016). Analytic

thought process use and reliance are encouraged in criminal investigative decision-

making to assist in creating sustainable criminal cases that can withstand judicial scrutiny

(Rossmo, 2016).

I identified analytic thought process use and reliance in all participant interviews

within this study. Participants’ referenced and described their analytic thought processes

overwhelmingly in the initial telling of their investigative stories. Participants

methodically described their primarily analytic unabridged investigation stories. When I

interjected myself into the interviews and requested their perceptions of different thought

processes, all participants reaffirmed their initial stories stating analytic thought processes

were mandatory in investigative decision-making. Participant 1’s story of an

investigation into stolen bicycles illustrated this concept. Participant 1’s investigation

was systematic wherein he described each strategic step that he analytically aligned to

obtain evidence. Participant 2 disclosed team meetings wherein detectives met to analyze

and review collected evidence from the previous day. Participant 5 referenced an

investigative mode mindset wherein he equivocated analytic thoughts with canvassing

128

areas, collecting evidence, and identifying solutions. Participant 7 exposed analytic

thought process use and reliance in steps completed during his drug investigation;

including communicating with informants, setting up controlled buys, and serving search

warrants. Participant 8 exposed her analytically-based investigation, wherein each stage

of the investigation was analyzed before implemented.

The analytically mandated findings from this study supported research by Rassin

(2016) wherein he purported the beneficial use of analytic thought processes. Rassin

(2016) advocated for the use of analytic thought processes in investigative decision-

making. Analytic investigative decisions provide fact-based evidence that is supported

within the judicial system. Participants’ conceptualizations regarding the necessity of

investigative decisional analytic thought processes supported this argument. Some

participants expressly stated prosecutorial and judicial processes require analytical

investigative decisions to substantiate evidence, create sustainable criminal cases, and to

withstand prosecutorial scrutiny. Participants’ stories within this study established a

consistent conceptualized theme wherein analytic thought processes are mandatory for

decision-making during criminal investigations.

Analytic – Purpose

All participants within this study acknowledged analytic thought process use and

reliance during criminal investigations they discussed in their interviews. However, what

I identified as being diverse were the primary reasons disclosed by participants as to why

they used and relied upon analytic thought processes in investigative decision-making.

Prosecutorial purposes, detective quality, quantification, competition, fact-checking,

129

continued employment, harm alleviation, confirmation bias, and significance of outcome

were all reasons participants within this study used and relied upon analytic thought

processes when making investigative decisions.

Participants 1 expressed prosecutorial requirements were a primary reason for the

use of analytic thought processes during criminal investigations. According to Rassin

(2016), investigative decisions must be explicable to withstand judicial scrutiny.

Analytic thought processes are explicable because they are fact- and evidence-based.

Therefore, investigative decision-making should consist of analytic thought processes.

Participant 1 stated that before he transfers a case to the district attorney, all evidence

must be justified analytically to present an evidence-based sustainable case to the district

attorney.

Analytic thought processes require cognitive effort and ability. These are two

significant factors associated with its deterred use (Kahneman, 2011). Participant 2

expressed law enforcement officers who resist cognitive ease and invest cognitive effort

in investigative decision-making are higher caliber officers. He purported analytic

thought process use equates to detectives’ quality levels. Participant 2 stated detectives

who do not invest cognitive effort in investigative decisions are ineffective, lazy and

lower quality detectives.

Participant 3 had a unique conceptualization of the primary purpose for analytic

thought process use and reliance during criminal investigations. He stressed one of the

primary reasons to access analytic thought processes is to quantify inferential intuitive

thought processes. Proper quantification and articulation of decisions result in

130

sustainable prosecutorial cases. Proper quantification and articulation of decisions,

regardless of their origination, result from analytic thought process activation. This

conceptualization may present problems with respect to confirmation bias and suspect

misidentification if the inferential intuitive thought processes being quantified were

inaccurate (see Wallace, 2015).

Participant 4 is a narcotics law enforcement officer and conceptualized analytic

thought processes as enabling him to remain competitive with wrongdoers. He stated that

many individuals within high-level drug organizations are highly intelligent. This

requires narcotic detectives to use and rely on analytical thought processes to remain

analytically competitive with these individuals. Participant 5 conceptualized analytic

thought processes as a means to fact-check intuitive thoughts, information, and evidence

presentation. This conceptualization supported Kahneman (2011) wherein he argued that

one of the primary functions of analytic thought processes is to monitor and regulate

intuitive thought processes.

Participant 6 equated continued employment with analytic thought process use

and reliance. He believes investigations that are unsubstantiated by decisions based on

analytic thought processes will ultimately lead to dismissals. Participant 6 also stated

public pressures and prosecutorial scrutiny cause the need for analytic thought process

use and reliance during criminal investigations. Rassin (2016) supported Participant 6’s

conceptualization wherein analytic thought processes are essential in investigative

decision making for prosecutorial reasons. Participant 8 conceptualized analytic thought

process use and reliance ultimately reduces harm to child abuse victims. Participant 8

131

purported that analytically processed investigations increase the likelihood of suspect

confessions, which negates child abuse victims from experiencing the detrimental effects

of a trial.

Participant 10 conceptualized that one of the primary purposes for investigative

analytic thought process use and reliance is to avoid confirmation bias. Confirmation

bias occurs when individuals prematurely settle on an idea, theory, or hypothesis and

ignore any subsequent information that contradicts or does not support the pre-

established idea, theory, or hypothesis (Wallace, 2015). Confirmation bias is a

significant factor associated with investigative decisional errors. Confirmation bias can

result in omission of evidence, misinterpretation of ambiguous information, and

minimization of inconsistent information or evidence (Rossmo, 2016). Confirmation bias

is extremely difficult to avoid because it reinforces internal feelings of rightness and is

belief-based (Andrzejewska et al., 2013). Participant 10 articulated that a primary

purpose for analytic thought process use is to monitor inferential intuitive thought

processes that are improperly influenced by confirmation bias.

Elbanna and Fadol (2016) stated that the significance of consequences correlates

with analytic thought process activation. Participant 11 stated one of the primary reasons

he relied on analytic thought processes during criminal investigations related to outcome

severity. Arrests significantly affect individuals’ emotional and financial wellbeing (see

Kavanaugh, 2016). Participant 11 believes police detectives should not diminish the

severity of the consequences associated with arrests. Participant 11 purported for

investigative analytic thought process use and reliance to reduce cognitive errors that may

132

lead to suspect misidentifications. Reduction in cognitive errors increases decisional

accuracy. Increased decisional accuracy correlates with a reduction in judicial injustices

(Olds & Link, 2016).

Rassin (2016) purported for sole reliance of analytic thought processes during

criminal investigations. Inferential intuitive thought processes lead to less accurate

decisions that decrease investigative accuracy (Narchet et al., 2011). Analytic thought

processes withstand prosecutorial and judicial scrutiny because these thought processes

are fact- and evidence-based. Detectives’ conceptualizations of analytic thought process

purposes may provide additional information relating to contextual factors associated

with its use. This study provided data on some of the reasons why United States police

detectives use and rely upon analytic thought processes for investigative decision-

making. These purposes add to the list of domain-specific contextual factors associated

with investigative analytic thought process use and reliance.

Analytic/ Inferential Intuitive – Collaborative

According to dual process theory decisions consist of two distinct thought

processes, intuitive and analytic thought processes (Pennycock et al., 2015). Although

these thought processes are paradoxical (Calabretta et al., 2017) many decisions result

from a combination of both intuitive and analytic thought processes (Kahneman, 2011).

Calabretta et al. (2017) purported not only for the use of both intuitive and analytic

thought processes in decision-making, but for a full appreciation for the advantages of

each thought process. A full appreciation of these decisional thought processes results in

maximum benefit. Results from this study supported the dual use of these thought

133

processes in investigative decision-making. Participants within this study disclosed and

displayed numerous occasions of dual thought process use and reliance during their

investigative stories. Participants expressed collaborative use reaffirming the arguments

of default-interventionist theory wherein analytic thought processes regulate intuitive

thought processes in decision-making (see Thompson & Johnson, 2014). Participants

also expressed and exhibited the dual use of inferential intuitive and analytic thought

processes independent of each other during investigative decision-making.

Participants 3, 5, 6, 8, 10, and 11 expressed or exhibited dual thought process use

and reliance in relation to the findings associated with default-interventionist theory.

These participants analytic thought processes were accessed to accept or reject their

immediate intuitive thoughts. To illustrate this concept of collaborative dual thought

process use, Participant 3 described an investigative situation wherein suspect

identification based on his inferential intuition needed verification. Although Participant

3 believed he had the correct suspect, he did not feel confident in sole intuitive reliance.

Participant 3 accessed analytic thought processes to verify the accuracy of his intuitive

thought processes and then proceeded to make his arrest.

Participants 1, 2, and 4 expressed and exhibited separate use of and reliance on

both inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes during their criminal

investigations. Participant 1’s investigation story illustrates this concept of separate yet

dual use of decisional thought processes. Participant 1 started his investigation based on

intuitive thought processes when categorizing possible suspect types. Participant 1 then

processed the remainder of his investigation based on analytically directed decisions

134

through evidence collection. Participant 5’s story exhibited the fluid and intermingled

use of decisional inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes throughout his

investigation.

Although previous research data are divided on the advantages of intuitive and

analytic thought process use and reliance, most data supported the existence of dual

thought process use and reliance in decision-making (Brogaard, 2014; Calabretta et al.,

2017; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Olds & Link, 2016; Pennycock et al., 2015; Pretz, et al.,

2014; Rassin, 2016; Worrall, 2013; Wright, 2013). Participants in this study expressed

and exhibited dual thought process use and reliance in their investigative decision-

making. The findings from this study with respect to the use of and reliance on

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes supported the findings from previous

research studies on investigative decision-making. The dual use of inferential intuitive

and analytic thought processes represented a consistent conceptualized theme throughout

all participant investigative stories.

Theoretical Framework

The results from this study validated the theoretical framework for this narrative

inquiry study and provided clarity to the research question. The theoretical framework

for this study was dual process theory based upon the assumptions of Kahneman (2011),

Evans, and Stanovich (2013) along with the paradoxical model of Calabretta et al. (2017).

The premise of dual process theory is that individuals have two distinct thought process

types. Type 1 consist of intuitive thought processes. These thought processes are

subconscious, immediate, belief- and experience-based, and effortless. Type 2 consists

135

of analytic thought processes. These thought processes are conscious, deliberate, fact-

based, and effortful. Dual process theorists argue these thought processes are accessed

in decision-making, either independently or collaboratively.

Inferential intuitive thought processes result from domain-specific experiences

and are considered more reliable than basic intuitive thought processes (Kahneman, 2011;

Salas et al., 2010). Inferential intuition consists of stored information within one’s

sematic memory that was gleaned from experiences (Kahneman, 2011). Inferential

intuitive use and reliance in investigative decision-making can be advantageous.

Increased inferential intuitive thought process use and reliance results in situations where

detectives are afforded little information or time. Organizational and public pressures

also increase inferential intuitive thought process use and reliance. Inferential intuitive

thought processes also have disadvantages. These thought processes are susceptible to

cognitive errors because they are experience- and belief- based. These factors subject

inferential intuitive thought processes to prejudices, illusions, biases, and heuristics

which interfere with decisional accuracy (Brogaard, 2014; Calabretta et al., 2017; Olds

and Link, 2016; Pennycock et al., 2015; Pretz et al., 2014; Worrall, 2013).

The ability to access analytic thought processes in decision-making is one of the

primary characteristics that differentiates human beings from other species and renders

them superior (Pennycock et al., 2015; Rassin, 2016). Analytic thought processes are

beneficial in investigative decision-making. Analytic thought processes are not emotion

nor bias influenced. Analytic thought processes are fact- and evidence-based and

therefor can withstand judicial scrutiny (Rassin, 2016). Analytic thought processes

136

require vigilance, cognitive ability, and time (Rossmo 2016). These factors can detract

from analytic thought process use and reliance (Kahneman, 2011; Pennycock et al.,

2014).

According to Kahneman (2011) and Evans and Stanovich (2013) individuals will

access both thought processes when making decisions. Intuitive and spontaneous thought

processes occur first and unless individuals activate analytic thought processes, these

intuitive thoughts will remain constant. This concept is supported by default-

interventionist theory (Thompson & Johnson, 2014). Calabretta et al. (2017) argued that

focusing on the importance of one thought process over the other is a hindrance to dual

process theory. They stated that rather than focusing on one thought process’ value over

the other, benefit is found in the paradoxical aspects of each as well as their paradoxical

relationship to each other. Effective collaborative use results from an awareness and

acceptance of each thought process’ characteristics.

Existing literature on decisional thought processes differ regarding use of,

reliance on, and accuracy of intuitive and analytic thought processes (Fahsing & Ask,

2013; Rossmo, 2016; Wright, 2013). Elbanna and Fadol (2016) suggested that

correlating accuracy of these dual thought processes is difficult, if not impossible, due to

the abundance of contextual factors associated with thought process use and reliance.

Elbanna and Fadol found contextual factors associated with thought process use and

reliance are cognitive ability, beliefs, biases, domain-specific experience, time

constraints, situational complexity, and outside pressures. These factors create a large

spectrum of variance wherein the effects may be limitless.

137

During this narrative study, it was apparent that inferential intuitive and analytic

thought processes, independently and collaboratively, directed investigative decision-

making. Participants exhibited and expressed acknowledged use of and reliance on both

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes when making decisions during

investigations in which they partook. Participants also exhibited and expressed a

necessity for the use of and reliance on both inferential intuitive and analytic thought

processes in investigative decision-making. Participants also expressed conceptualized

value in both of these decisional thought processes. Dual process theory with the

assumptions of Kahneman (2011), Evans and Stanovich (2013), and Calabretta et al.

(2017) provided a strong theoretical framework for this study. The findings from this

study, based on participants’ stories, reinforced the arguments of dual process theory

wherein decisional thought processes consist of intuition and analysis.

Limitations of the Study

This study provided data on police detectives’ conceptualizations of investigative

decisional thought processes. Data from this study contributed to the existing body of

literature on investigative decisional thought processes. Data from this study also added

to existing literature relative to contextual factors associated with thought process use and

reliance. Although this study added to current research literature, it is important to

identify the limitations of this study. Acknowledging the limitations of this study

encourages a full understanding of the results of this study. Limitations associated with

this study consisted of generalizability, memory-recall, and time-lapse perceptions.

138

Generalizability is the ability to apply data from this study to multiple domains

and populations. Generalizability is an identified problem within qualitative research

because qualitative research results in rich data, however, that data are individualistic

(Ravitch & Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). This study focused on the conceptualizations of

United States police detectives’ decisional thought processes. This hindered

generalizability two-fold. Conceptualizations were personal realties that are inconsistent

with generalizability of data. Participants’ culture, beliefs, age, and professional and

personal experiences may have affected their conceptualizations (see Ravitch &

Mittenfelner-Carl, 2016). In addition, the research question directed the need for

purposive sampling of individuals within a specific domain. Though data from this study

may be applicable to individuals within different domains it cannot be directly associated

with domains outside of United States police detectives from the Pacific North and

Southwest Coasts. To mitigate for limitations associated with generalizability, I sought

participation from detectives with varying degrees of experience, from different locals

within different cultures, and in areas with population-size variance.

Narrative research requires the story telling of participants’ experiences. The

final retold story in which conceptualizations emerged; result from the told and re-told

participants’ stories. These stories were experienced in the past and are reliant on

memory recall. Memory recall adds to the limitations of this study (see Kohler-

Riessman, 2008). Memory recall is susceptible to inaccuracies wherein participants

simply forgot details of their investigative stories. Participants’ ability to correctly recall

their investigative experiences may affect their current stories. Forgotten or

139

misremembered information can have an impact on the results established in this study.

To mitigate for memory recall limitations, participants were asked to discuss criminal

investigations that they could easily recall or that occurred in the recent past.

Participants’ told and retold stories formed the basis for this narrative research

study. Individualistic recalled experiences are subject to subsequent experiences, evolved

beliefs, and maturity. Individuals’ perceptions evolve over time based on their lived

experiences. Individualist perceptions influence the telling and retelling of participants’

stories (see Clandinin, 2016). Perceptual evolution is another possible limitation of this

study. Participants’ current perceptual beliefs may not be the same perceptual beliefs

they had during their actual investigations. Subsequent life events and experiences may

have affected participants’ current perspectives causing a discrepancy in

conceptualizations. Even though this limitation could not be mitigated or reduced, the

purpose of this study was to obtain conceptualizations. These conceptualizations are

significant even with the limitation of perceptual influence.

Recommendations

This study was completed to address a current gap in research wherein United

States police detectives’ conceptualizations of decisional thought processes during

investigations in which they partook were under researched. Data from this study

resulted from individual face-to-face interviews with 11 United States police detectives

from differing locals within the Pacific North and Southwest coasts. Participants had

varying degrees of experience and partook in a variety of criminal investigations.

Participants’ collective stories provided valuable insights into their perceptions and

140

conceptualizations of lived investigative experiences. Participants’ conceptualizations in

this study provided data to add to existing literature on investigative inferential intuitive

and analytic thought processes decision-making.

Participants for this study were police detectives from the Pacific North and

Southwest Coasts. Although participants originated from different locals, demographical

limitations existed due to logistics and financial limitations. According to Verhoeven and

Stevens (2012) law enforcement organizations differ based on demographics and culture.

For this reason, it is recommended that additional research, similar to this study, be

conducted in different locals within the United States. Data retrieved from research

studies similar to this study, derived from detectives in differing demographics and from

different cultures, may add to the findings of this study. Investigative decisional thought

process data from police detectives within differing locals and from differing cultures

may increase generalizability and add to literature on investigative decisional inferential

intuitive and analytic thought processes.

Participants within this study partook in a wide spectrum of criminal investigative

experiences. Participants completed criminal investigations involving robberies,

burglaries, homicides, child physical abuse, child sexual abuse, narcotics, domestic

violence, gang-related crimes, and so forth. Most participants had experience in a variety

of crimes, however, usually one or two specific types of crimes encompassed most of

their investigative experiences. It appeared that the type of crime investigated may have

an impact of decisional thought process use and reliance. Additional research on

decisional thought process use and reliance, in relation to primary investigative crime

141

types, may be beneficial. I recommend that future investigative decisional thought

process research be conducted correlating thought process use and reliance in relation to

the investigated crime type. I also recommend that additional research be conducted

correlating investigative decisional thought processes with primary crime-type

investigative experience. Data from research studies aimed on these possible correlations

may provide important information linking criminal investigation type and criminal-type

investigation experience to decisional thought process use and reliance.

This study provided data on the conceptualizations of United States police

detectives’ investigative decisional thought processes. This study did not explore nor

confirm the accuracy of decisional thought processes in relation to participants’

investigative stories. Additional quantitative research studies measuring the accuracy of

investigative decisions based on these conceptualizations of decisional thought processes

may prove insightful. It is recommended that future quantitative studies be conducted to

include accuracy measures. Ultimately, the determination of accurate investigative

decisions is a collective goal of investigative decisional thought process research.

Additional research measuring the accuracy of detectives’ investigative decisional

thought processes, based on the findings of this study, may add to this collective goal.

This study provided quality rich data on United States police detectives’

conceptualizations of investigative decisional inferential intuitive and analytic thought

processes. Recommendations were made to further psychological research in relation to

investigative decisional thought processes. These recommendations included

demographical and cultural expansions, investigation and experience type correlations,

142

and accuracy measurement inclusion via quantitative research. Additional research based

on these recommendations may add to existing literature on investigative decisional

thought processes. The inclusion of the recommended research may provide additional

information that may improve criminal investigative decision-making.

Implications for Social Change

Psychological research is most beneficial when the findings contribute to or create

positive social change. “Positive social change is a deliberate process of creating and

applying ideas, strategies, and actions to improve the worth, dignity, and development of

individuals, communities, organizations, institutions, cultures, and societies” (Vardhan,

2010, p 1). Positive social change produces improved societal conditions. The findings

from this study have the potential to contribute to or create positive social change by

enhancing training and education for police detectives and recruits.

Data from this study on United States police detectives’ conceptualizations of

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes in relation to criminal investigative

decision-making confirmed and added to current research. Participants’

conceptualizations in this study provided additional insights into how, when, and why

police detectives use and rely upon these thought processes in investigative decision-

making. A better understanding of these decisional investigative thought processes may

increase identification of decisional thought processes that are inconsistent with accurate

and efficient criminal investigations. Law enforcement agencies can use the reaffirmed

143

data and new data from this study to possibly improve investigative training protocols

and education for detectives.

The decisional investigative thought processes of police detectives correlate with

investigative accuracy. Investigative decisional errors hinder effective and accurate

criminal investigations (Rossmo, 2016). Inaccurate criminal investigations can lead to

suspect misidentification and nonapprehensions (Carter & Carter, 2016; Clow & Leach,

2013). Investigative suspect misidentifications and nonapprehensions result in societal

safety issues, instill mistrust in law enforcement, impede faith in the judicial system, and

present financial burdens to society (Kavanaugh, 2016). Data from this study provided

information regarding investigative decisional thought processes that can be used to

improve investigative training and education. These educational and training

enhancements my ultimately lead to more accurate investigative decision-making and

more effective criminal investigations. Society would benefit from increased

investigative accuracy with improved trust and faith in law enforcement and the judicial

system, increased societal safety, and reduction in financial expenditures.

Data from this study can also result in positive social change by enhancing

training and education for new police recruits. In addition to investigative services, law

enforcement officers affect society in multiple ways. How police officers interact with

society significantly affects how society will interact with them (Geberth, 2015).

Although participants in this study disclosed analytic thought process predominance,

inferential intuitive thought processes accounted for a significant amount of investigative

decisions. Data from this study, showing significant inferential intuitive thought process

144

use, beckon the need for increased inferential intuitive thought process education for new

police recruits. Researchers have found new police officers, due to their inexperience in

law enforcement, will access intuitive thought processes less often (Elbanna & Fadol,

2016; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Kahneman, 2011; Wright, 2013). It would be beneficial to

educate new police recruits on the fallibilities of inferential intuitive thought process,

before increased intuitive activation. Enhanced educational training provided to new

police recruits regarding the contextual factors associated with cognitive errors resulting

from inferential intuitive thought processes, may improve law enforcement-societal

interactions.

Conclusion

This study focused on the lived investigative experiences of United States police

detectives. To address this focus, narrative research method was chosen to collect and

analyze data in response to this study’s research question. The purpose of this study was

to address a gap in literature involving United States police detectives’ conceptualizations

of investigative decisional inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes. Through

the telling, retelling, and retold participants’ stories, investigative decisional thought

processes were explored. Data from these multiple-versioned stories resulted in detailed

comprehensive conceptualizations of investigative decisional thought processes.

Collective analysis produced emergent themes associated with investigative decisional

inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes. Participants’ conceptualizations and

subsequent emergent themes from this study reaffirm and add to existing literature and

provide a better understanding of the phenomenon of investigative decisional inferential

145

intuitive and analytic thought process use and reliance (Akinci & Sadler-Smith, 2013;

Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013).

Many of the conceptualized themes from this study reaffirmed data from previous

research studies regarding inferential intuitive and analytic thought processes (Akinci &

Sadler-Smith, 2013; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Rassin, 2016, Rossmo, 2016; Wright, 2013).

According to Wright (2013) and Fahsing and Ask (2013) police detectives access

inferential intuitive thought processes upon presentation of new information for

hypotheses generation. Data from this study supported these findings wherein

participants conceptualized inferential intuitive thought processes as starting points

(hypotheses generation).

This study corroborated the findings from previous research studies wherein

experience correlates with inferential intuitive thought process use and reliance.

Experienced police detectives use and rely upon inferential intuitive thought processes

more often than inexperienced police detectives (Alison et al., 2013; Sahm &

Weizsacker, 2016; Wright, 2013). Participants within this study were experienced law

enforcement officers. The mean number of years of law enforcement experience was 20

years. Participants exhibited and disclosed significant amounts of decisional inferential

intuitive thought process use and reliance during criminal investigations. Sahm and

Weizsacker (2016) argued that domain-specific experienced individuals’ inferential

intuitive thought processes result in accurate decision-making. In this study, self-

reported instances of inferential intuitive decisional accuracy were high; however, it is

146

important to note the focus of this study was not on decisional accuracy and self-reports

of decisional accuracy were not verified.

According to Worrall (2013) police officers rely upon inferential intuitive thought

processes for protection. Participants in this study expressed this concept of protection,

which reaffirmed the findings of Worrall. Participants disclosed multiple scenarios

wherein inferential intuition enabled them to react instinctively in dangerous situations.

Data from this study also reinforced previous research data regarding the mandatory need

for analytic thought processes in investigative decision-making (Fahsing & Ask, 2013;

Rassin, 2016; Rossmo, 2016). According to Rassin (2016) and Rossmo (2016)

prosecutorial and judicial processes rely upon analytically-based criminal investigations.

Participants within this study expressed this concept for analytic thought process need, as

well as additional reasons, why there is a mandatory requirement for analytic thought

processes in investigative decision-making.

Previous researchers identified the fallibility of intuitive thought processes and the

dual use of thought processes in decision-making (Kahneman, 2011; Pennycock et al.,

2015; Rassin, 2016; Wright, 2013). Intuitive thought processes are not fact- nor

evidence-based and therefore are subject to cognitive error because of the influences of

heuristics, bias, illusions, and internal beliefs (Kahneman, 2011). Participants within this

study expressed their awareness of intuitive thought processes fallibility. It is for this

reason that many participants expressed the need for collaboration of both thought

processes during investigative decision-making. Participants expressed the use of

analytic thought processes to verify inferential intuitive thought processes. These

147

findings supported the arguments of dual-interventionist theory (see Kahneman, 2011).

Participants also exhibited independent use of both thought processes throughout their

investigative stories wherein investigations resulted in the collaboration of decisional

thought processes. Participants within this study reaffirmed previous research findings

with the acknowledgement of inferential intuitive fallibility and by exhibiting dual

thought process use in investigative decision-making.

Data from this study added to existing literature on investigative decisional

thought processes with the inclusion of Theme 7 Analytic – Purpose. Participants

provided an abundance of data on the multiple purposes for their use and reliance on

analytic thought processes in investigative decision-making. Participants’

conceptualizations from this study expanded upon established contextualized factors

identified in previous research (Alison et al., 2013; Calabretta et al., 2017; Elbanna &

Fadol, 2016; Fahsing & Ask, 2013; Sahm & Weizacker, 2016; Wright, 2013). A richer

understanding of the reasons police detectives use and rely upon analytic thought

processes during criminal investigations may prove useful in future decisional thought

process research.

The goal of this qualitative research study was to explore conceptualizations of

inferential intuitive and analytic decisional thought processes that United States police

detectives used and relied upon during investigations in which they partook. This goal

was accomplished as multiple thematic conceptualizations regarding these investigative

thought processes emerged through participant interviews. There are many hopes for this

study. I hope that the results of this study improve investigative training and education

148

for detectives and new recruits. Enhanced education and training based on a better

understanding of these thought processes might improve investigative decision-making. I

hope that the data and findings from this study promote additional research into

investigative decisional thought processes, as so much is left to be researched. My final

hope is that the findings from this study promote positive social change by establishing

enhanced investigative training that result in more effective and accurate criminal

investigations.

Students also viewed