DEPRESSION
The words ‘depression’ or ‘depressed’ are often used by the public (and clients)
to indicate a passing feeling or mood of sadness, lethargy, guilt, grief, or a low mood.
In common usage, they are synonyms for feeling flat, down, or ‘having the blues’. The
word depression, originating in Latin, literally means “to press down” (Reevy et al.,
2010, p. 192). Depression is also used as a clinical term to suggest a particular type
of mental disorder category, as described in the ICD-11 (World Health Organization,
2022), or DSM-5-TR (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2022). The variation
between the types of depression is usually related to duration, intensity, frequency, or
contexts (e.g., post-partum depression that may occur with early motherhood).
Depression is regarded to be globally the most prevalent mental disorder (Gotlib &
Hammen, 2009) and the second largest cause of disability internationally (Ferrari et
al., 2013). In counselling practice, clients often present with features associated with
depression, whether these be severe enough to be classified as a disorder, or various
degrees under the diagnostic threshold.
Depression is characterised by periods of low mood or sadness and/or a loss
of pleasure or interest in previously enjoyed activities (APA, 2022). While it can lead
to significant stress and impairment in life, it is most commonly a response to various
difficulties or stressful life experiences that most people are likely to encounter at some
stage in life (Reevy et al., 2010). These features were described as far back as
Hippocrates (Radden, 2003) as being part of melancholia, and while other disorders
have come and gone, descriptions of depression remain consistent throughout the
modern diagnostic editions (Frances, 2013). Indicators of depression typically include
low mood, low interest in activities, or low ability to experience pleasure, weight
changes, sleep disturbance, increased or decreased arousal, low energy, feelings of
worthlessness (e.g., low self-esteem), diminished concentration, and preoccupation
with death (APA, 2022). Many of these indicators will be experienced daily for at least
a fortnight (World Health Organization, 2022) for it to be recognised as meeting the
threshold for a depressive disorder. Additional features may be social withdrawal,
negative thinking, irritability, rumination, worry, changes in levels of sexual motivation,
and increased concern with physical complaints (APA, 2000, 2013, 2022).
DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN DEPRESSION AND GRIEF
Historically, mental health practitioners and researchers have had difficulty
distinguishing between grief or bereavement, and clinical depression as per the criteria
of the DSM (Cacciatore & Theilman, 2014). Like depression, grief can negatively
impact functioning, have marked increases in negative emotions including sadness
and guilt, sleep disturbances, lack of ability to experience pleasure, and may involve
thoughts about death (Hall, 2013). Although they overlap in features and client
experience, grief is understood as a natural adjustment response to loss, while major
depressive disorder is viewed as a pathological syndrome. Grief and depression
typically differ in that those with depression may have symptoms of low self-worth,
excessive self-criticism, and intractable sadness whereas these are not normally
present with grief. Grieving does not preclude the possibility of a depressive disorder,
and the stress and grief of the loss can trigger major depression, but counsellors need
to be careful that they do not automatically assume grieving people are depressed. To
add to the complexity of assessment, counsellors also need to be aware of the concept
of complicated grief that may have depression as a symptom. These grief reactions
occur most of the day, nearly every day for at least a month. The individual experiences
clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important
areas of functioning (APA, 2022). Interpersonal Psychotherapy, an approach
discussed later in this chapter, provides a simple formulation and way forward with
complicated grief, by considering one’s indicators of depression being ‘caused’ by
unresolved grief, and that interventions that target this will help to relieve the person’s
depression (Weissman et al., 2018).
DEPRESSION AND SUICIDE
Suicide is a significant risk factor for clients with depression, with 90% of those
who had completed suicides being retrospectively diagnosed with a psychiatric
disorder, and two thirds of these being diagnosed with depression (Tanner, 2000, as
cited in Berman, 2009). For people who have been hospitalised for mood disorders,
the lifetime risk of suicide is 4%. For those who have been diagnosed but not
hospitalised for mood disorders, including depression, the lifetime risk for completed
suicide is 2%. The public lifetime risk is .5% (Bostwick & Pankratz, 2000). This would
suggest that clients with depression are between four to eight times more likely to
suicide in their lifetime than non-depressed individuals. Suicide risk assessment and
prevention should be prioritised with depressed clients given their elevated risks.
DEPRESSION AND VARIOUS POPULATIONS
As a rule, rates of depression are higher for women than men (Chentsova-
Dutton & Tsai, 2009). In Australia, 5.3% of men had symptoms of an affective disorder
in a twelve-month period compared to 7.1% of females (ABS, 2008). This difference
increases in more traditional gender role societies, however when the rates are closer,
research has not yet clarified whether this is due to decreased depression in females
or increased depression rates in men (Helgeson, 2012). One theory for the lower rates
of depression identified in males is that the measures used might be increased
sensitivity to depression symptoms more commonly expressed by females than more
externalising expressions such as anger, aggression, and substance use that more
men might display (Flaskerud, 2014).
Depression also affects children and adolescents, with 2.8% of children in
Australia, from the ages between 4-17, reporting symptoms in a 12-month period
(Lawrence et al., 2015). The symptoms are generally the same as adult depression,
however more likely to be displayed as irritability or flat affect than a depressed mood,
and their moods are more variable due to their ability to be influenced by what is
happening around them (Stark et al., 2006). Children and adolescents may also
display anger, guilt, and misery. They may withdraw from others, be difficult to soothe,
and find it hard to be motivated, such as finding the energy to do homework.
Additionally, they may display low self-esteem, and become suicidal (Huberty, 2012).
Indigenous Australians typically have higher rates of psychological distress (i.e.,
depression and anxiety), in contrast to non-Indigenous counterparts (Jorm et al.,
2012). These higher rates of symptoms of depression and anxiety are believed to be
related to social disadvantage, chronic physical health problems, unemployment,
lower incomes, inter-generational trauma, and educational levels. Depression rates
vary depending on region and culture. Western cultures have higher incidents of
depression than do many Asian cultures (Chentsova-Dutton & Tsai, 2009). Of those
who move to Australia, refugees typically have double the rates of depression and
anxiety than do labour migrants (Lindert et al., 2009). This increased incidence may
be associated with higher rates of trauma from their country of origin.
It should be noted that depression is understood or spoken about differently in some
other cultures. For example, several cultures report depression using physical rather
than psychological language, such as focusing on changes in appetite, sleep, or the
presence of headaches. Western clients tend to report their depressive psychological
symptoms more so than referring to the physical symptoms (Chentsova-Dutton & Tsai,
2009). Some intercultural clients may refer to depressive symptoms as ‘problems of
the heart’, nerves, or fatigue (Nezu et al., 2009).
MULTIFACED NATURE OF DEPRESSION
Depression interacts with biological and psychosocial domains. There is
evidence of physiological pathways and vulnerabilities with depression, and it has
been identified as being between 31% and 42% heritable (Sullivan et al., 2000).
Additionally, depression has been associated with a range of life experiences and
issues, such as addictions, suicidality, anxiety, stress, trauma, particular adverse early
life experiences (such as abuse/ neglect/parental depression) (Bilfulco, 2009),
personality, chronic pain and/or illness, some medical conditions and hormone
changes, and some medications (APA, 2013; Berman, 2009; Goodman & Brand,
2009; Hammen, 2009; Hopko & Robertson, 2008; Johnson, 2009; Mustata & Gregory,
2009; Reevy et al., 2010; Sachdeva et al., 2009; Schwartz, 2009; Schwartz & Tripp,
2009). Additionally, while depression can be understood as a disorder in its own right,
it can also be viewed as a symptom of other conditions, physical, chemical, and
psychological (Gautam et al., 2017).
Depression’s many potential pathways contribute in varying degrees to each
presentation (Fang & Mao, 2019; Roose et al., 2013). It is important that counsellors
are mindful potential contributors when doing assessments. Counsellors might refer
clients to their GPs for medical evaluations in case the depression is predominantly
linked with a medical condition. When depressive symptoms are presented with other
life stressors or problems (e.g., such as addiction), the counsellor might collaboratively
negotiate with the client what treatment needs to prioritise. Often addressing one area
cascades a positive effect into other areas. For instance, addressing substance abuse
may reduce the depression, and vice versa. The important thing is that the counsellor
develops the treatment focus with the client, monitors treatment response, and adjusts
as needed. An alternative is to address more than one area at a time, either as the
sole intervention provider or as part of an intervention team where resources are
available.
Depression is predominantly recognised and treated as a primary mental
disorder within Western mental health systems, and is often treated with medication.
Frances (2013), the former Chair of the DSM-IV Task Force, critiqued the diagnostic
criteria for depression and how this has been used. He highlighted that while a
diagnosis of major depressive disorder (MDD) is quite beneficial at helping people with
severe depression gain access to treatment; it also readily captures people with
normal emotional experiences (e.g., mild depression) and ignores the contextual role
of life stressors. Sadness and stress have become medicalized and treated with
medication, and in his mind, it has created a “false epidemic of MDD” (p. 154). Frances
noted that the DSM-5 (APA, 2013) made progress in making the diagnosis harder for
milder symptoms. A report by the United Nations Human Rights Council (2017) stated
that the biological model of mental health disorders, including depression, have not
shown sufficient evidence, claiming that “we have been sold a myth that the best
solutions for addressing mental health challenges are medications” (p. 5-7). The report
goes on further to say that “the crisis in mental health should be managed not as a
crisis of individual conditions but as a crisis of social obstacles which hinders individual
rights” (p.19). The DSM5-TR (APA, 2022) and ICD11 (WHO, 2022) have provided a
common language and descriptions that enable classification of mental health issues
including depression. This classification greatly assists in research, diagnosis,
demarcating eligibility for services; and assists practitioners to varying degrees with
case conceptualisation and treatment planning. An unfortunate by-product can be a
form of medical reductionism that predominantly locates the pathology in the individual
and decontextualises the symptoms.
INTERVENTIONS FOR DEPRESSION
There have been many proposed theories of the aetiology (i.e., causes) of
depression, and a few interventions associated with these theories. For this chapter,
we will review several the more well-regarded and evidenced- based approaches from
medication to different models of counselling. Some attention will also be given to
alternative approaches, including those that address lifestyle factors associated with
depressive symptoms.
1. MEDICATION
The most widely known medical treatment for depression is anti-
depressants prescribed by general practitioners and psychiatrists. They are
commonly the first treatment offered in medical contexts and may also be offered
in combination with therapy. In terms of effectiveness with depression, medication
is generally as effective as counselling, while it outperforms counselling with more
prolonged or severe depression (Imel et al., 2008). Antidepressants have come
under criticism as researchers are recognising that typically only research that
shows positive large effects are published, thus giving inflated average effect size
across studies (Hougaard, 2010). In addition, antidepressant and psychotherapy
outperform placebo pills slightly (Cuijpers et al., 2014). Both concerns seem to
indicate that there is very little effect of the active ingredients in addition to placebo.
Further evidence of the possible placebo nature of medication is the large effect of
the prescriber of medication on outcome. Who the psychiatrist is has at least, if not
more, impact on the outcomes of the treatment by medication or placebo pill
(McKay et al., 2006). In other words, depending on which doctor the client is seeing
will determine how effective their anti-depressant medication is. In the study just
cited, the psychiatrist with the best results had better results with their placebo pill
than 80% of the doctors who prescribed the active medication.
2. COUNSELLING FOR DEPRESSION
Counselling for depression is generally effective at reducing symptoms and
improving life quality (Cuijpers et al., 2008; Hoyer et al., 2006; Lambert, 2013).
While the debate over which specific therapy is most effective for depression
continues, meta-analyses demonstrate that no bona fide therapy has been proven
better than others (Cuijpers et al., 2012; Wampold et al., 2002; Weisz et al., 2006)
despite various claims. Let us review some of the main counselling models and
approaches.
A. Psychoanalytic model
The psychoanalytic model proposes that depression is the consequence
of various forms of unconscious coping strategies in response to psychic pain
(Leuzinger‐Bohleber, 2015). Freud believed depression was an alternative
manner of mourning the loss of a significant other. Rather than a progressive
resolution to the loss of a loved one as most do in grief, the person gets stuck
in ambivalence and inner conflict towards the object of loss, may lose
awareness that they are mourning, and punishes a part of their ego (Mustata &
Gregory, 2009; Taylor, 2008, 2015). This is where we get the saying that
depression is anger turned inwards (Rehm, 2010). The aim of treatment is to
help raise the awareness and insight of clients into their range of unconscious
internal reactions and processes towards the loss and help them process their
grief. Psychodynamic approaches comprise the more recent developments in
the psychoanalytic word, to help clients to address specific internal or
interpersonal conflicts. These psychodynamic psychotherapy approaches use
the therapeutic alliance actively and constructively, such as the purposeful use
of transference, to explore current or past dilemmas or conflicts collaboratively
in the therapeutic process. This approach is more often long-term; however,
short- term approaches have been developed and show efficacy in treating
depression. Confrontation, as well as therapist interpretation, while ensuring an
alliance is maintained, are core elements in this approach, with the goal to
increase self-awareness, and the resolution of conflicts in the client’s life.
B. Behavioural model
According to behaviourists, people choose behaviours to help them gain
rewards and/or avoid distress. In this model, the assumption is that depressed
people fail to receive sufficient positive incentives for healthy behaviours and
will tend to withdraw from certain other behaviours and activities to avoid short
term unpleasant events. Avoidance can additionally be problematic because
avoiding potential for distress may also mean they fail to place themselves into
situations whereby they gain longer term benefit (Spiegler & Guevremont,
2010). The aim of the interventions is to help clients stop practising behaviours
consistent with depression, and act more with behaviours that are inconsistent
with depression. Staying home from work may avoid the risks of facing one’s
work pressures, but it may also reinforce feelings of hopelessness, thus feeding
feelings of depression. Practicing depressive behaviour will simply become a
self-defeating cycle, whereas practicing what might be deemed ‘healthy
behaviours’ are more likely to lead to enhanced thinking and moods (Lejuez et
al., 2001).
Intervention consists of having clients identify the various situations they
avoid and the behaviours that are reinforced through such avoidance,
identifying life goals, and then identifying strategies to engage in positive
behaviours that are likely to be reinforced and lead to the clients’ longer-term
goals (Spiegler & Guevremont, 2010). For instance, job seekers can become
demoralised and depressed when their efforts at finding work continue to be
unsuccessful. They may engage in behaviours that avoid the short-term risk of
rejection, but in doing so, may find themselves less likely to achieve the longer-
term satisfaction accompanied by securing employment. The behavioural
counsellor, using the strategy of behavioural activation, might help them
develop a stronger awareness of the longer-term goals, activities to help them
progress towards the goals, and also develop or identify reinforcements
associated with activities that contribute to finding employment. In
contemporary psychotherapy, most behavioural approaches have been
absorbed into the more well-known cognitive behaviour therapy tradition.
C. Cognitive behaviour therapy models
Cognitive therapy (founded by Aaron Beck) and rational emotive
behaviour therapy (founded by Albert Ellis) are the two main schools of
cognitive behaviour therapy approaches. Aaron Beck proposed that faulty
cognition with a bias towards negativity causes and maintains depression.
Cognitive therapy argues that it is not so much what happens to a person that
makes them depressed, but that people feel depressed as a result of tending
to engage in patterns of thinking and beliefs about the events, themselves, and
the world generally, with a negative bias (Blackburn et al., 2006). While one
person may experience failing in an exam as disappointing but nonetheless a
prompt to study harder, a depressed person might view it as evidence that they
are never going to succeed, that they might as well give up, and that they are
a born loser. Cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) is the umbrella label for
cognitive and behavioural approaches, and combines aspects of both. CBT is
often described as a focussed approach, where counsellors work with clients
to address their faulty cognitions, which are the basis for their difficult emotions,
or maladaptive behaviours. Cognitive techniques include addressing the
person’s faulty thinking patterns through cognitive restructuring. For example,
treatment may involve helping clients learn to recognise the difference between
functional and dysfunctional thoughts, helping them monitor their thoughts, and
learn to replace their dysfunctional thinking and beliefs with more adaptive
alternatives. The behavioural aspects of this approach are drawn from
behaviourist theory, and use techniques such as exposure, activity scheduling,
and behaviour modification. Relaxation training is also prescribed. Skills
training, like assertiveness, or stress management, are also key components
of this approach. An important initial step when intervening with depression is
pleasant activity scheduling (also referred to as behavioural activation). This
involves helping the client to identify pleasant activities, and those that also
provide challenge, and then setting goals together to increase these by creating
a weekly schedule comprising these activities. Although this seems like a very
behaviourally oriented approach (and it is!), it has become a standard in
treatment for depression in CBT. While it has been acknowledged previously
that all approaches hold similar efficacy, it must be noted that CBT has
demonstrated especially good efficacy with treating depression and is
supported in Australia under Medicare as a recommended approach (The
Australian Psychological Society [APS], 2018).
Mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT) is a newer approach,
derived from CBT, which emphasises mindfulness-based meditation as a core
treatment for depression, and has shown promising signs especially for treating
recurrent depression (Kahl et al., 2012). It focusses on interrupting ruminative
patterns of thinking which are often associated with depressive relapse. The
main difference between traditional CBT and MBCT is that the latter focuses
more on changing one’s relationship with their thoughts, by noticing and
observing inner dialogues, rather than challenging or changing thinking
patterns through cognitive restructuring. Clients are helped to see themselves
as ‘having’ thoughts, or experiencing difficult emotions, rather than believing
their thoughts as being real or factual.
Acceptance and commitment therapy (pronounced ACT), similar to
MBCT, is regarded as part of the third wave of cognitive behavioural therapies.
ACT was developed by Stephen Hayes and colleagues, following their work on
relational frame theory, which explored the contextual theory of language and
cognition. While acknowledging, and in some cases borrowing, from already
efficacious approaches in CBT, its primary difference is in the way that it
approaches thoughts, feelings, and behaviours. ACT sees the context and
function of private experiences as the primary target of intervention, helping a
client to develop greater acceptance for their subjective distress, rather than
working towards symptom reduction. ACT argues that clients can work towards
improved quality of life, as opposed to a life restricted by avoidance of painful
thoughts and experiences. Specifically, when applied to depression, rather than
focusing on the content of the depressed person’s thoughts, ACT focuses on
helping to develop a different relationship with their thoughts. It does not aim to
replace dysfunctional thoughts with functional thoughts as does traditional CBT,
but rather, clients are taught to dispassionately observe both their thoughts and
feelings. This skill is referred to as cognitive defusion. In ACT, the goal is not to
directly ‘reduce’ depressive symptoms, but to assist clients to accept their inner
experiences regardless of how undesirable they might be (rather than adjusting
their lives trying to avoid such experiences), and to see them simply as
experiences rather than evidence of something more important. For instance,
if the client has a thought “you will never be any good”, rather than fighting with
it, trying to ignore it, or worse, believing it as a truth, the client might simply say
“Thank you mind for that thought” and get on with what they were doing. This
deemphasises the speculated significance of internal experiences and frees up
energy for the client to live life according to their life values (Siddiqui et al.,
2009). Being more values-guided also enables clients to relinquish destructive
patterns of behaviour and make decisions that are consistent with their values.
A simple example of this for a client experiencing depression might be, rather
than withdrawal from friends and family, clients might learn to take action toward
a more rich and meaningful life, and be more socially engaged with those that
matter. This might be despite some difficult feelings persisting when clients
initially try to re-engage with their world. Clients are challenged to be willing to
work towards a life of purpose, and at times, allow space for any difficult feelings
or thoughts that might accompany them.
D. Interpersonal therapy
Interpersonal therapy (IPT) was initially developed in the 1970s as a
control treatment for research on the effectiveness of anti-depressants
(Klerman et al., 2017). However, unexpectedly, the approach itself was shown
to have effectiveness, and was further developed into the model now referred
to as IPT (Klerman et al., 2017). The assumption of IPT is that problems in a
person’s interpersonal relationships are interrelated with depression, and if
specifically targeted interventions, will see an amelioration of depressive
symptoms (Klerman et al., 2017). IPT is a structured approach, often described
as a brief intervention, lasting for a prescribed number of sessions, commonly
up to 10. The time limited nature of IPT is seen as an active ingredient in the
treatment (Klerman, et al., 2017). The main goal is to help clients understand
that their current interpersonal difficulties are directly associated with their
depression. Its main emphasis is to help clients develop more effective
communication skills, more effective mechanisms for expressing emotions, and
more realistic expectations of relationships (Robertson et al., 2008). Sessions
often include skills training for resolving interpersonal disputes, managing role
transitions, dealing with grief or loss, and addressing interpersonal and social
deficits by such strategies as improving communications skills through practice
and role play with the counsellor. IPT has been found to have good efficacy in
treating depression and is supported in Australia under Medicare as a
recommended approach (APS, 2018).