Characteristics and History of Political Training Organization
Many grassroots organizations have their origins in their local communities; their
governing body and staff either are members of the community they serve or have a profound
grasp of its social, political, and economic dynamics. The first point of contact and most closely
associated with the disenfranchised group they deal with are grassroots organizations. They can
establish a trusting bond as a result. They support the neighborhood as the first responders for
social justice. Progress advocacy on a wide scale in the community is crucial in bridging various
movements and groups to work together. When done sensitively, grassroots organization is
strategically significant for boosting voices at the grassroots level.
Grassroots organizations can provide innovative answers to current problems by
collaborating with local governments and residents. Grassroots organizations can build an
alternative local voice that confronts prejudice and discrimination. By giving political training
programs, they encourage the community, particularly Black women, to run for political office.
For example, Black Women Organized for Political Action (BWOPA) was founded in 1968 with
the primary mission of activating, motivating, promoting, supporting, and educating Black
women about the political process by encouraging participation and affirming Black women to
commit to resolution for the Black community. BWOPA meets its purpose by implementing the
Institute for Leadership Enrichment training programs (TILE, n.d). This program prepares and
provides resources to Black women interested in running for political office (Black Women
Organized for Political Action 2023).
Statement of the Purpose
To date, there has been no study of program effectiveness and other variables related to
focusing on grassroots organizations' political training programs that have shown a correlation of
the involvement of Black women in public politics.
Problem Statement
The research questions addressed in this study include the following:
This research examines if political leadership training programs designed by grassroots
organizations effectively equip and encourage Black women to run for political office. Black
women are at the forefront of social justice problem-solving, yet they are not observed in local
politics. This research will discuss the historical trajectory of Black women, from the suffrage
movement to the struggle for political office.
Statement of Significance
This study may provide insight into research that needs to be done in developing Black
women in political leadership roles. Philpot and Walton (2007) state, "As a result of their few
numbers, very little empirical work has been done on Black female elected officials" (p.53).
Through this study, a change can develop in understanding how to develop effectively and
sustain Black women in the political pipeline. These women represent a talented population but
need more resources to implement their potential political talent. If these women constitute a
significant portion of the population, they must have the required tools: will, drive, and
determination.
According to The Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP 2023), less than eight
percent of Black women hold a local political position. The information shows that much work
still needs to be done about Black women holding national office. The strides that Chisholm and
Barbara Jordan made are beginning to dissipate slowly. Chisholm and Jordan began the journey
and the path for future Black women to see that the road to political office can be had with
determination and the will to conquer adversity. A perceived first step in this process of political
ascension is through political leadership training programs. There are coalitions of women
coming together to challenge the male-dominated political structure to train Black women to
become the next group of political trailblazers in the fight to break barriers to voting rights.
13
CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW & THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The literature review identifies the fundamental factors, patterns, and leadership training
experiences that provide a pipeline for Black women to achieve public office careers. Several
themes will be explored:
1. The right for women to vote in America.
2. The Voting Rights Acts of 1965.
3. Black women in political office.
4. Women’s organizations that have leadership training programs that prepare Black women
to attain public office.
The Historical Background of the Right to Vote for Women The American
political system historically exhibited limited support for women expressing their perspectives
in the context of suffrage. In American society, women traditionally assumed the roles of
motherhood, homemaking, and caregiving. Women needed to pursue autonomy using suffrage
to be recognized as active participants in society. The initiation of this endeavor necessitated
commencing at the grassroots level, entailing the organization and recruiting individuals who
had a shared fervor for the purpose. The American court system would interpret its view of
women's rights through the United States Constitution and how it should be altered based on
the acts of the states.
There is an ongoing struggle for Black women to have a voice in the political, public, and
private spheres. In these situations, they worked hard to improve their voice to move up in the
movement. From slaves to abolitionists, they were seen as the women's rights movement's
14
leaders, which could be a double-edged sword. Black women have struggled to find a place in
society and the workplace. Even now, it is a struggle to establish their place in society. According
to Parker (2002), Black and white female reformers occupied different ends of the continuum of
female inequality; Black women must overcome obstacles to attain their desired political status.
The landmark case of Dred Scott v. Sanford, rendered in 1857, established the legal
precedent that individuals who were enslaved, as well as their progeny, were devoid of any
constitutional entitlements prior to the onset of the Civil War. Additional legal proceedings, such
as the Plessy v. Ferguson case, undermined the previously established safeguards provided by the
Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments. According to Buhle and Buhle (1978),
suffragist leaders perceived Reconstruction as the men through which voting rights could be
extended to all individuals in the United States. During the post-Reconstruction era spanning
from 1865 to 1877, individuals of African descent encountered various challenges, including
racism, misogyny, and the influence of the white suffragist movement. Black women were
consistently marginalized and undervalued within a societal framework that assigned them little
to no worth, resulting in their relegation to the lowest priority.
Parker (2002) posits that the involvement of Black women in the abolitionist movement
had the potential to exert a significant impact on their counterparts who participated in the
suffragist movement, primarily through articulating their political grievances. The recognition of
abolitionists as prominent figures in the women's rights movement was a significant achievement
for their cause. Put differently, the trajectory of the women's movement hinged significantly on
women's capacity to rally behind a particular cause and actively influence its foundation. In his
literary work titled "Dark Waters," WE.B. Dubois (1918) asserts that, upon observing his
surroundings inside his obscured reality, he possesses an innate understanding and recognition
15
that the significant impact is attributed to the five million women belonging to his racial
community, despite the more ostentatious and boisterous progress made by his male counterparts
(p.96). Black women, as well as women with Black grandparents, play a pivotal role as the
primary foundations of social settlements.
The pre-Civil War movement known as Abolitionism was characterized by its unwavering
commitment to the eradication of slavery and the advocacy for granting enslaved individuals the
fundamental rights of liberty. The involvement of Black American women in political activities
commenced with the abolitionist movement. The movement encompassed Black women who
advocated for the liberation of Black individuals. Prominent figures within this movement
included Sojourner Truth and Harriet Tubman.
On January 1, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation,
freeing enslaved people from the bondage of slavery. However, Black people continued to face
pervasive discrimination that was deeply ingrained in the fabric of the nation. However, there
remained a faction within society that advocated for the integration of Black people in America.
It can be mentioned that since the presence of Black people in America, they have advocated for
their assimilation into American society. However, racism persisted across the nation, resulting in
Black people being denied political privileges. According to Schlosser (2002), the presence of
white supremacy and patriarchy has consistently permeated American politics and culture. To
surpass their influence in the contemporary day, it is imperative to retrospectively examine their
origins within the establishment of the United States (p.1).
The pervasive discriminatory laws deeply entrenched in the southern region of the United
States limited the opportunities for Black women, confining them to a life of subservience and
denying them the ability to engage in political activities. Black women suffragists strongly
16
desired to advocate for complete citizenship rights, not alone for their benefit but also the
betterment of their families. According to Brown (2006), two prevailing anti-suffrage views were
discussed. The first thought was that granting women the right to vote would result in the
emergence of a perceived threat from the Black population. The second belief was that Black
women were deemed intellectually or socially unfit to exercise their voting rights (p.139). Black
women were historically regarded as the primary careers within their communities, and the
impact of legislation on their endeavors to attain the complete privileges of citizenship cannot be
overlooked.
Black women had challenges in being recognized as American citizens. Their role can be
characterized as one of segregation, inequality, and political passivity. The acquisition of voting
rights by Black men with the ratification of the 15th Amendment on February 3, 1870, posed an
ongoing challenge for Black women. Distinguishing themselves and their cause would be a
significant challenge for Black women. Black women established a concerted effort to assert
their equality within society and demand the same political liberties enjoyed by suffragists. The
struggle would be spearheaded by dedicated activists who were resolute in pursuing political
inclusion for Black people. According to Painter (2002), there was a division among reformers
on suffrage priorities, namely whether to endorse the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted
voting rights to Black males without addressing the issue of women's suffrage (p.44).
Through the enactment of the 15th Amendment, history would show that the rights of
Black men would also be considered before those of women. In the United States, women were
still seen as second-class citizens who were not afforded the same privileges and authority
inherently granted to men. Black women, perceiving the suffrage movement as a means to assert
their agency and ensure their perspectives were acknowledged, exhibited unwavering resolve to
17
participate actively in the struggle. Black women held distinct perspectives regarding the 15th
Amendment.
Despite having the legal right to vote, Black males were often denied this privilege. The
15th Amendment was often interpreted as a mechanism to perpetuate the marginalization of
Black people within a culture characterized by bigotry. Indeed, the prevailing societal perspective
persisted in regarding Black women as subordinate rather than as individuals striving for gender
equality within the framework of democracy.
According to Parker (2002), Sojourner Truth, a prominent figure during the antebellum
period, was widely regarded as a symbol of Black activism. Contrary to other Black activists
who hailed from privileged and educated backgrounds. Sojourner did not possess any formal
schooling.
The enactment of legislation that conferred suffrage upon women was a significant
challenge for most states, particularly those in the Southern region. Black women faced
persistent obstacles in overcoming the discriminatory policies of the Jim Crow era. The Southern
woman adhered to the societal expectations and norms that dictated her role and behavior,
ensuring she did not transgress the established boundaries.
During the 1870s, race was a significant consideration for many Southern states. Whether
Black women would actively engage in or support the women's movement was a prevalent
concern within the movement itself. The suffragists demonstrated an apparent inclination toward
limiting Black women's membership in the National American Women Suffrage Association, led
by Susan B. Anthony, by implementing a policy that advocated for a "separate but equal"
approach (Mead, 2004, p. 7).
18
If American women were to advocate for the rights of all individuals in their pursuit of
democracy, their treatment of Black women would not be deemed democratic. Excluding a
specific demographic would not contribute to successfully attaining universal suffrage for
women.
Several states implemented their voting laws to disengage from the established system.
Throughout history, women have consistently encountered and overcome various obstacles in
pursuing equal status and the right to vote within society. Consequently, a persistent struggle
ensued to advance their objective of achieving equal justice for women within the framework of
the movement's ideology. The women's movement significantly influenced the mindset of
suffragists, leading to a shift towards empowerment and challenging the perception of women as
incapable of holding political office. The movement's objective would mark the commencement
of a transformative epoch when women assume significant roles in the functioning of society.
This is an authentic manifestation of a woman's abilities to mobilize for a specific purpose, rather
than perceiving women solely as competent in managing domestic affairs rather than public
governance at the municipal, regional, or national level.
According to Solomon (1991), women were encouraged to perceive themselves as
unsuitable for public life, defining their identities primarily via home responsibilities. Solomon
further asserts that this perception was reinforced by societal expectations, which portrayed
women as emotionally, cognitively, and physically incapable of participating in public spheres
(p.6).
According to Leighely (2005), it is widely acknowledged that a crucial measure of
democratic inclusivity within a representative democracy is the provision of complete electoral
rights and privileges to racial and ethnic minorities (p.143). The persistent refusal to accept
19
societal norms and attitudes towards women serves as a driving force behind their ongoing
endeavor to attain equal rights and privileges as men. According to Solomon (1991), the
emergence of the women's movement can be seen as a response to the societal prejudices and
prescribed gender roles that were prevalent in the early nineteenth century (p.5).
Black women were excluded during the suffrage movement and had to establish their
distinct movement. The exclusion of Black women from active participation in the suffrage
movement was readily apparent. Conversely, a cohort of intellectually proficient Black women
emerged, asserting their interpretations of their challenges. These Black women would originate
from middle-class sectors of American culture, whereby they were perceived as individuals
confined to servitude. To effect a transformation of this perception, Black women residing in the
Northern regions, who possessed a high level of education and political acumen, embarked upon
a novel trajectory to achieve the emancipation of Black women.
These activists assumed the character of educated women dedicated to advocating for the
inclusion of Black women in the electoral system. In the endeavor to alter societal conceptions of
Black women, these women exerted themselves to pioneer involvement in the women's
movement. According to Parker (2002), the individuals actively engaged in the women's rights
movement before the Civil War were predominantly middle-class free Black women residing in
the northern regions. The ladies mentioned in the text, namely the Forten, Purvis, and Remond
families, were individuals of high social and political standing. They were not only welleducated
but also actively engaged in advocating for many causes. One of their core beliefs was that
granting women the right to vote would enhance their societal standing (p.36).
American society has always imposed a singular perspective on women rather than
recognizing them as advocates who actively engage in the ongoing struggle for equal rights and
20
equal justice. During that era, there was a prevailing belief that women in the United States
lacked the capability and intellectual capacity to engage in political activities and navigate
politics. Women initiated public protests to assert their agency in defining their own identities.
Individuals previously perceived as lacking the ability to express their viewpoints on the
cause will experience a shift in perception. According to Witt, Paget, and Matthews (1994), a
more comprehensive understanding of the evolution of the social standing of American women
necessitates an examination of the historical context. This transformation can be discerned by
analyzing the concept of covertures, a legal term denoting women's initial position at the nation's
establishment (p.21).
In historical contexts, it was customary for women who entered marriage to be regarded
as the legal possessions of their husbands, with all legal rights falling under the authority of the
latter. Historically, women were devoid of legal rights inside the institution of marriage. In
response to this inequitable situation and pursuing a transformation in their societal standing
within a predominantly male-dominated context, women would assert their legal autonomy. The
transformation of the portrayal of women in American society can be characterized as that of
those who were seen as revolutionaries, advocating for women's right to vote. This action was
undertaken to challenge the prevailing perception of women solely as caregivers rather than
active participants in protests.
According to Marshall (1950), the suffragists' main goal was to obtain the right to vote
and establish their political influence. The movement's actions were driven by their goal to get
suffrage, encompassing the principle of equitable representation. During this historical period,
Black Americans were deprived of the privilege to participate in the electoral process,
specifically in terms of voting rights.
21
Consequently, Black men endeavored to align their pursuit of suffrage with the suffragist
movement. White American women were unaware of this occurrence and endeavored to
safeguard and advance their interests. In Brown's (2006) study, it was discovered that historian
Rosalyn Terborg-Penn's research on the suffrage movement revealed that Black women were
systematically excluded from participating in the movement due to the influence of white
ideology and dominance. The participation of Black women in the civil rights movement
gradually declined, paralleling their ongoing efforts for integration within the movement.
According to Parker (2002), a significant objective of the women's rights movement was
to alter societal perspectives about women's abilities and entitlements (p.36). The reformers had a
pivotal role in driving the progression of the movement's objectives. The exertion was formed
because they aspired to witness transformation inside the country. According to Painter (2002), a
significant reform movement emerged, emphasizing women's and Black Americans' rights. To
sustain the endeavors of the reformers, Black women would dedicate themselves to advancing
their own set of objectives.
According to Zackodnik (2004), Sojourner Truth, for thirty years, actively participated in
many gatherings focused on women's rights and the abolition of slavery. She fearlessly advocated
for causes such as universal suffrage, the rights of liberated individuals, working-class Black
Americans, and Black women (p.49). Isabella Baumfree, later known as Truth, advocated for
Black women's suffrage.
According to Walker (1996) in the book African American Orators, Sojourner Truth's
enduring impact can be attributed to her boldness in addressing prominent societal concerns,
such as women's rights, Black American rights, and temperance, despite her illiteracy (p.332).
22
Truth's efforts and determination to secure universal suffrage would subsequently lead her to
become an advocate for women's rights within the broader women's movement.
The issue of classism had a particularly devastating impact on Black women, who faced
discrimination throughout several spheres of society and had significant challenges as a result.
Black women were not recognized as suffragists until the emergence of the Truth movement. She
was a dedicated abolitionist who sought to represent Black women and their aspirations to
participate in the electoral system. Truth strongly advocated for the integration of Black women
into the suffrage movement.
Black women encountered numerous societal obstacles as they navigated their journey
toward political engagement. The dispute was not limited to the electoral process but also
selfpreservation rights. According to Zackodnik (2004), it was recognized by Truth and her
contemporaries that the battle of Black women to assert control over their bodies was intricately
connected to the broader historical struggle for representation within the American public sphere
(p.51). Truth was a prominent figure who actively advocated for Black Americans' civil rights,
aiming to enhance their integration into the American political framework. Through her powerful
speech titled "Ain't I a Woman," her endeavors would enhance Black women's perception as
prominent advocates of the ongoing battle. Baker (2002) believed that Truth demonstrated a
lifelong dedication to human rights by advocating for the abolition of slavery, black voting
rights, and women's suffrage. Through these endeavors, Truth would establish and strengthen her
influence within the women's suffrage movement. The representation of women suffragists did
not reflect the appearance of Black women due to the association of their fight with the
abolitionist movement. The training field provided them with adequate preparation to advance
their endeavors in pursuing women's suffrage.
23
The emergence of heightened awareness of gender was a component of a multifaceted set
of ideas that influenced the Black social movement. Women exerted considerable effort to
establish their agency and pursue their interests, resulting in instances where their aspirations
intersected or clashed with those of men. Shirley Chisolm achieved a significant milestone in
American politics by shattering the metaphorical "glass ceiling" barrier. She accomplished this
feat by becoming the inaugural Black woman and the first Black individual to pursue the
Democratic Party's presidential candidacy in the United States. Given her historic position as the
first Black American woman to hold a seat in the United States Congress, Chisolm aimed to
establish an inclusive platform that would facilitate the active participation of women in
advocating for transformative reforms. Chisolm's tenure in Congress was characterized by her
active advocacy for women's rights, demonstrating her multifaceted engagement beyond her role
as a legislator.
She advocated for implementing Head Start programs, providing school lunches for
socioeconomically disadvantaged schools, and allocating food stamps to impoverished
communities. Additionally, she conducted hearings about the Vietnam War and had a role in the
establishment and advancement of the Congressional Black and Women's Caucus. In one of her
public addresses, she expressed, "I do not represent solely the interests of the Black community,
despite my own racial identity and the pride I hold in it. Despite being a woman, I do not
represent the women's movement in this nation. Nevertheless, I take great pride in my gender
identity" (Landers, 2016).
Despite Chisolm's advocacy for women's rights, she encountered a lack of support from
the Black community comparable to other women. Sure, researchers may have posited that it was
important for her constituents to make necessary arrangements in anticipation of the substantial
24
expanse, drawing from their prior scholarly investigations. The circumstance potentially
contributed to a need for more backing when she pursued the presidency. Shirley Chisolm had
various challenges, including encountering gender discrimination inside the Black Caucus, an
organization she played a pivotal role in establishing. Upon declaring her candidacy for the
presidency, a politician of African descent endeavored to cultivate a more influential platform for
effecting political transformation among the Black community. A limited number of individuals
perceived Chisolm as a transformative figure.
In contrast, the Democratic Party extended its support to Julian Bond, an esteemed
member of the Georgia House of Representatives (Landers, 2016). Despite occupying prominent
political positions, Chisolm and Bond encountered a prevailing belief within the Democratic
Party that leadership should be entrusted to a male figure rather than a female one. Shirley
Chisolm faced other challenges, and this particular one was not the sole obstacle she
encountered. The trajectory she navigates encompasses the challenging uphill battle she
confronts, not only as an individual belonging to the Black racial and ethnic group but also as a
Black woman actively engaged in the political sphere. The phrase utilized by the individual in
question, "Unbought and Unbossed," effectively encapsulates her challenges, yet she remains
resolute and persistent.
The Black Churches
In her novel Their Eyes Were Watching God, Zora Neale Hurston characterizes southern
Black women as the "mules of the world." Black women assumed multiple essential roles as
laborers, caretakers of their families, and upholders of the community. Since the inception of
slavery, the Black church has served as the fundamental support system for the Black
community. However, the Black women's roles as active participants and facilitators in Black
25
American society are most apparent via their unwavering dedication to Black churches and the
community. Black women utilized the Bible, which held significant authority within their
community, to advocate for women's rights in the church and society. A unique form of
opposition emerged in the late nineteenth century, characterized by a feminist theology.
Frequently, their endeavors mainly manifested as commonplace acts of resistance against
oppression and demoralization rather than loud protests. Primarily facilitated by the fundraising
endeavors of women, the Black church undertook the construction of schools, provision of
clothing and food to impoverished individuals, the establishment of elderly care facilities and
orphanages, and provision of many essential social welfare services (Brooks, 2004, p.11).
Despite the denial of voting rights to Black women in the American political system, Barkley
(1994) contended that in the decades following Emancipation, newly liberated men, women, and
children all recognized the ability to vote as a shared benefit rather than only belonging to male
voters. The perception of the freedmen's vote transformed when influential Black male leaders
started adopting the prevailing societal beliefs and behaviors towards women.
According to Brown (1994), the establishment of separate areas for women's work in the
late nineteenth century, both in religious and non-religious contexts, did not originate from the
dual gender practices of West African societies. Instead, it emerged because Black women were
striving to regain a previously held authority, which they often sought to justify based on their
distinctively female identity.
Establishing a distinct sector for women's activity inside the churches has created
challenges for Black women's political leadership. As Black women exercised their influence in
the decision-making spheres of male-dominated political organizations, they encountered
opposition from male leaders. Researchers are studying the role of Black churches and men's
26
opposition to women's political leadership beyond the church. Patricia Hill Collins appreciates
the alternate area of influence that church women have while also commending women political
activists for their rejection of sexism inside political groups. The roles of Black women in
churches are more intricate than what traditional models suggest, which argues that women
follow the orders of male leaders. Collins (1991), like Gilkes (1991), contends that men and
women exercise distinct forms of leadership within Black church communities (p.152).
However, while discussing the political leadership of Black women, she commends
women activists such as Ella Baker and Septima Clark for their consistent rejection of authority
models founded on hierarchical power relations (p.157). Black women, like all American
women, had never had political equality with their male counterparts. However, once Black men
were denied suffrage, Black women became increasingly helpless and vulnerable to southern
racial animosity. Because Black women comprised two-thirds of this movement, they played an
essential role in shaping public opinion and expressing a Black collective.
Women established an additional discourse arena within the significant denominational
context of the National Baptist Convention in 1900. The Women's Convention, which served as
an auxiliary to the National Baptist Convention, drew a sisterhood of over one million women
and culminated nearly three decades of work by women's organizations at the local and state
levels. During their conference, Black women gave information about their state and local
activities. They managed their members, set their agenda, chose their leaders, and devised criteria
that earned the respect and emulation of other women.
In 1909, the conference boasted of establishing the first school for Black women, which
Black women owned. Through their school and national convention, Black Baptist women
fought many of the practical and metaphorical restrictions that others, including white Americans
27
in general and Black males in particular, sought to impose on them in the church and greater
society. Instead of weakening racial unity, increased gender consciousness enabled an effective
push toward a national Black Baptist identity (Brooks, 2003, p.20).
Brooks (2003) argues that in the segregated culture of Jim Crow, the church provided
Black Americans with a space to analyze and challenge the racial dominance of white America.
Furthermore, the church provided Black women with a platform to express a public dialogue that
scrutinized the subordinate position of women. An analysis of the Black church from a gender
perspective focuses on the church's public role. Examining the communication and interaction
between men and women provides a more authentic depiction of the church's wide-ranging
activities and influence at the grassroots levels (p.21).
The Auxiliary Women's Convention provided Black men and women with a social
platform to criticize the United States government, its legal system, and its institutions publicly.
The Baptist Convention provided Black individuals with a framework to elect delegates, engage
in debates, and exercise other privileges that white society denied them.
Black Americans disproved the idea that they were incapable or unprepared for equal
political involvement. Among women, this comprehension intensified the endorsement of
women's suffrage. The yearly gatherings of Black women involved the expression of political
vocabulary, encompassing the call for voting rights and complete integration into American
public life. An analysis of gender within the context of the church provides a clearer
understanding of this issue, as it identifies many spaces where Black women both accepted and
challenged the prevailing beliefs and standards of white Baptists in the northern region, white
women, and even Black males.
The women's movement within the Black Baptist church perceived itself as belonging to the
28
Black community and an evangelical sisterhood that transcended racial boundaries. The fact that
Black women expressed the race-conscious concerns and objectives of the male-dominated
movement did not prevent them from engaging in interracial collaboration with white women or
encountering conflicts with Black men. The women's convention movement was led by a group
belonging to a rising class of school administrators, journalists, businesswomen, and reformers.
They dedicated their efforts to serving an exclusively Black community; this highly
educated group of women, often comprised of teachers or spouses of ministers affiliated with
educational establishments, advocated for middle-class values among the majority of Black
Americans, with the notion that these values would assist achieve both racial empowerment and
recognition from white society.
While women's historians often prioritize the secular club movement, notably the
National Association of Colored Women, as a prime example of Black women's activism, the
clubwomen openly acknowledged the influence of church work in developing women's
awareness and a racial understanding of the greater good. According to Brooks (2003), In 1900,
Fannie Barrier Williams, a prominent member and leader of the National Association of Colored
Women, recognized that the skills and knowledge necessary for colored women to establish
effectively and manage clubs were initially acquired through their involvement in church
activities. These churches have been and continue to serve as significant institutions for teaching
fundamental principles of social organization, mutual reliance, and collective endeavor (p.28).
Women's awareness of the importance of unity of impact for the common good and the
cultivation of social sympathies was fostered by their involvement in church activities.
The establishment of the club movement among Black women can be attributed to the
foundational organizational abilities and leadership development acquired through women's
29
church societies. Missionary societies initially facilitated the gathering of women who were
unfamiliar with one another, fostering sisterly collaboration at both the local and state levels. Not
only did Baptists but also Black Methodists, Presbyterians, and women from other
denominations joined together in associations that had a transformative effect on previously
unknown and lacking-in-confidence women, empowering them to become leaders and advocates
for social service and racial self-help within their communities (p.28).
The Black Baptist women's convention actively engaged in Progressive reform. At the
same time, societal clubs like the National Association of Colored Women, which focused on
secular matters, also recognized the need for church work to achieve their goals. Ultimately, the
women's movement inside the Black Baptist church can be compared more closely to Harriet
Tubman's gradual and secretive attempts to guide enslaved people toward freedom rather than to
Nat Turner's radical and revolutionary uprising. Women made courageous attempts to guide their
community through the oppressive and perilous challenges of American racism. The convention
movement among Black Baptist women, driven by their dedication to racial self-help and
progress, significantly bolstered the church's immense impact on Black communities' spiritual
and worldly aspects.
However, the women's movement accomplished something beyond that. It instilled in
Black women a sense of personal and collective pride that opposed philosophies and beliefs that
promote the subjection of women based on gender. The movement gave them the combined
fortitude and resolve to persist in their fight for Black Americans' and women's rights (Brooks,
2003, p.20).
The social and political impact of the Black church grew as Black literacy rates increased
and leadership classes emerged, consisting of individuals who were increasingly educated at the
30
college level. The increase in the prominence and impact of women in the church throughout the
late 1800s was directly linked to the rise in the population of educated women. The Female
Talented Tenth, a collective of educated Black women, spread middle-class ethics and principles
to the general population while providing financial assistance to the Black church and its
educational and extensive social service initiatives.
The Black Baptist women's resilience against the social systems and symbolic depiction
of white supremacy can be defined by the notion of the politics of respectability. Respectability
among Baptist women can be understood as having a political aspect, like the concept of politics
described by Nancy Fraser. According to Fraser, something is considered political when debated
and disputed in various discourses and among different groups of people (p.217). Poor Black
women expressed their will and agency to define themselves outside the confines of prevalent
racist rhetoric by establishing receptibility through their manners and morality (p.233).
Black women contribute to preserving Black churches by participating in activities that
teach and sharpen skills that allow them to participate in electoral and community politics.
According to Brooks (2003), The National Baptist Convention's women's convention, the AME
church's missionary societies, and the Church of God in Christ's Women's Department all
allowed church women to govern their programs and development, which aided Black women's
participation in community organizing and, when opportunities arose, in electoral politics
(p.159).
In her study on the political engagement of Black women during the Civil War, Elsa
Barkley Brown reveals that excluding women from the decision-making aspects of Black
political and social life was not as prominent after Emancipation as it became in the late
nineteenth century. The philosophy underlying women's alternate realms in the church most
31
likely contributed to male opposition to women's political leadership. Women activists like Baker
and Clark were against the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). This organization
was rooted in the Baptist Church's gendered, hierarchical norms and was, as Aldon Morris puts
it, the decentralized political arm of the Black church (p.163).
Whether Black women develop civic or organizing skills in independent churches devoid
of gender bias or in alternative spheres inside more mainstream religions, those abilities improve
their participation in secular politics. However, the augmentation could encourage the
preservation of a separate women's political sector. Throughout the twentieth century, Black
women established separate women's political spheres through organizations such as the National
Association of Colored Women and the National League of Negro Women, or they established
auxiliary organizations to political organizations and movements dominated by male leaders.
Legislative Actions
The movement emerged to foster solidarity among women in pursuing equal rights and
justice, primarily through suffrage. The case of Minor v. Happersett in 1975 marked a significant
verdict by the U.S. Supreme Court concerning women's rights. The case demonstrated the way
the court system would proceed with matters that posed challenges to women's suffrage. This
event demonstrated that for women to face challenges at the voting booth persistently, they
needed to question the existing system actively and assertively.
According to Hinck (1991), the early temperance campaigners recognized that women's
ability to exert their moral influence was contingent upon their ability to argue for fair laws that
granted them equal rights. As a result, they began to prioritize equal rights as their primary
32
priority (p.43). According to the findings of McDonagh and Price (1985), the women's suffrage
movement underwent a division, forming two distinct groups. The initial organization was a
national entity that pursued a federal amendment utilizing lobbying Congress. However, the
subsequent organization was an American entity that aimed to bring reforms through individual
states. These initiatives would culminate in ratifying a constitutional amendment in the United
States, granting women the legal right to vote.
According to Amar (1998), the initial wave marked the commencement of women's
attainment of political and social power on par with males. The Fifteenth Amendment can be
interpreted as a confirmation of the political rights of Black Americans, including the right to
vote, serve on juries, and hold public office. This affirmation parallels the affirmation of civil
rights for Black Americans in the Fourteenth Amendment, which granted them the ability to
engage in nearly all activities save for a few exceptions.
Nineteenth Amendment
The protracted battle for women's suffrage began with Lucretia Mott, Susan B. Anthony,
and Elizabeth Catty Stanton, regarded as the movement's founding mothers. In the Western
States, the 19th Amendment, which granted women the right to vote, was initially ratified. The
state's decision to grant women the right to vote was regarded as progressive, in contrast to other
states that continued to hold the view that women should be subordinate.
The jurisdiction over the suffrage of women was initially delegated to individual states.
This development provided the public with an indication that women were gradually gaining
traction in the political sphere. Individual states' capacity to grant women the right to vote
constituted the initial stride toward attaining suffrage at the national level.
33
Lott (2008) found that the first western states to grant women the right to vote were
Wyoming (1869), Utah (1870), Colorado (1893), and Idaho (1896), all of which had relatively
few female inhabitants. Twenty-nine states granted women the right to vote at age 21 before the
nationwide ratification of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution in 1920. Following the
ratification of the 19th Amendment, Black American women encountered restrictions on their
right to vote. Hanson (2003) states, "In 1920, the ratification of suffrage of women influenced
Black women to reconsider their political position and develop a more expansive perspective on
the significance of formal political engagement" (p.122).
In the South, Black American women were met with a harsh realization regarding the
promise of suffrage. White Southerners were adamantly opposed to the implementation of the
19th Amendment's new regulations concerning Black women. The 19th Amendment served as a
tangible manifestation of the harsh reality that most Southern states intended to restrict the voting
rights of Black Americans (Terborg-Penn, 1998).
Amidst the disenfranchisement experienced by Black women delegates at the 1921 National
Women's Party Convention, a prevailing animosity was directed toward Alice Paul, the
embodiment of the women's movement. Paul adopted a position of indifference and contempt
towards the political concerns of Black American women (Taylor, 1998).
The Voting Rights Act of 1965
The Civil Rights Act of 1964, signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson, paved the way for
Black Americans to advocate for equal legal protection. The Civil Rights struggle marked the
initiation of an arduous journey toward securing suffrage for Black Americans. Black Americans
had been subjected to oppression, dehumanization, and degradation in their pursuit of the
34
fundamental right to vote. The complete realization of Black women's voting rights did not occur
until the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was enacted. The development of the Voting Rights Acts of
1965 demonstrates that the struggle for inclusion continued even after excluded groups began to
obtain fundamental suffrage rights (Bybee, 1998, p. 13)
As a result of years of racial strife and prejudice, Black women were forced to play
catchup in the political arena. "Our comprehension of Black women as political actors is limited
because, until the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the arena of electoral politics was
effectively off-limits to them" (Carroll & Fox, 2006, p.119). Insufficient information and
understanding have resulted in a scarcity of resources devoted to compiling historical records
regarding the rise of Black women to political office and succession strategies. Clayton (1999)
stated, "The legislation that mandated racial segregation and upheld the ideology of white
supremacy was derogatorily referred to as 'Jim Crow' (p.18).
This occurred after the abolition of discriminatory practices, including literacy tests and
poll taxes, in the Southern region. Bybee (1998) observed that discriminatory practices in
political representation have been mirrored in the portrayal of America's path toward political
history. Black women possessed the leverage of the ballot to ensure the progression of their cause
for political equality. During this era, Black women were considered activists, whereas males
were considered revolutionary, and the time had come to initiate a strategic plan in pursuit of
federal representation.
"The long history of discrimination and exclusion provided civil-rights reformers of the
1960s with a clear objective: Black Americans desired access to the voting booth" (Bybee 1998,
35
p. 16). Politically, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 sought to grant Black Americans residing in the
Southern states the right to be recognized as citizens of the United States. This concluded their
endeavor to strengthen their political position and bring them one step closer to achieving the
American ideal.
Black Americans persisted in their endeavors to augment the voter registration rate within
their respective communities. It marked the initiation of a novel endeavor to acclimate Black
Americans to a political system that was accessible to them but still rooted in the principles of
segregation. "The United States Commission on Civil Rights found that 35.5% of Black
Americans of voting age in the Southern states were registered to vote, compared to 73.4% of
whites of voting age," according to Engstrom (1994 p. 686).
Clayton (2000) states that the Voting Rights Act of 1965 did the following:
1. It prohibited the use of literacy tests.
2. It authorized the effective registration of Blacks throughout the South.
3. It required Southern states to submit any election changes for approval to the United
States Justice Department.
Consequently, heightened Black political mobilization resulted in a substantial increase in
newly registered Black voters and Black elected officials at the state and local levels but not at
the congressional level (p.2).
Gill (1997) found that enacting the Voting Rights Act marked a significant milestone in
the political participation of Black women. An appearance was altered for Black female political
leaders by the legislation. The 1965 Voting Rights Act facilitated the political participation of
Black women in Congress. The act was necessary to put an end to the discriminatory practice of
mandating that Black Americans pass a literacy exam to demonstrate their ability to comprehend
36
voting procedures. The notion that political participation was egalitarian was predicated on every
citizen being eligible to cast a ballot.
In addition to being regarded as suffrage, the right to vote for Black women was also
perceived to assist their communities in escaping the hardships of the South. Representation of
Black Americans at all levels of governance was crucial to the conquest. In Washington, D.C.,
Black women were effectively excluded from traditional politics by the Fifteenth and Nineteenth
Amendments, which granted suffrage to men and women, respectively. This changed with the
passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, according to D.C. Prestage (1995, p. 176).
The exclusion, as mentioned earlier, hindered the ability of Black women to engage
actively in the political system or obtain the same privileges as their male counterparts as
citizens. Politically, these women could only have succeeded by initiating a movement within the
Southern states. The Black women activist era came into existence. Palmer and Simon (2006)
discovered that the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was amended by Congress in 1982, stipulating that
minorities should have the right to elect representatives of their choice. Increasing the number of
minorities in a district was hypothesized to increase the number of minorities elected to the
House since minority voters are significantly more likely to support minority candidates than
white voters.
The research on Black women's representation in the United States House of
Representatives is constrained in both quantity and breadth due to the inadequate opportunities
they encountered before enacting the Voting Rights Act of 1965. "By examining the experiences
of Black women, we can assess the degree to which the United States has made strides toward
political inclusiveness about race and gender" (Smooth, 2006, p. 118).
37
Electoral districts were redrawn to represent the newly registered Black American voters
accurately to facilitate their presence. According to Canon (1999), the Voting Rights Act of 1965
was amended by Congress in 1982, ensuring that minority groups were granted the right to "elect
representatives of their choice." (p.1).
Black Women Voting Power
Black women aspiring to pursue a career in public office consistently face several
obstacles that impede their progress. Candidates can only succeed by running in districts where
most of the population belongs to minority groups. The effectiveness of Black voters'
endorsement of Black female candidates has been enhanced by the implementation of
majorityminority redistricting, which has produced favorable circumstances for their political
participation (Williams 2001 p.312). A decline rather than an increase characterizes the trend of
national representation for Black women. In communities experiencing demographic expansion,
the necessity arises for a congressional body that encompasses diversity.
Williams (2001) stated that the 1992 presidential election witnessed a significant
demographic trend, with women constituting two-thirds of the Black voting population. In the
1994 mid-term elections, most Black electorate was still comprised of women; however, their
representation had declined to fifty-seven percent (p.311).
According to Jenkins (2007), the underrepresentation of qualified female candidates is a
concern for many individuals. Research has demonstrated that the presence or absence of women
in legislative institutions holds significant consequences for both descriptive and proscriptive
representation (p.230). Lawless and Fox (2006) argue that women are not socialized to possess
the attributes the contemporary political arena requires for their candidates and elected leaders. In
38
contrast to men, who are socialized to exhibit confidence, assertiveness, and self-promotion,
prevailing cultural norms surrounding women's roles as political leaders, societal expectations of
their familiar responsibilities, and the male-dominated nature of political institutions collectively
contribute to a perception that is frequently deemed unsuitable for women to embody these traits
(p.8).
Limited data exists regarding the voting patterns exhibited by Black women. The extent
of research on Black women from a political standpoint remains limited despite ongoing efforts
by researchers. The endeavor to participate in a democratic society by voting was a persistent and
continuous pursuit for Black women. Understanding these women's need for legislative
empowerment would contribute to their progress toward obtaining suffrage. According to
Hanson (2003), following the attainment of suffrage, Black women directed their efforts toward
establishing Black female voting coalitions. They aimed to mobilize Black women voters to
leverage the ballot's influence. This was done to pressure public officials to implement societal
improvement initiatives and enact legislation to eradicate segregation (p.37).
The comprehension of the relationship between Black women and politics is hindered due
to the delayed involvement of Black women in the political sphere. The prospect of entering the
male realm of politics would be a novel undertaking for Black women. The resolute nature of
these individuals played a pivotal role in securing the future of their society via the electoral
process, thereby establishing a paradigm shift in female leadership for subsequent generations.
Black women continue to face obstacles in pursuing political representation at the national level.
According to Gill (1997), examining women's representation in Congress from a political and
gender standpoint indicates that of the 172 women who have held positions in Congress, a mere
39
fifteen have been of Black descent. According to the source, seventy-nine Black males have held
positions in the United States Congress, with their service commencing in the year 1870 (p.2).
The National Association of Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), created in 1909,
perceived the rise of Black women in politics as a means to enhance their prominence within a
well-established institution. Per Brown's (2006) findings, the executive committee of the
NAACP expressed the belief that Black women possessed the potential to attain positions of
political power. The NAACP fostered a sense of racial pride among Black women, enabling them
to achieve personal success and advocate for matters related to inclusion and political
engagement.
The establishment of the National Council of Negro Women in 1935 aimed to provide a
platform for Black women to cultivate their political agency and engagement. Its primary
objective was to facilitate the entry of Black women into the realm of politics. The organization's
vision was established by its founder, Mary McLeod Bethune, who held the distinction of being
the first Black woman to be nominated to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Black Cabinet,
officially known as the Federal Council on Negro Affairs. The Black Cabinet functioned as an
intermediary for communication between President Roosevelt's government and the Black
population. As a Black woman, Bethune held the distinction of being the inaugural individual to
possess considerable influence in public policy matters, enabling her to proffer recommendations
for advancing Black Americans to President Roosevelt.
Women Political Leadership Organization
Women’s leadership organizations focusing on political leadership have seen a notable
rise over the years. The primary objective of this organization is to provide women with the
40
necessary skills and knowledge to pursue political candidacy at all levels of government,
including municipal, state, and federal positions. Several organizations are advocating for the
nomination of female candidates for state-level positions in the United States. According to Jones
(2006), the objective is to introduce diverse viewpoints into the political discourse, attract
disillusioned voters to participate in elections, and expand the pool of Black female candidates.
According to Marie Wilson, the founder of the White House Project, there is a need to
increase the number of women receiving training in leadership positions designed explicitly for
political office. According to Wilson’s (2007) findings, a significant majority of young political
leaders, precisely 86%, are male, while 81% are of white ethnicity. The individuals in question
possess a significant level of education, with close to one-third having a familial connection to
military service. The pipeline issue faced by women and individuals belonging to marginalized
racial and ethnic groups is of significant concern (p.65).
The alignment between the structure of a political leadership training program and its
clientele is of utmost importance. According to Carroll and Fox (2006), various necessary
measures need to be taken to enhance the representation of women in elected positions (p.150). It
is imperative to identify women eager to participate in electoral campaigns in districts with high
chances of winning. While some women may take the initiative to engage in the political process
independently, others may require support and guidance. According to Canon (2005), it is
evident that one of the critical challenges faced by representative democracy is the inclusion of
minority interests within a system that is primarily driven by majority voting (p.281). The
emerging trend of women engaging in political engagement is seen through their involvement in
political leadership groups. There is a focus on training Black women to address the existing
disparities in gender and diversity within politics.
41
Leadership Development
The word leadership can be considered a phenomenon because it has an unknown cause.
Understanding leadership's fundamental context and meaning has been the subject of extensive
investigation, analysis, and dissection. It is the capacity to lead a group of individuals toward an
objective in common. The essential ingredient for achieving and realizing a purpose is
leadership. "The phenomenon of a leader is ubiquitous" (Bienenstok, 1954, p.396). Considering
this occurrence, new leaders must improve their capacity to foster the subsequent generation of
female political leaders. This is accomplished by creating a pipeline leading to higher levels of
government. Black women must specify their leadership objectives and how they will affect their
political ambitions if they are to achieve this.
In the 1960s and 1970s, Black women's leadership was methodically undercut and
destroyed, according to Radford-Hill (2000). In reaction to this assault, Black women as a
coalition decided to forgo building a political infrastructure that presupposed a link between
gender awareness and the survival of the Black community (p.49). Black women's leadership has
emerged through unconventional means within the context of society. Black women have
established a heritage of activism in the framework of the Civil Rights Movement to advance the
cause of civil rights for Black Americans.
Eurocentric oppressive dynamics that pushed Black women to lower places in society
unmistakably influenced how their leadership was formed. Compared to their male colleagues,
Black and white, Black women have historically been compelled to earn leadership and authority
in unconventional methods. As a result, the rise of Black female leadership in the United States
marks a history of their struggle for oppressed freedom to "raise" the Black community out of
42
racial, economic, and educational servitude (Hanson, 2003; Rogers, 2005, Rosser-Mims,2005).
Hills Collins (2000, p.219) cited Angela Davis as saying in her 1989 book Women, Culture,
Politics, "We must endeavor to lift as we climb…We ascend in such a way that all of our sisters
and brothers, regardless of social class, and all of our brothers, climb alongside us. This must be
the driving force behind our drive for power". According to a Black feminist study, both classical
leadership theories and modern leadership models have largely neglected Black women's
contributions to their communities and the influence of the interconnected web of class, race, and
gender oppression. Black women have traditionally developed networks that provide the
structure for forming their community leadership. Nevertheless, social scientists, in general, and
community leadership development specialists frequently disregard those community structures
(Allen, 1997, p.1; Delaney & Rogers, 2004).
Leadership spans both gender and race. A collection of research on Black leadership,
particularly concerning the growth and maintenance of the Civil Rights Movement, emphasizes
women's crucial role as organizational leaders (Barnett, 1993, p.166). In the South, where they
were not allowed to join non-Black groups, Black women's leadership emerged and spread across
the country. The Coalition of One Hundred Black Women, the National Council of Negro
Women, the National Black Leadership Forum, and the National Political Congress of Black
Women are just a few organizations providing leadership to support Black women's engagement
(Radford-Hill, 200, p.84).
Black women's leadership growth can be linked to their experiences growing up as
women. The fundamental qualities that women contribute to leadership, a propensity for greater
inclusivity, empathy, communication up and down hierarchies, and focus on more significant
43
issues make government and industry stronger (Wilson, 2007, p.6). Wilson (2007) asserts that the
limited amount of elected female leadership that has occurred has had a significant impact on
politics. The Women and Politics Institute at American University and the Center for American
Women in Politics at Rutgers University, among others, have spent decades researching the
values women bring to the table regarding how problems are debated and the legislation that
results (p.10).
Bethune continued to argue for Black women's place in political history. She
accomplished this by educating Black women about their leadership and political potential. "By
campaigning for and training Black women for increasingly conspicuous public leadership
positions, she assured and increased presence for Black women in the official political world"
(Hanson, 2003, p.1). Tolleson-Reinhart (2001) notes, "Given the huge rise in the number of
women holding political office, it is not surprising that our beliefs about women's leadership
behavior and policymaking would arise from studies of legislators" (p.150)
Foster (2000) remarked, "Leadership provides people a way to engage with and serve
their communities, institutions, and organizations" (p.87). Foster adds, "Successful leaders
inspire individuals from varied socioeconomic, cultural, and religious backgrounds to enhance
their quality of life" (p.87). Duersti-Lahti (2002) said, "Jewell and Whicker found leadership
styles to be increasingly 'feminized,' or at least tugged in more collaborative directions, even
while men maintain power supremacy and women in legislative leadership battle not to be
marginalized" (p.35). According to McKenna (2007), "great women leaders throughout history
have undoubtedly demonstrated that leadership is not gendered" (p.7). Rosenthal (1998) writes,
"Finally, the possibility of women's power to change leadership behavior is most exciting."
44
Women's influence in a legislature has significant implications on the leadership styles of both
men and women (p.95).
Sewers (2001) states, "As a result of gender-role socialization and women's distinct paths
to leadership, the integrative style of female chairs emphasizes consensual, cooperative, and
inclusive decision making as opposed to the transactional and competitive bargaining styles
employed by their male colleagues" (p. 218). Duert-Laahti and Verstegan (2007) claim that
"when we examine the percentage of women in public leadership positions across time, women
have not been physically present beyond occasional symbols" (p.51).
With the assistance of Black feminist scholars, a growing body of literature de-centers
traditional sexist and racist leadership literature. It places Black women's unique leadership
experiences, particularly the complex process through which they and people of color, in general,
attain leadership, at the center of scholarly discourse. Black women have historically held
leadership positions in groups whose purpose is "institutional change" (Collins, 1997, p.23). In
addition, there is evidence that Black women activists have held a much different view than
traditional and modern definitions of 'leadership' regarding the use of power through leadership
and the purpose and duty of a leader.
Black women's organizational style inside mostly Black organizations displays a
significant proportion of how many Black women in the United States wield authority.
Understandings of empowerment obtained as community other mothers and cultural workers
influence the political participation of Black women. Many Black women consistently reject
paradigms of power based on unfair hierarchies based on notions of education as empowerment
(Collins, 1990, p.218).
According to James (2002), "Through their activity and analyses, tens of thousands of
45
Black women have advanced democratic politics and social justice" (p.2). This demonstrates that
Black women used non-traditional strategies to develop their political experience. James'
subsequent statement states, "Models of political progressivism are shaped by both the very
prominent Congresswomen and the essentially unseen community activist" (p.4).
The "Leadership for what" question must be addressed in community leadership
development; as a result, there will almost certainly be as many strategies for improving
leadership capacity as there are challenges to tackle. For the desired results, each plan must be
adequately thought out. According to McKenna (2007), women need assistance developing the
knowledge and skills required to function as leaders and change agents (p.90). Most significantly,
individuals must be empowered to speak up, set goals, and seek and wield authority with
judgment, direction, and knowledge (p.15). "The current training programs to establish
leadership are all built on the assumption that the individual's personality traits may be changed
to generate what we have regarded successful leadership," writes Schoenfeld (1948 p.
391).
Tolleson-Rinehart (2001) states that our understanding of women political leaders,
women's policymaking, and the nature of leader-follower relationships when the leader in
question is a woman will be limited if it is assumed that the legislative context influencing these
behaviors can be generalized to other domains (p.151). Smooth (2006) stated that this form of
organizing is important if Black women continue to overcome the substantial challenges of
raising their representation. Such organizing initiatives have the potential to translate the high
voting rates of Black women into more significant office holding (p.138).
A leader's responsibility is to support and encourage the success of others. The first stage
in the process is identifying the ability that needs to be developed. Through the process of
46
leadership programs, this is understood. One of the main aims of leadership programs is to lower
communication barriers amongst women from various cultural backgrounds to create a forum
that values diversity. According to Stiles (1986), "Women need to explore opportunities for
leadership and need to demonstrate leadership traits if the number of female leaders is to
increase" (p.211).
To understand the restricted resources accessible to young women living in urban
contexts, one must examine the resources available for women to acquire leadership abilities.
These rising leaders urge young women's participation in the process. For young urban women to
identify leaders who exemplify the image of a leader, these leaders must first break down gender
and racial boundaries. Identifying and establishing leaders who will mold and develop future
leaders is crucial. For a comprehensive knowledge of leadership development, particularly
female leadership development, it is necessary to study leadership in both single-sex and
mixedsex situations, as stated by Edwards (1994, p.920).
In the literature, there is no universal definition. However, three themes concerning the
leadership of Black women have evolved in the literature. Secondly, Black women's leadership
exhibits survival tactics in family, church, and community groups that incorporate inventiveness
and dedication to group welfare. Second, official and informal Black female networks are
dynamic and interconnected entities constituting a matrix of reinforcements that hold the Black
community together while cultivating leadership for a brighter future. In conclusion, Black
female leadership embodies the collective experiences and actions toward community
empowerment. In opposition to the ideology of dominance, Black women tend to create concepts
and models that reflect the reality of their own experiences (Allen, 1997; Rogers, 2005;
47
RosserMims, 2005). Hence, the world leader is not one that Black women readily accept (Allen,
1998, p.62).
In addition, despite the growing recognition of the significance of Black women's
networks in the Black community, scholars have yet to describe Black women's leadership. Allen
(1997) provided the following working definition of Black women community leadership: "the
struggle for group survival in which collective group experience, group socio-supports, and the
instrumental aspects of developing and maintain internal female networks for institution building
combine to form collective action for cultural maintenance and Black community empowerment"
(p.63). This notion implies that Black women and their male counterparts ensure the
community's survival. Black women's networks provide the framework for developing Black
women's community leadership. In addition, the Black community's survival necessitates that
Black women leaders play a crucial role in enhancing the Black community. Even more critical
are the Black female networks, essential in transmitting tradition from generation to generation
(Allen 1997, p.64) and enabling them to work together to combat institutional and social barriers,
such as the existing power structure, that negatively impact disadvantaged groups. Hence, Black
women's leadership develops through these networks.
Grassroot Organization
Within the recent decade, there has been a surge in women’s leadership organizations on
political leadership. She Should Run, Emerge America, Heigher Heights, and The Mississippi
Black Women Roundtable are among the various organizations that focus on giving Black
women the tools and resources to run for political office efficiently. Several organizations are
48
encouraging Black candidates for state-level office around the United States. The purpose is to
bring new ideas to the political debate, get disgruntled people to the polls, and expand the pool of
Black candidates (Jones, 2006, p.5).
She Should Run’s founder, Maggie Kavalaris, advocates for more women to receive
leadership training for positions in government. The organization’s mission statement states, “If
more women run, then more women will lead. Additionally, when more and more women from
the She Should Run Community win elections to positions of authority at all levels, they serve as
role models for young girls and women, mainstream women’s leadership, and highlight the
importance of gender parties in politics. We can create a more effective and representative
government that can handle the problems of the twenty-first century by encouraging more
women to run for office” (She Should Run, 2021).
Any political leadership training program structure must reflect its constituency. “Several
actions are required to increase the number of women in elective office,” Carroll and Fox (2006)
wrote. Women eager to run in competitive districts must be discovered; some will undertake the
process independently, while others may require encouragement and instructions (p.150). It also
indicates that a primary problem for representative democracy is offering a voice for minority
interests in a system dominated by majority votes. Canon (2005) adds that the new wave of
women becoming politically engaged begins with political leadership organizations, notably
those that train Black women to bridge the gender and diversity gaps in politics (p.281). Political
leadership organizations attempt to educate and train women for the next level of political
participation, running for public office.
49
The Political Effect
The observation of a woman being mistreated by an individual in a prominent
governmental position has been found to motivate women to pursue political office. Anita Hill
assumed the role of legal counsel and advisor to Clarence Thomas at the Office for Civil Rights
within the U.S. Department of Education in 1981. In 1991, Clarence Thomas assumed the
position of chairman of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EOCC), with
Anita Hill serving as his assistant. During this time, Anita Hill provided testimony asserting that
Clarence Thomas had engaged in sexual harassment towards her. During Hill's political
campaign, women observed instances of mistreatment towards her, which subsequently
motivated them to take action in order to prevent the recurrence of such mistreatment in the
future.
The observation of Hill's treatment at Thomas' confirmation hearing motivated women to
pursue candidacy for the Senate. Following the conclusion of the trial in 1992, a significant
number of women actively pursued political positions and achieved electoral success, effectively
dismantling various societal obstacles and hurdles. The House of Representatives experienced an
increase of twenty-four female members, but the Senate observed a gain of four female members.
In the context of this specific historical era, it is noteworthy that Carol Elizabeth Mosely Brown
was the sole Black woman to have been elected to the Senate.
Throughout history, the Black American political sphere has been controlled by Black
males, while Black women have persistently worked towards attaining positions of political
influence. Limited research has been conducted regarding the influence of Black women in
politics and their impact on the political landscape. Scholars have asserted that Black Americans
are experiencing consistent advancements in political influence, but women have encountered a
50
more gradual trajectory toward achieving national prominence. The efforts of prominent Black
women leaders, such as Chisholm, Jordan, Braithwaite Burke, Walters, and Watson, have
established a significant framework for women of color to exert influence in public service. Their
activism initiated the involvement of Black women in political matters, a significant component
in comprehending their political ambitions and strategies. Black Americans consciously
redirected their focus toward political office during the 1960s.
Carroll (2001) asserts that there has been a lack of scholarly focus on the circumstances
encountered by Black women politicians and an even more significant dearth of research on the
policy agendas pursued by these lawmakers who possess distinct demographic characteristics
(p.186). To establish a foothold in the political sphere, numerous Black women initially pursued
public office at the municipal level.
This is perceived as a favorable occasion for individuals to cultivate the requisite
knowledge and aptitude to navigate the intricacies of the political process. According to
Sanbonmatsu (2002), there is a higher level of visibility for women holding statewide elective
positions, such as governor or secretary of state, than women serving as lawmakers (p.205). The
political impact commences at the grassroots level for Black women, enabling them to acquire
knowledge about the political process and actively participate in an electoral system that will
cultivate their political aspirations for the future.
The politics and culture of America would be dramatically changed by electing more
Black women to public office. Electing more Black women into positions of power presents a
challenge to conventional notions of electability and leadership (June 2009; Sanbonmatsu
2015b). The inclusion of Black women in electoral processes also contributes to dismantling
institutional barriers that hinder the participation of other Black women in political candidacy
51
(Hardy-Fanta et al., 2007). According to Sanbonmatsu (2015a), the presence of Black women in
professional settings is a valuable source of inspiration and guidance for those aspiring to pursue
political careers. The inclusion of Black women as candidates serves to galvanize minority votes.
According to Harris (2014), the demographic group of Black women has had the most rapid
growth within the women's electorate. From the year 2000 onwards, Black women have
contributed to 74% of the overall rise in eligible women voters, while white women have only
accounted for six percent of this growth.
Black women tend to present themselves as candidates in a distinct manner compared to
their white male and female peers. According to Brown and Gershon (2016b), Black women
engage in more discussions about gender and race compared to individuals from other
demographic groups. Black women engage in discourse about issues that impact the Black
community and other marginalized communities. Black women are more likely to acknowledge
and discuss these challenges than those of the same ethnic and gender background (Brown &
Gershon, 2016b, p. 98-102).
Scholars can justify the potential benefits of appointing a Black woman to a governmental
role. Moreover, empirical evidence indicates that the active participation of women in the
political sphere serves as a distinct means of communication with the governing bodies
(Ondericin & White, 2011). There is a potentiality whereby a Black woman's presence in a
political role may lead to the implementation of targeted politics aimed at advancing the
community's welfare under their jurisdiction. According to Ferreira and Gyokuro (2011), a prior
investigation supports the notion that the presence of women in the city council might affect
policy decisions. However, the extent of their impact may become more pronounced when their
participation in the commission exceeds the established quota. According to Holman's (2017)
52
research, it has been determined that a proportion of 20% of mayors in municipalities with a
population above 30,000 are female. However, it is noteworthy that Black women have held
mayoral positions in major cities such as Atlanta, Baltimore, Houston, Oakland, and
Washington.
According to scholarly research conducted by Fulton et. Al (2006), it can be observed that
Black women tend to impose more rigorous expectations upon themselves when contemplating a
political candidacy. Consequently, this self-imposed standard often leads to the belief that they
may not meet the required qualifications. Fox and Lawless (2005) believe that the primary
objective of this study is to do a comprehensive comparative examination of the efficacy of
grassroots groups in recruiting and training Black women for local political candidacy. Under
Smooth's (2006) findings, the involvement of Black women in electoral politics to attain more
political empowerment and advocate for their concerns has yielded varied outcomes. In contrast,
there has been a notable rise in their ability to secure political positions, surpassing the rate at
which Black men are currently succeeding in electoral campaigns. However, they still have
significant challenges obtaining prestigious positions in state and national governments (p.130).
The political landscape in the United States has historically been characterized by a
predominant presence of white males, resulting in a limited representation of women,
particularly women of color, within this sphere. The existing laws and regulations have
contributed to the exclusionary nature of this domain, making it challenging for women,
especially women of color, to gain access and participation. According to Carroll and Fox (2006),
Black women have played a pivotal role in all endeavors to achieve enhanced political
empowerment for both the Black community and women (p.120). Female leaders across the
53
country bear a heightened need to provide a precedent for fostering and bolstering the aspirations
of all young women.
There is a substantial presence of over 3,000 Black women elected to political positions
within regional offices, county boards, municipal councils, judicial offices, and local school
boards. The numerical value serves as evidence of the progress made by Black women in their
persistent endeavors to enhance their representation in leadership roles at the community level
(Carroll & Fox, 2006).
Political Recruitment
Identifying future female leaders is crucial for organizations in cultivating and sustaining
a poll of candidates. The organizations undertaking this endeavor must first ascertain the problem
and establish a systematic framework. The framework of Black American women in political
recruitment is vital to address American urban areas' current state effectively.
According to the findings of Paxton and Kunovich (2003), it is essential to recognize that women
constitute 50% of the national legislature in the United States to gain a comprehensive
understanding of women's involvement in politics, despite the significant variety observed
among countries, ranging from the absence of women in nations like the United Arab Emirates to
a representation of 43% in Sweden (p.89).
To effectively address the issue of political involvement, political leadership
organizations must examine their political recruitment process critically. According to Rule
(1981), the process of women's political recruitment, like that of men, is influenced by various
crucial contextual elements (p.60). Organizations should examine the historical patterns of
women's recruitment into the political process. Carroll (2001) posits that the mainstream
women's movement in Washington has fought for more representation of women in public office
54
during the past three decades. The movement argues that the current government fails to
adequately reflect women's perspectives and concerns (p.3).
The presence of women in political positions demonstrates that when given the chance.
Black women possess the capability to not only effectively to establish their candidacy but also
to actively encourage the participation of other women in the political sphere. According to Rule
(1981), there is a lack of knowledge on the recruitment of women to the United States Congress,
as well as the essential contextual elements that influence women's ability to move or remain in
positions of power from state legislatures to the federal legislative (p.64). To address the issue of
political inequality between genders, it is imperative to understand the requisite measures for the
inclusion of women.
According to the study conducted by Paxton and Kunovich (2003), the following results
were obtained: Previous cross-national research on women in national legislatures has
emphasized three theoretical causes for variations in women's political representation: The
sociological structure, political, and ideological explanations center on the overall perceptions of
women in politics and their viability as candidates and leaders (p.90).
The notion that Black American women are not perceived as viable contenders in political
elections highlights the ongoing struggle faced by women in the male-dominated realm of
politics. The political aspirations of Black American women would necessitate their pursuit of
national-level political positions.
Political Ambition
The political ambition of Black American women who decide to run for public office
starts with community involvement. Dawson (2001) states, “For instance, the 1993-94 National
Black Politics Survey found that 77% of Black Americans want Black women to share equally in
55
the political leadership of the Black community” (p.177). Barrett (2001) discovered the
following: Scholars have paid little attention, however, to the situation faced by Black women
politicians and even less to the policy priorities of these demographically unique legislators
(p.186).
As explained by McKenna (2007), Women’s involvement in political governing bodies
not only gives us society the whole variety of talents from which to choose our leaders but also
delivers diverse leadership styles, different policy goals, and, as necessary, the correct symbols
and models (p.122). The road to becoming a candidate for Black American women has helped
establish majority-minority districts in the United States. According to Collier, Thomas, and
Franklin (2001), the efficacy of Black voters’ support for Black female politicians has been
facilitated by opportunities offered by majority-minority redistricting. It is difficult to
overestimate the influence of electoral redistricting, according to the Voting Rights Act and later
challenges that led to the establishment of majority-Black districts, on the fortunes of Black
women candidates (p.312).
From the point of view of Fowler (1996), Black Americans often choose to run for office
in districts with a primarily Black population, maybe due to concerns, whether valid or
perceived, that they may face racial discrimination and rejection by voters in predominantly
white towns (p.433). According to the research conducted by Lawless and Fox (2005), the term
“nascent political ambition” refers to the initial or potential interest in pursuing a political office,
which occurs before making a definitive decision to participate in a particular political competition
(p.643). Lawless and Fox (2005) argue that to enhance our comprehension and predictive
capabilities in identifying individuals who will ultimately occupy policymaking roles at various
56
levels, it is crucial to consider the initial decision to run as a pivotal starting point for conducting
an inquiry (p.643).
Based on Smooth (2006), Black women have played a pivotal role in various endeavors
to achieve increased political empowerment for both Black Americans and women. If Black
women are encouraged to pursue leadership positions, their involvement in the political process
will likely increase. According to scholarly research on American politics, political involvement
has often been limited to election participation (p.119).
According to the assertions made by Cathy Cohen (2003), the constrained interpretation
of political participation has impeded the advancement of scholarly investigations concerning the
political activism of Black American women. This is primarily because political participation
among women of color encompasses a broader spectrum, extending beyond electoral politics to
community organizing and civic engagement.
Political Representation
Black American women have historically experienced limited political representation
within electoral politics. For Black women to perceive themselves as viable candidates, it is
imperative for them to witness the presence of other Black women occupying positions of
political influence. According to Sanbonmatsu (2003), researchers have examined the domain of
electoral politics to study the variables that influence the level of women’s descriptive
representation. One facet of the political landscape that women candidates encounter is the
presence of public backing to augment women’s representation. Previous research has yet to
explore the potential correlation between individuals’ political knowledge of the current extent of
57
women’s representation and their inclination to endorse efforts to augment women’s
representation (p.368).
Existing research indicates that the level of political awareness among young individuals
plays a significant role in determining the civic and political action that women will partake in.
According to Sherrod (2003), there is no direct correlation between political knowledge and
political beliefs. However, political information does have a connection with some behaviors,
such as voting. In other words, even young individuals with little political education can form
political attitudes but are less inclined to participate in voting activities (p.290).
According to Smooth (2006), there is an ongoing discourse among scholars of Black
politics and journalists over the perceived lack of leadership within the Black community
(p.129). The issue of defining leadership in a manner that is exclusively male poses a significant
obstacle to the success of Black American women in the field of politics. Therefore, this matter
must be addressed and fixed. Freedman and Jones (2008) assert that the ascent of Black
American women to positions of political authority inside the United States Congress has been a
protracted and challenging process. The pursuit of political office has faced persistent obstacles
due to dual forms of discrimination based explicitly on race and gender (p.356).
According to Gill (2002), Barbara Jordan expressed her perspective on the leadership
capabilities of Black women, asserting that they possess a unique aptitude for leadership due to
their historical role in guiding communities under challenging circumstances (p.3). According to
Smooth’s (2006) research, Black American women were systematically marginalized from
engaging in formal political activities. This exclusionary practice originated from their
enslavement and continued through subsequent oppressive regimes of exclusion. The
nonconventional political activism of the individuals in question emerged independently from the
58
established electoral framework and was influenced by their unique political, economic, and
social circumstances.
Leadership Development
The cause of a phenomenon, such as the concept of leadership, remains unidentified. The
concept of leadership has been extensively studied, examined, and deconstructed to gain a
comprehensive knowledge of its fundamental context and significance. It represents the capacity
to mobilize a collective of individuals towards a shared objective. Leadership is a crucial aspect
that plays a central role in achieving and successfully realizing objectives.
According to Bienenstok (1954), leadership is a universally observed phenomenon.
Within the framework of this phenomenon, there exists a pressing requirement for emerging
leaders to enhance their capacity to foster the development of future female political leaders.
This phenomenon is evidenced by a systematic progression towards attaining higher positions in
public administration. For this phenomenon to transpire, Black women must delineate their
leadership objectives and assess the potential influence of those objectives on their political
ambitions.
According to Radford-Hill (2000), during the 1960s and 1970s, there was a deliberate and
organized effort to undermine and demolish the leadership roles held by Black women. The
collective response of Black women to this attack was to cease creating a political infrastructure
that presumed an inherent link between gender consciousness and the ongoing sustainability of
the Black community (p.49). Within the context of society, the development of leadership among
Black American women has occurred through unconventional means. Within the framework of
59
the Civil Rights Movement, Black women have cultivated a longstanding practice of activism to
advance Black Americans' civil rights.
The concept of leadership extends across the boundaries of race and gender. According to
Barnett (1993), recent scholarly research has emerged focusing on Black American leadership
within the context of the Civil Rights Movement. This body of study highlights the significant
contributions made by women in terms of their organizational leadership roles. Black women's
leadership emerged across the United States, with its initial roots in the Southern region. This
development can be attributed to the exclusionary practices that prevented Black American
women from participating in predominantly non-Black organizations. According to Radford-Hill
(2000), many organizations, such as the Coalition of One Hundred Black Women, the National
Council of Negro Women, the National Black Leadership Forum, and the National Political
Congress of Black Women, play a significant role in fostering leadership that supports the
activism of Black women (p.84).
The formation of leadership among Black women can be attributed to their unique life
experiences as women. Wilson (2007) believed that the fundamental qualities that women
contribute to leadership, such as a propensity for inclusivity, empathy, effective communication
across hierarchical levels, and a focus on broader concerns, have the potential to enhance the
effectiveness of government and foster more prosperity in the business sector (p.6).
Wilson (2007) asserts that the presence of elected female leadership has significantly impacted
the political landscape, notwithstanding its limited occurrence. Prominent research groups, such
as the Center for American Women in Politics at Rutgers University and the Women & Politics
Institute at American University, have dedicated extensive periods to examining the values that
women contribute to the political sphere. These groups have focused on analyzing how women
60
engage in discussions on various subjects and the subsequent legislative outcomes resulting from
their participation (p.10).
The woman who would continue to argue for a place in political history for Black
American women was Mary Mcleod Bethune. She did this by training Black American women to
realize their potential in leadership and politics. By advocating and training Black women for
visible and increasing public leadership roles, she ensured an expanding role for Black American
women in the formal political realm (Hanson, 2003, p.1). Tolleson-Rinehart (2001) notes,
“Given the dramatic increases in the numbers of women who hold elective office, it is not
surprising that our assumptions about women’s leadership behavior and policymaking would
emerge from studies of legislators (p.150).
Foster (2000) stated that leadership allows people to connect with and serve their
communities, institutions, and organizations (p.87). Foster further states that successful leaders
empower people from diverse socioeconomic, cultural, and religious backgrounds to improve the
quality of their lives (p.87). According to Duersti-Lahti (2002), there is a growing trend towards
more collaborative leadership approaches, which can be seen as increasingly “feminized.”
However, despite this shift, men still maintain a dominant position of power, while women in
legislative leadership roles face challenges in avoiding marginalization (p.35).
Mckenna (2007) asserts that leadership is not influenced by gender, as evidenced by the
historical presence of exceptional women leaders (p.7). According to Rosenthal (1998), the
particularly fascinating aspect is the potential of women’s ability to transform leadership
behavior (p.95). The presence and influence of women in a legislative body appear to have
significant impacts on the leadership styles exhibited by both men and women.
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Swers (2001) believed that the integrative approach adopted by female chairs in
leadership positions is influenced by gender-role socialization and the unique paths women take
to reach these positions. This approach prioritizes consensual, cooperative, and inclusive
decision-making methods, in contrast to the transactional and competitive bargain styles
commonly employed by their male counterparts (p.218).
According to Duert-Lahti and Verstegan, the representation of women in public
leadership positions has been insufficient, as they contend that women have not consistently held
such positions throughout history but instead have been sporadic tokens (Philpot & Walton,
2007, p.51). James instituted that many Black women have made notable contributions to
democratic politics and social justice through their activism and analytical work (p.2). This
indicates that Black American women employed nontraditional approaches in developing their
political expertise (p.4). Both Congresswomen who are prominent figures and community
activists who may have less visibility play significant roles in shaping political progressivism.
The acquisition of skills by women to become proficient and effective leaders is a crucial
element in advancing leadership. According to Day (2000), a leadership development method
focuses on enhancing one's abilities in preparation for unanticipated difficulties, often known as
development (p.582). Foster (2000) believes leadership development is within a community's
framework and must address the fundamental inquiry of "Leadership for what purpose"? Hence,
the number of approaches to cultivating leadership potential is directly proportional to the
number of unique conditions that must be addressed. It is imperative to thoroughly evaluate each
technique to ensure it achieves the desired effect (p.90).
Following the findings of Mckenna (2007), it is imperative to provide women with the
necessary support to cultivate their knowledge and abilities, enabling them to assume leadership
62
roles and act as agents of transformation. It is of utmost significance that individuals are
equipped with the necessary tools to assert their opinions and aspirations and actively pursue and
wield influence with a sense of assurance derived from profound understanding, direction, and
erudition (p.15).
In Schoenfeld's research (1948), it was observed that existing leadership training
programs operate under the assumption that the personality traits of individuals may be shaped to
cultivate what is perceived as effective leadership (p.391). Tolleson-Rinehart (2001) believed it is
essential to consider the influence of context on political leadership. Therefore, our
comprehension of women's political leaders, women's policymaking, and leader-follower
dynamics in the presence of a female leader will be constrained if we assume that the legislative
context that shapes these behaviors can be applied universally to other domains (p.151).
According to Smooth (2006), implementing this form of organization is crucial to
facilitate the ongoing efforts of Black American women to overcome substantial obstacles to
enhance their representation. These organizational endeavors can potentially use the high voting
rates of Black American women to achieve more excellent representation in political office
(p.138).
The primary objective of a leader is to provide guidance and support to individuals to
facilitate their achievement of success. The initial phase of the procedure is identifying the
specific ability that has to be cultivated. This concept's comprehension is achieved by engaging
in leadership programs. The fundamental objective of leadership programs is to dismantle
communication barriers among women from diverse cultural backgrounds, thereby creating a
platform that appreciates and values their differences. Stiles (1986) asserts that to augment the
63
representation of female leaders, women must actively seek out leadership chances and exhibit
the necessary attributes associated with effective leadership (p.211).
To get insight into the restricted resources accessible to young women residing in
metropolitan settings and the available resources for women to cultivate their leadership abilities.
These emerging leaders urge for the active involvement of young women in the process. For
young women residing in urban settings to recognize leaders who embody leadership qualities,
these leaders must initiate that leaders are dismantling gender and racial obstacles. Identifying
and establishing leaders who can possess the ability to develop and nurture future leaders is of
great importance. According to Edwards (1994), to comprehensively comprehend leadership
development, especially concerning female leadership development, it is imperative to examine
leadership in Leadership development, especially concerning female leadership development,
must examine leadership in single-sex and mixed-sex environments (p.920).
Theoretical Framework & Hypothesis
Black women possess a rich historical background in actively participating in their
communities to address various needs. They have also played a significant role in influencing
community agreement and garnering support for broader social movements and political
involvement through organizing, activism (Jones-Branch 2021; Robnett 1997), as well as
engaging in voting and pursuing political positions (Alex-Assensoh and Sandford 1997; Brown
2014; Gay and Tate 1998; Junn 1997; Tate 1991).
Despite the inherent disadvantage of Black women having fewer resources typically
associated with increased political participation (Burns, Lehman Schlozman, and Verba 2001;
Verba and Nie 1972; Smooth 2014), their community involvement often provides them with the
64
required social capital (Farris and Holman 2014). The presence of social capital facilitates the
formation of networks that promote both mobilization of individuals within their society for
political purposes, as well as the development of political skills that nurture political aspirations
(Scott et. al. 2021).
Black women’s ambition encompasses more than aa desire to hold public office; it is
driven by a “radical imagination” (Dowe 2020). This radical imagination empowers Black
women to envision a society where justice, equality, access, and freedom prevail, motivating
them to actively pursue political positions despite facing challenges and marginalization.
Grant & Osanloo (2013) assert that the theoretical framework serves as the fundamental basis for
constructing knowledge in a research investigation, both metaphorically and literally. It functions
as the framework and foundation for the justification of the study, the statement of the problem,
the objective, the importance, and the research inquiries. The theoretical framework serves as a
foundational basis for the literature review, as well as for the techniques and analysis. Black
women, despite having other identities or statuses that influence their daily lives such as social
class, age, sexual orientation, and profession, are especially aware of their racial and gender
identities. This awareness not only shapes their political perspectives but also influences their
self-perception. Furthermore, the work ethic of Black women is shaped by the socialization
process, which promotes success while also making them aware of the societal constraints
imposed upon them. The race and gender status of Black American women significantly shape
their perception of family and community, as well as guide their selection of political strategies
that are most effective in addressing the needs of Black women, their families, and their race
(Gilkes 1998; Hine 1990; Naples 1991, 1992; Gay and Tate 1998).
65
Consequently, these factors also determine their involvement in specific strategies and
causes. Throughout history, Black American women have regarded political engagement as a
method to attain complete equality and enhance the positions of Blacks, particularly Black
women, in a society where they are frequently marginalized (Barker, Jones, and Tate 1999; Jones
2020; Shingles 1981; Simen 2005; Tate 1991).
Communal Socialization
The fortitude exhibited by women, particularly Black women, within their households
and communities has facilitated the development of social capital in Black communities (Gilkes
2001; Guy-Sheftall 1995; Prestage 1992; Simien 2006). The emergence of social capital has
fostered a cultural environment that encourages the pursuit of economic prosperity,
selfsufficiency, political engagement, and a favorable portrayal of individuals within the Black
community (Dowe 2020).
Black women are recognized for their expectational educational achievements and
remarkable success in entrepreneurship, serving as influential figures and role models within the
Black community (Higginbotham 2001). While Black women make significant contributions to
enhancing social capital, their involvement has as impact on the definition of family and
community. The daily experience of gender and racial oppression has compelled Black women to
engage in the political sphere in order to attain full equality and dismantle societal gender and
racial norms.
Black women’s contributions to the Black community have elevated their status to a
degree of prominence that surpasses that of white women from similar socioeconomic origins
(Gilkes 2001). Prior research has employed the conceptual framework of Black women’s
66
portrayal and participation in local governance. Regrettably, those studies lack aa comprehensive
analysis of the underlying reasons behind the lack of enthusiasm among Black women in pursing
elected government positions. The objective of this research is to enhance our understanding of
the significance of Black women’s presence in municipal government.
Political Socialization
Black women have been taught to cultivate a resilient mindset in childhood. Because of
this, Black women struggle to self-actualize even when they are successful. (Dowe 2020).
Studies have shown that Black girls are socialized differently than boys. Boys learn about
egalitarianism and overcoming racial barriers. Girls learned more about being proud of their
identity, getting a good education, premarital sex, intimate relationships, independence, and
physical beauty (Thomas & Speight 1999). The socialization process developed black girls to
face and overcome various barriers to the point that they strived to break glass ceilings and sit at
tables to motivate other black women to do the same. Studies have provided an understanding
that during the girlhood phase, creativity and the importance of the community are developed
(Brown 2013).
According to a study by Smooth and Richardson (2019), socialization develops
leadership skills and interest in politics. The survey showed that girls who participated in the
study admired active women in their community. The study also showed that black girls were
inspired to fulfill leadership positions when they met Black women sitting at the head of the
table. Black girls are exposed to generations of black women caring for their communities and
families by watching their grandmothers and mothers (Shorter-Gooden and Washington 1996).
The ages of black women teaching and leading by example on balancing life, work, and
67
communities have developed black women to have the strength to face challenges like running
for political office in their communities.
Institutional Socialization
Literature that analyzes why women do not run for public office believes that traditional
gender socialization perpetuates a culture in which women are less likely to run (Elder 2004;
Lawless and Fox 2005). According to the political ambition socialization model, there are
typically outliers when women run for political office. However, this model does not consider
Black women. The limited literature suggests that there is unique socialization, politicization,
and life experiences make their political activity outstanding, where some scholars question the
double discrimination that Black women face that, in turn, motivates them to participate in
government elections (Alex-Assensoh and Stanford 1997; Brown 2014; Dowe, 2020; Stokes-
Brown and Dolan 2010).
Even though black women struggle in their careers due to both race and gender, following
the American woman's traditional role does not fit Black women because they are known to be
pillars in the community (Collins 2000; Guy Sheftall 1995; King 1975; King 1998; Simien 2006;
Stone 1979). Black women are known for playing vital roles in political socialization outside
their community. Studies have shown that Black women are more likely than white women to be
the head of the household and have more autonomy and decisionmaking authority (Guy-Sheftall
1995; King 1975; Prestage 1991)
Intersectionality and Black Women
Kimberle Crenshaw, who invented the term intersectionality in 1989, believes that "with
intersectionality awareness, we can better recognize and ground our differences" (Crenshaw,
68
1989). Black women have been called intense, independent, and robust for so long that society
no longer sees a purpose to protect them or consider them when making policy decisions.
Figure 2.1 Intersectionality
Intersectionality is crucial when discussing Black women in political contexts, as they are
seen as excessively furious or violent during campaigns. Figure 2.1 explains how
intersectionality is the interrelated nature of social categorizations, such as race, class, and
gender, as they apply to a given individual or group, viewed as producing overlapping and
interdependent systems of disadvantage or discrimination (Crenshaw, 1989). Crenshaw says that
acknowledging that multiple oppressions are suffered separately rather than as a singular
experience is fundamental to intersectionality. This is essential when the topic of movement
building is discussed.
Black Feminist Thought
According to the literature, Black feminist thought is described as creating awareness of
how Black women are denied status owing to racial and gender inequality (Siemen, 2004). They
were bearing the weight of prejudice and subordination as a Black woman, opening the door to
the issues of social, economic, and political structure they faced in the United States. According
69
to previous studies, Black women often work low-wage occupations and raise their families
independently. Black women have risen by opposing patriarchy and fighting for the community
through coalition building.
Black women have made a concentrated effort to be inclusive in their advocacy on the
path to equality and equity. Black feminism, according to Collins (2000), is a social justice
project; establishing alliances is critical to bringing that mission forward. The Black feminist
thinking theory can be defined as a sense of belonging induced by experiences with racial, class,
and gender oppression. Black women's shared experience because of systemic racism has
fostered political engagement.
The Strong Black Women Collective Theory
The Strong Black Women Collective Theory (SBWCT) is derived from assimilating the
powerful representation of Black women (Davis, 2015). The portrayal of the Strong Black
Woman archetype is oppressive, as it compels Black women to maintain a façade of resilience.
Black women in the United States are commonly portrayed through stereotypes like the furious
Black lady and the mammy. The concept of the strong Black woman is highly complex and
versatile, as stated by Collins (2000). Black women are subjected to an unattainable standard of
invulnerability and self-relicense in their everyday existence.
The SBWCT is based on the principle of controlling potency, which pertains to the
effective communication and embodiment of the Strong Black Woman within Black women and
among others. Furthermore, the theory posits that vocal and nonverbal communication among
Black women is a delicate and uncertain means of fostering unity (Davis & Afifi, 2019). Davis's
70
(2015) SBWCT theory posits that Black women engage in the re-appropriation and management
of one another's strength as a means to cultivate group cohesion and collectively confront external
hostility.
By displaying these behaviors, Black women create a secure environment while fostering
solidarity within the group and confronting oppressive forces (Davis & Afifi, 2019). The Strong
Black Woman idea, deeply ingrained in American society, venerates strength, self-sufficiency,
and perseverance (Collins, 2000). According to the argument, Black women reclaim the image
by using it in a way that benefits them more than it harms them. By acknowledging the vocal
expression of Black women's social, cultural, and political perspectives, we gain insight into the
significant impact and individual challenges of asserting authority. The Strong Black Woman
persona encompasses attributes such as robustness, autonomy, tenacity, nurturing, and
imperviousness, which impact one's conduct and self-image.
The SBWC framework analyzes Johnson's (2021) work on Black women and theoretical
frameworks. The article "How black women navigate and Support Their Own and Each Other
Resilience" by Davis and Afifi (2019) explores the strategies Black women employ to manage
their personal strength and uplift one another. Reasserting the powerful perception fosters
resistance against more considerable oppressive influences while also affirming and recognizing
the unique identity of a Black woman. The SBWCT paradigm asserts that Black women cultivate
resilience through community-based communication strategies that empower and fortify their
collective voices (Davis & Afifi, 2019). However, strength control is a challenge as it hinders
Black women from openly expressing their vulnerability and emotional nature (Romero, 2000).
The SBWC framework utilizes viewpoint methodologies to illustrate how the unique
perspectives of Black women (as both Black and women) influence their communication systems
71
and contribute to the development of their identifiable enclave. The theory posits four
propositions:
1. Black women demonstrate their strength through unique communication strategies, such
as codeswitching, assertive, and direct verbal cues, and culturally sensitive language.
2. The conglomeration of Black women who transmit strength comprise the SBWC.
3. Supporters of the SBWC participate in a collective group by promoting each other's
strengths and abilities.
4. The communication patterns of power enable the gathering of Black women to convey
their strength (Davis & Afifi, 2019).
Examining the impact on Black women who collectively adopt a powerful image to resist
oppression and embrace their Black femininity is of utmost importance. Black women who
identify as a unified group of individuals with similar racial and gender identities can gain
advantages by effectively communicating and engaging in social behaviors that emphasize
strength. By receiving support from other Black women, their ability to challenge oppressive
systems is enhanced.
The Pipeline Theory
The ascent of Black women has been achieved by non-traditional means, diverging from
what is typically seen as conventional pathways. Black American women who aspire to hold
public office have acquired their expertise through several means. The individuals in question
have gained professional experience in business, education, and law. According to the research
72
conducted by Rutgers (1995), Black American women have achieved numerous groundbreaking
milestones in public service. In 1938, the first instance occurred where a Black American woman
occupied a state legislative seat. Subsequently, in 1939, another Black American woman
ascended to the bench, paving the way for the initial appointment to the federal bench in 1966.
Finally, in 1968, this progression culminated in the election of the first Black American
woman to Congress. According to Witt et al. (1994), authors observed that women candidates
had established their credibility by initially engaging in politics at the local level, such as by
vying for a city council position or a school board, and after that, progressing through the
hierarchical structure of the political system (p.100).
Black American women have acquired knowledge and comprehension of political
institutions through their active involvement in the civil rights movement, employing
unconventional approaches. This allowed Black American women to leverage their leadership
skills to unite individuals towards a common objective. The movement mobilized Black
American women, fostering their commitment to establish a pipeline to equip and prepare other
women for positions of political influence.
According to Clawson and Clark (2003), including Black American women in the
Democratic Party may be attributed to three significant societal forces: the civil rights movement,
the women's movement, and the Black church (p.212). The pipeline theory is a conceptual
framework aimed at comprehending American women's organizational structure and underlying
motivations, with the objective of devising a strategic approach to address the disparity in
political engagement and representation.
According to the findings of Palmer and Simon (2006), the pipeline theory offers a
"bottom-up "perspective in explaining the process of women's integration into political office.
73
The theory posits that increasing the number of women pursuing preparatory professions will
lead to more women seeking state and local offices. Consequently, this trend will further result in
a rise in women running for office (p.201).
Establishing a robust pipeline necessitates a solid foundation and the development of a
robust financial framework by Black American women to bolster their engagement in political
activities. The allocation of financial resources is pivotal in determining the success of
prospective candidates' campaigns. According to Fox (2006), individuals who belong to a
political dynasty, such as the Kennedys or a business conglomerate, are influenced by many
interconnected elements, including financial resources, established relationships with influential
individuals, prior political involvement, and endorsement from political parties. These factors all
contribute to the success of their electoral campaigns (p.100).
The political experience of a woman holds considerable value as it enhances her capacity
to comprehend the essential elements necessary for successfully managing a campaign and
assuming a political leadership role. According to Fox (2006), individuals who pursue the
conventional route to secure an elected position are typically affiliated with a political elite and
possess a record of accomplishment of political support.
The disparity between the number of registered women voters and the comparatively
insufficient representation of women in political office remains to be evident. The influence of
the women's movement in establishing suffrage has yet to result in women actively engaging in
the identification and development of future female politicians. According to Rule (1981), a
potential candidate's decision to run for office depends on the political culture that restricts or
provides opportunities for those with the necessary eligibility criteria (p. 60).
74
The low political participation of women can be attributed to the significance they attach
to their voting rights, as it has not generated a well-defined or enduring trajectory toward
political involvement. This assertion is supported by the fact that women belonging to diverse
ethnic and racial groups have not experienced significant advantages resulting from a continuous
movement aimed at their political development. According to research by the Public Policy
Institute of California in 2004, around 80% of women in California indicate that they are
registered to vote, with 55% of them being classified as potential voters in state elections.
However, there is a significant disparity in active political engagement based on race and
ethnicity. It has been observed that 74% of white women and 54% of Black women engage in
frequent voting. However, just 30% of Latinas and 37% of Asian women exhibit the same
political activity.
Black American women have primarily initiated their pursuit of public office at the local
level without displaying a propensity for attaining national-level positions. The data indicates
that Black American women began their political careers by seeking public office at the local
level. According to Prestage (1995), Black American women, like Black American officeholders,
tend to be represented in municipal offices (p.179). One advantage that Black American women
may derive from engaging in local politics is the opportunity to acquire political expertise before
pursuing national-level positions. Black American women stand to gain advantages by
developing strategic initiatives that enhance their capacity to engage in productive legislative
processes.
The pipeline theory is a valuable mechanism for facilitating the transformation of
women's perspectives in pursuing political office at the municipal, state, and federal levels. The
objective of the pipeline is to cultivate a cohort of women who have received training in the
75
political framework of American politics. According to Wilson (2007), the pipeline theory
suggests that including women at all levels will inevitably lead to their promotion to higher
company ranks or election to higher office. The proposition that the pipeline hypothesis serves as
a potential remedy for the underrepresentation of women in political positions can only be
substantiated if Black American women are actively included in the political pipeline.
Hypothesis
This dissertation will analyze grassroots organizations that prepare Black women to run
for local political office. The suggested research will aid in comprehending the phenomenon of
Black women in political leadership training pipelines. Husserl (1931) states, "Any phenomenon
is an appropriate investigational starting point" (p.129). This comparative study will employ
three research methods:
1. Analysis of survey responses from Black women populations
2. An examination of primary texts and archives
3. Statistical analysis relative to two populations of women who graduated from grassroots
political leadership training programs: Black women who ran for office and Black women who
did not.
This study aims to compare the efficacy of grassroots organizations that support Black
women in their efforts to be elected to municipal government. This dissertation aims to discover:
H1 Black women gain a social capital in the scope of the political environment when they
participate in political training programs.
76
H2 Black women who participated in the political training programs designed by grassroot
organization, did run for local government. .
H3 Black women are inspired to run for office when they see other Black women in a political
position.
76
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
This comparative study aimed to assess the efficacy of political leadership training
organizations that provide training to Black American women aspiring for public office. This
case study examined the dimensions that form the structure of different organizations that
prioritize training Black women for public office. Creswell (1998) defines a case study as an
investigation of a specific and limited system or case (or cases) over some time, using
comprehensive and extensive data-gathering methods that involve various sources of information
that are abundant in context (p.61).
This was to establish a clear comprehension of the importance and pertinence of the
organization's training. The training program developed by the grassroots organization was
analyzed based on three components: (a) curriculum, (b) peer support, and (c) instructional
delivery system.
The organization's curriculum underwent an evaluation to determine whether it employed
pertinent political and pedagogical approaches that effectively equip participants for running for
public office. The curriculum was assessed to assess its capacity to be oriented towards political
engagement, encompassing the essential skills required for pursuing a career in public office.
The efficacy of the organizations' peer support was assessed to ascertain the level of active
involvement in peer support following participants' completion of the program and successful
pursuit of political office.
Due to the anonymity of surveys, respondents could provide more candid and precise
responses. In order to obtain the most accurate data, survey participants must be completely
transparent and truthful in their answers. Anonymous surveys provide more candid and
77
unequivocal responses compared to alternative research methodologies. The dimensions
mentioned were employed as a framework to comprehend the importance and applicability of the
organization's training. The efficacy of the grassroots organization's training program will enable
them to identify the organizational and leadership strategies required to successfully implement
their political leadership training programs.
It was crucial to examine the grassroots organization to ascertain the practicality and
efficiency of evaluating the qualifications of Black American women pursuing local political
office. The organizational and leadership techniques necessary for the successful implementation
of political leadership training programs were determined by analyzing the information structure
of grassroots organizations. This factor played a crucial role in assessing the effectiveness and
efficiency of grassroots organizations in establishing a pathway to elected positions in local
government. Creswell, Hanson, Plano, and Morales (2007) state that case study research employs
diverse sources to establish a thorough and contextual understanding of the case (p.245).
Research Methodology
This chapter explained the research approach used to analyze grassroots organizations
that prepare Black American women to run for political office. The study sought to comprehend
the phenomena of Black American women in the political leadership pipeline. According to
Husserl (1931), "any phenomenon represents a suitable starting point for an investigation"
(p.129).
This comparative study employed three research methods:
1. An examination of anonymous survey responses from two populations of Black women,
2. An examination of primary texts and archives and
78
3. Statistical analysis concerning two populations of women: Black American women who
ran for political office after completion of the program and Black American women who
did not run for political office after completion of the program.
The researcher's perspective in this comparative study of grassroots groups was to reframe
from a preconceived mindset of what the outcome of Black American women in training for
public office would present.
Data Gathering and Procedures
In pursuit of gathering data to resolve the research inquiries, the researcher conducted an
online survey. To obtain a comprehensive understanding of the demographic makeup of
grassroots organizations, program participants, and their aspirations to develop political
leadership skills, the researcher designed an anonymous survey (see Appendix A). To gain
insight into the existing system, it was crucial to comprehend the dynamics of the individuals
associated with grassroots organizations. The recruitment letter (Appendix B) included a link to
the online survey, which was distributed to the participants. The researcher disseminated the
participant's recruitment letter via email and social media platforms (Facebook, Twitter, and
Instagram).
The survey aimed to ascertain the associations and correlations between grassroots
organizations and political training program participants. Church, Waclawski, and Kraut (2001)
assert that surveys are of significant value within the organizational setting as they assist leaders
and managers in gaining a more comprehensive comprehension of the attitudes, sentiments, and
conduct of their staff and clients (p.2).
79
Restatement of Problem
Currently, no research has been conducted on the efficacy of grassroots organizations'
political leadership training programs specifically tailored to promote the participation of Black
American women in local political positions, as well as other relevant factors.
The objective of this research is to carry out a comprehensive and comparative analysis of
the efficacy of grassroots organization political training initiatives aimed at inspiring Black
American women to pursue political positions at the local level.
Restatement of Research Question
The research questions addressed in this study include the following:
1. How would you rate your satisfaction with participating in the political training program? a.
Very Satisfied
b. Satisfied
c. Neutral
d. Somewhat Satisfied
e. Dissatisfied
f. Strong Dissatisfied
2. did you/or will you run for political office after completing the program? a.
Yes
b. No
I. If no, please explain why.
3. Did you apply to the political training program because you are interested in running for
political office?
a. Yes
80
b. No
c. If no, please explain why you applied for the program.
Design of Study
In order to comprehend the importance of the study, a survey was designed to quantify
the impact that participation in a political leadership program has on the aspirations of
individuals to pursue and succeed in public service. The survey was conducted to collect relevant
and significant data regarding the experiences and achievements of Black American women
leaders in public service. Feldman, Bell, and Berger (2003) assert that access to a diverse group
of persons allows researchers to gain various viewpoints on the problem (p.78).
The comparative research of grassroots organizations aimed to leverage women's
expertise in assessing the impact of political leadership training programs on their capacity to run
for and secure political office successfully. The survey consisted of 34 questions. The survey
aimed to assess the perceived comparative advantages, disadvantages, and opportunities
encountered by Black American women who participated in political leadership training
programs.
The original documents encompassed various items, such as the organizations' program
curricula and the assistance provided to participants after they finished the program. This
analysis was conducted to get insights into the cultural aspects of organizations and individuals
seeking political leadership training. This study aimed to assess the significance of the training
that was received.
Design of Study
This study conducted a comparative analysis of the attributes and efficacy of grassroots
organizations that train Black women to prepare them for political candidacy. This case study
81
analyzed the organizational structure to assess the motivation and preparedness of Black women
who have successfully finished the program to pursue political positions on the local level.
Creswell (1998) defines a case study as analyzing a specific and well-defined system or many
systems over time. This analysis involves gathering comprehensive and thorough data from
various sources abundant in contextual information (p.61). This case study enhanced my
understanding of the importance and effectiveness of the organization's training.
The alums had successfully finished the programs and decided to pursue a political
career. The efficacy of grassroots organization leadership training programs will ascertain the
requisite organizational and leadership methodologies for successfully executing their political
training initiatives. Examining the grassroots organizations was crucial in ascertaining the
practicality and effectiveness of their ability to evaluate the eligibility of Black women aspiring
for local political positions.
Data Collection
The survey aligned with the research questions. The data collection and methods were
derived from Internet surveys. The survey was emailed to multiple grassroots organizations
implementing a political leadership training program. Additionally, the survey was promoted
through popular social media platforms such as Facebook, X, and Instagram. According to
Stanton et al. (2005), questionnaires provide a very adaptable method for efficiently gathering
substantial volumes of data from a large number of participants.
Instrumentation
The instrument's design employed a grounded theory method derived from analyzing the
factors and commonalities observed among the businesses. The survey was designed to identify
the factors contributing to the practical application of techniques acquired from the program and
82
utilizing the abilities acquired. The survey questions provided respondents with the option to
select their responses using a Likert-type scale, where a rating of 1 corresponds to "Very
Dissatisfied," a rating of 3 corresponds to "Neutral," and a rating of 7 corresponds to "Very
Satisfied."
The instrument's validity was assessed through previous participation in political
leadership programs. The participation agreement (see Appendix C) and questionnaire (see
Appendix D) were distributed via email. This procedure was employed to ascertain the
legitimacy of the responses to the alum survey questions. Moustakas (1994) asserts that the
validity of experiences undergoes a constant change as individuals express and describe them
(p.57).
Protection of Human Subject
The researcher applied for exempt status through the Internal Review Board (IRB).
Everyone who completed the survey and participated in the interview procedure was guaranteed
anonymity. Participants in the survey read the leader of consent (see Appendix E) before taking
the survey online, which would keep each person's identity anonymous. The study's benefit and
relevance were to raise awareness about political leadership training programs that strive to train
Black women but fail to address the needs and problems of Black women with untapped talent
and leadership skills in rural and urban environments.
84
CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
This chapter includes an examination of data acquired during the study. This study aimed
to undertake a comparative analysis of the performance of grassroots organizations that prepare
Black women to run for local government. This study shows the usefulness of political training
programs and how they can encourage Black women to run for political office; individual-level
data from a sample of 89 was collected. This study will claim that Black women's political
participation is unique and should pay attention to their political ambition.
Women account for 50.5% of the United States population (Census 2020), with 25%
serving as elected officials at the municipal level. According to Heigher Heights for America
(2022), Black women comprise 6.8% of the population but just 3.7% of elected positions. Carroll
and Sanbonmatsu (2013) argue that Black women's candidacy is relationally rooted.
Furthermore, this dissertation claimed that political ambition may place Black women where
they are requested to run and consider running to achieve community-based goals.
This research uses an exploratory sequential design to determine whether Black women
are inspired to run for local government after engaging in a political training program established
by grassroots organizations. This research will draw on the potential benefits of both qualitative
and quantitative methodologies, allowing it to investigate the perspective of Black women who
are underrepresented in local government and the relationships between probable underlying
causes that could answer the research questions.
The exploratory phase entails collecting qualitative data to investigate the research
problem thoroughly. This phase seeks to uncover major themes, patterns, or variables that may
influence the topic under investigation. In the exploratory phase, data might be collected through
85
interviews, questionnaires, focus groups, or observations (source). The exploratory phase allows
the researcher to obtain insights into the research problem and establish hypotheses for future
examination.
Following the exploratory phase, the sequential phase comprises quantitative analysis to
confirm the exploratory phase findings. This phase aims to evaluate the hypotheses developed
during the exploratory phase and assess the correlations between variables that were recognized
as essential during that phase.
Techniques for analyzing quantitative data include regression analysis. The findings from
the exploratory and sequential phases are combined to give a complete picture of the research
question. The qualitative insights obtained during the exploratory phase supported the
conclusions empirically. Overall, the exploratory sequential style of this dissertation enables a
systematic and thorough exploration of the research question.
By integrating exploratory and confirmatory methodologies, this methodology gives a
thorough knowledge of the elements that influence whether grassroots groups that produce
political training programs for Black women are compelling enough to motivate them to run for
local office.
Dependent Variable
The dependent variable of interest is Black women who completed the political training
program and then decided whether or not to run for local government. Black women are less
likely to interact with political parties at all levels of involvement (Brown, 2014a; Hardy-Fanta et
al., 2016; Sanbonmatsu, 2006). Hence, it is unlikely that political parties will influence their
decision to run for office. Nonetheless, because Black women participate in community-building
86
activities (Dowe, 2020; Friseur & Williams, 2009), their social networks (family and friends)
likely support their political ambitions.
The second dependent variable is rather if Black women received support from their peers
after completing the political training program. Black women are at the forefront of coalition
building in their communities to encourage their networks to participate in the community. To
fully comprehend the factors that contribute to disparities in Black women's access to political
power and their agency in securing political representation, it is necessary to have a thorough
understanding of how race, gender, and class intersect in the lives of Black women to produce a
variety of experiences (Brown, 2014b).
Political connections must be established for Black women to benefit from meaningful
conversations centered on their political development and empowerment as a crucial step in
gaining additional knowledge. Black women have taken an active role in the political process,
beginning locally.
The final dependent variable in this study examines whether Black women are motivated
by the presence of other Black women in positions of political power. It can be inferred that
Black women will feel a sense of identification when they encounter someone who resembles
them in that particular role.
Independent Variable
Given that Black women are less likely to interact with political parties at all levels of
political participation (Brown 2014a; Hardy-Fanta et al. 2016; Sanbonmatsu 2006), it is unlikely
that parties will factor into Black women's decision to run for office. However, because Black
women focus on community and coalition building (Dowe 2020; Frasure and Williams 2009),
their social capital (such as family and friends) will likely support their candidacy. Black
87
women are at the forefront of building coalitions within their communities to encourage their
networks to participate in community engagement. Recognizing disparities in Black women's
access to political power and agency in achieving electoral representation must be based on a
thorough understanding of how race, gender, and class intersect in their everyday lives to
produce diverse experiences (Brown 2014b).
Data Analysis The
hypotheses are tested in the given equation:
log(1−P(Y=k)P(Y=k))=β0+β1X1+β2X2+…+βpXp (4.1)
Data was gathered from Black women who participated in political training programs in
Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia; these three states were critical focal points during the Civil
Rights Movement and had a majority Black population. The logistic regression model was
employed to evaluate the data, allowing for the examination of binary outcomes, categorical data
collecting, and the capacity to adjust for multiple parameters. This study will make the logistic
regression model especially useful for assessing observational data where adjustments are
required to reduce potential bias induced by differences in the groups being compared
(Kirkwood & Sterne, 2003).
The logistic regression model is built on the probability of a two-level outcome of
interest (LaValley, 2008). For the sake of this dissertation, the researcher used a factorial logistic
regression. A factorial logistic regress is applied when the data has two or more categorical
independent variables but a dichotomous dependent variable. The outcome of Black women
88
running for political office after finishing the grassroots organization's political training program
will be defined as 1=Black women who ran for political office and 0=Black women who did
not.
Results
In recent years, there has been an increased interest in studying the elements that
influence Black women's political participation. Training programs designed by grassroots
organizations to encourage Black women to run for political office have received attention as
potential methods for addressing gender gaps in political representation. In this study, I intended
to look into the link between involvement in such training programs and future political acts by
Black women.
Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive statistics provide a detailed summary of the critical characteristics of the
dataset, giving researchers a thorough grasp of the fundamental qualities of the data. Descriptive
statistics help researchers analyze data by measuring different characteristics, revealing patterns,
detecting outliers, and forming hypotheses for further study.
Descriptive statistics are crucial for the early investigation and analysis of research data.
This offers researchers important insights into their data's patterns and qualities, which helps
prepare for regression analysis and interpretation. This dissertation seeks to determine whether
Black women who participated in political training programs established by grassroots
organizations are influential enough to encourage Black women to run for local office.
The variable descriptions are as follows:
Table 4.1 Descriptive Statistics of Variables
State
The State in which the data was collected.
Age
Age of participants
89
Int_run
Interest in running for local government.
Pol_orgs
Black women's involvement in other political organizations
Train_int_run
Whether Black women joined the program because they wanted to run for local government.
Bw_hind
Black women are a hindrance to running for local government.
Rate_prog
Rate of the program.
Did_run:
After
Black women completed the program; did they run for office?
Grad
How many years after completion of the political training program
Supp
After completing the program, Black women receive support from their cohorts when deciding
to run for
Relations
Level of relationship status (single, married, divorced)
Edu
The educational level of the participants.
Pol_kno
Political knowledge of Black women who participated in the political training program
Ran
Whether the participants ran for local government
Known_prog
The political program's overall knowledge
Train_prog
Satisfied with the political program.
Kno_pol
Organizational knowledge of politics
Help_org
Did the political training program provide help when Black women ran for office?
Rec
Would Black women who participated in the program recommend this program to other Black
women?
role_mod
Black women who have Black women role models in the political sphere
Bw_inspo
Black women are inspired to run for office when they see other Black women in office.
Kno_pol_iss
The political training program knowledge of political issues is implemented into the program.
This table offers a comprehensive overview of the distribution and characteristics of the
variables in the dataset, which can help understand the data's structure and inform subsequent
analyses.
90
Summary Statistics
The summary statistics present a thorough overview of the main variables examined in
the study, providing insights into their central tendencies, variability, and distribution throughout
the community of Black women.
Table 4.2 Summary Statistics
Variable
Count
Mean
Variance
Sd
Minimum
Maximum
State
88
1.53
0.64
0.80
1
3
Relations
88
2.15
0.89
0.94
1
3
Age
88
1.92
0.67
0.82
1
3
Edu
88
3.77
2.27
1.51
1
6
Int_run
88
0.83
0.69
0.83
0
2
Pol_kno
88
2.92
1.59
1.26
1
5
Pol_orgs
88
0.38
0.24
0.49
0
1
Ran
88
0.08
0.07
0.27
0
1
Train_int_run
88
0.43
0.25
0.50
0
1
Known_prog
88
0.39
0.24
0.49
0
1
Bw_hind
88
0.23
0.18
0.42
0
1
Vote
88
0.74
0.20
0.44
0
1
Role_mod
88
0.56
0.25
0.50
0
1
Bw_inspo
88
0.55
0.25
0.50
0
1
Train_prog
88
1.86
0.74
0.86
1
3
Kno_pol_iss
88
2.35
0.76
0.87
1
4
Did_run
88
0.32
0.22
0.47
0
1
Help_org
88
2.41
0.80
0.89
1
4
Grad
88
2.90
1.47
1.21
1
4
Supp
88
88
0.55
0.25
0.50
0
The count represents the quantity of accurate data points for each variable. The analysis
includes 88 participants in this study. The sum of weights is the total of weights or scores given
to each observation, which could be necessary for weighting modifications. The mean represents
the average value of each variable in the sample. The mean age is 1.92, indicating that
91
participants, on average, are situated between the categories of "young" and "middle-aged" on
the age measurement scale.
The variance quantifies the extent of scattering or distribution of data points from the
average. The increased variance signifies more diversity in the data. Variables like education
(edu) and political knowledge (pol_kno) have substantial variances, suggesting a broad range of
values among individuals.
The Standard Deviation is the square root of the variance and indicates the average
distance between each data point and the mean. A higher standard deviation indicates an
increased spread of data points away from the mean. The standard deviation for age is 0.82,
suggesting moderate heterogeneity in participants' ages. The minimum and maximum values for
each variable are determined. The total sum is the cumulative total of all values recorded for each
variable. It offers a comprehensive measure of the data dispersion. The total amount for
"help_org" is 212, representing the combined score of participants' replies about assistance from
the political training programs. The summary statistics provide valuable insight into the features
and distribution of critical variables in the research population, aiding in a better understanding
of the dataset and guiding further analysis and interpretations.
Correlation Matrix
This section analyzes the relationships between various variables within this dataset using
a correlation matrix. The correlation matrix provides insight into the relationships between
various variables in the dataset, offering valuable insights for understanding the interplay among
different factors under investigation. This analysis examined correlations between demographic
92
characteristics, political engagement indicators, program participation variables, and outcome
measures among Black women participants.
Table 4.3 Correlation Matrix
6
State
Age
Edu
Int_ru
n
Pol_kno
Pol_org
s
ran
Train_intr
_run
Known
_prog
Bw_hin
d
Role_mod
Bw_ins
po
Training
_prog
Know
_pol
Known
_pol_iss
Did_run
Help_
org
grad
rec
supp
State
1.00
Age
0.0479
1.000
0
edu
-0.1744
-
0.135
8
1.0000
Int_run
0.0174
-
0.070
6
-0.1410
1.000
0
Pol_kno
-0.0484
0.116
1
0.0690
0.030
7
1.0000
Pol_orgs
0.0699
-
0.039
6
0.1332
-
0.038
9
0.1801
1.0000
ran
0.1192
0.080
2
0.0166
0.060
5
0.0186
0.2060
1.0000
Train_int_r
un
0.3657
0.056
9
-0.0362
-
0.014
5
0.0179
0.0355
0.0829
1.000
Known_pro
g
0.2589
-
0.008
5
0.0737
-
0.005
8
0.0689
0.2531
0.0255
0.2035
1.000
Bw_hind
0.0789
0.019
7
0.1728
0.046
1
-0.0305
0.1960
0.2414
-0.0896
0.2379
1.000
Role_mod
0.1960
-
0.002
9
0.0632
-
0.017
9
0.1805
0.2185
0.1777
0.2236
0.2851
0.2109
1.000
Bw_inspo
0.2395
0.022
9
-0.1537
0.087
6
0.1604
0.2357
0.1840
0.1969
0.1150
0.1683
0.2882
1.000
Train_prog
0.2069
-
0.064
5
-0.0065
-
0.048
8
0.2653
0.2882
0.1451
0.1927
-0.0099
0.1499
0.1252
0.4148
1.000
Kno_pol
-0.2757
0.027
3
-0.2505
0.122
1
0.1358
-0.0357
0.0639
-0.0299
-0.0710
0.0236
-0.0348
-0.1388
0.0924
1.000
Kno_pol_is
s
0.1902
0.071
9
0.0879
-
0.027
2
-0.0265
-0.2878
-0.0226
-0.2750
-0.0263
0.0299
-0.1653
-0.2873
-0.2725
0.008
5
1.000
Did_run
0.0320
-
0.023
1
-0.0429
-
0.242
2
0.0433
-0.0252
0.0697
0.0940
0.1093
0.0953
0.1674
0.3786
0.3086
-
0.190
8
-0.0243
1.000
Help_org
-0.3090
-
0.033
6
0.0871
0.002
1
-0.1239
-0.1720
-0.2302
-0.1692
-0.1554
-0.0067
-0.1043
-0.2993
-0.3308
0.200
4
0.2412
-0.0400
1.000
grad
-0.3805
0.003
3
0.0123
-
0.028
8
-0.1105
0.0268
-0.1839
-0.2874
-0.2229
-0.1338
-0.2842
-0.2855
-0.2448
0.079
8
0.1758
-0.1443
0.166
5
1.000
rec
0.0027
-
0.015
8
-0.1305
0.015
5
0.0462
0.0488
0.0476
0.2298
0.0662
-0.0410
0.1340
0.2588
0.2662
-
0.000
0
-0.1289
0.2121
-
0.157
3
-
0.357
8
1.000
supp
0.0963
0.022
9
0.0748
0.087
6
0.1968
0.1414
0.1840
0.1969
0.1619
0.1683
0.1044
0.3125
0.2547
-
0.099
2
-0.2083
0.0356
-
0.325
0
-
0.209
8
0.116
4
1.00
0
84
84
The correlation matrix analysis reveals a minor negative correlation of -0.1358 between
age and education level, suggesting that older participants generally have lower educational
attainment. There is a weak positive association of 0.2060 between political knowledge
(pol_kno) and the likelihood of running for office (ran), indicating that persons with more
excellent political knowledge may be more inclined to seek political candidacy. A moderate
positive correlation of 0.3657 exists between individuals joining the program because of an
interest in running for office (train_int_run) and their contentment with the political program
(train_prog).
Participants driven by political ambitions showed more satisfaction with the training
program. A positive association was found between having role models (role_mod) and taking
inspiration from other Black women (bw_inspo), indicating the potential impact of role models
on encouraging political activity among participants.
Participants who received support from their cohorts had a moderate negative
correlation (-.03308) with receiving support from other Black women when considering running
for local office, indicating that expanding their social capital for external support networks could
influence political decisions. The correlations were found between specific outcome variables,
such as recommending the program to other Black women (rec) and program satisfaction
(train_prog). However, their strength and significance differed depending on different predictor
variables. The correlation matrix provides insights into the links between variables in the dataset,
serving as a basis for more detailed analysis to investigate this connection further.
85
Hypothesis I
This research enhances our knowledge of the factors that impact political involvement
and the success of political training programs for Black women. It will guide future research and
interventions to promote inclusive political participation.
H1 Black women who participated in the political training programs designed by grassroot
organization, did run for local government.
Table 4.4 Correlation Matrix
did_run
int_run
rate_prog
train_int_run
Pol_kno
pol_orgs
known_prog
train_prog
did_run
1.0000
int_run
-
0.2422
1.0000
rate_prog
0.0518
.1103
1.0000
train_int_run
0.0940
-0.0145
-0.0743
1.0000
pol_kno
0.0433
0.0307
0.0179
-0.0179
1.0000
pol_orgs
-
0.0252
-0.0389
-0.2220
0.0355
0.1801
1.0000
known_prog
0.1093
-0.0058
-0.0567
0.2305
0.0689
0.2531
1.0000
train_prog
0.3086
-0.0488
0.0766
0.1927
0.2653
0.2882
-0.0099
1.0000
This correlation matrix illuminates the empowering interrelationships between the
variables that come into play when Black women complete the political training program,
potentially paving their path to running for office. The matrix reveals significant findings, with
the decision to run for office ('did_run') showing a notable positive correlation with Black
women who participated in the political training program and found it satisfying, thereby
increasing their likelihood to run for office. Similarly, Black women interested in running for
86
office ('int_run') demonstrated a weak positive correlation with the overall knowledge of the
program (known_prog), suggesting a potential for Black women to gain comprehensive political
knowledge from the program. Interestingly, a notable negative correlation was observed between
Black women's involvement in political organizations (pol_orgs) and their overall rating of the
political programs (rate_prog), hinting that those deeply engaged in political organizations
tended to rate the political programs lower.
These findings offer crucial insights into the intricate dynamics of political engagement,
underscoring the urgent need to comprehend the various factors that influence Black women's
involvement in political activities and their perceptions of political programs.
Table 4.5 Chi-square test
Did_Run
Freq.
Percent
Cum
0
60
68.18
68.18
1
28
31.82
100.00
Total
88
100.00
The occurrence of not running for office is more common than running for office, with
68.18% of observations falling into the former group and 31.82% into the latter. This table is a
concise summary of the distribution of the variable "did_run," displaying the percentage of
observations in each group.
Table 4.6 Regression Results
did_run
Coefficient
Std. Error
z
P>|z||
[95% Confidence level
87
int_run
1
.7779372
.7922879
0.98
0.326
-.7749185
2.330793
2
-.2814711
.7934008
-0.35
0.723
-1.836508
1.273566
Train_int_run
.1730528
.7628791
0.23
0.821
-1.322163
1.668268
Int_Run#
train_int_run
1 1
.3535187
1.257426
0.28
0.779
- 2.110991
2.818029
2 1
1.460096
1.283433
1.14
0.255
- 1.055386
3.975578
Bw_hind
.8782884
.6316733
1.39
0.164
-.3597686
2.116345
Bw_inspo
1.059215
.5239014
2.02
0.043
.0323869
2.086043
Help_org
- .6614106
.3084143
- 2.14
0.032
- 1.265892
-.0569296
_cons
.6664727
1.020261
0.65
0.514
- 1.333201
2.666147
Dependent variable = Did Run, N =83; Log likelihood= -40.041228, R² =0.2453; LR chi2 (11) =
26.03, Prob > chi2 = 0.0064 Number of obs = 83 note:
4.rate_prog#1.train_int_run omitted because of collinearity.
Iteration 0: Log-likelihood = -53.058719
Iteration 1: Log-likelihood = -40.371922
88
Iteration 2: Log-likelihood = -40.042208
Iteration 3: Log-likelihood = -40.041228
Iteration 4: Log-likelihood = -40.041228
The regression model exhibited a strong correspondence with the data, as evidenced by a
pseudo-R2 value of 0.2453, indicating that about 24.53% of the variability in participants'
decision to run for office was accounted for. The statistical analysis shows this model is very
significant (X2=26.03, p=0.0064), showing that the predictors considerably impact the
probability of running for local office. Running interest was identified as a strong indicator of
engagement. Participants categorized as having a strong interest in running for office (category
2) were found to be considerably less inclined to run for office compared to those categorized as
having a low interest in running (category 1) (B= -1.92, p=0.015). The program's ranking was
determined to have a substantial impact on participation. Participants who gave the program a
high evaluation (rate_prog=3) were substantially more inclined to pursue a political career than
those who gave it a low rating (B=2.83, p=0.043). The inclusion of dummy factors, such as the
participants' political knowledge of the program ('pol_kno'), membership in political
organizations ('pol_orgs'), and the program's overall knowledge of politics ('known_prog'), did
not have a statistically significant impact on the likelihood of participating in running for office.
89
Table 4.7 Multicollinearity
did_run
Coefficient
Std. Error
t
P>|t|
VIFs
Int_run
1
-.124059
.1236726
1.00
0.320
1.44
2
-.2295821
.1263298
-1.82
0.074
1.47
rate_prog
2
.4116
.3395931
1.21
0.230
10.32
3
.0125714
.4663136
0.03
0.979
11.02
4
- .6226632
.4730843
- 1.32
0.193
5.56
pol_kno
2
-.0973745
.2126136
-0.46
0.648
3.12
3
.0290214
.1831741
0.16
0.875
3.49
4
.1229311
.2009322
0.61
0.543
2.65
5
.0073755
.2406143
0.03
0.976
3.16
rate_prog#pol_kno
2 2
-.2703047
.4427631
-0.61
0.544
3.94
2 3
-.3851385
.3839862
-1.00
0.320
6.28
2 4
-.6528457
.4297164
-1.52
0.134
3.71
2 5
-.7057907
.4560011
-1.55
0.127
4.18
3 2
.8945483
.6514278
1.37
0.174
2.21
3 3
.3941978
.5126808
0.77
0.445
7.74
3 4
.0594516
.5720187
0.10
0.918
3.37
3 5
-.1129027
.6751666
-0.17
0.868
2.37
4 2
.5261807
.5605815
0.94
0.351
4.80
4 3
0 (empty)
4 4
0 (empty)
4 5
.3311958
.6729705
0.49
0.624
2.36
pol_orgs
-.1089892
.1231413
-0.89
0.379
1.65
known_prog
.0813498
.1114539
0.73
0.468
1.37
90
train_prog
.2028262
.0643848
3.15
0.002
1.41
_cons
.0141845
.1638919
0.09
0.931
Dependent variable = Did Run, N =88; R² = 0.0536; Adj R² = .1349; F (22,65) = 1.62, Prob
> F = 0.0700; mean VIF = 3.98
A preliminary regression analysis was conducted to assess multicollinearity. The results
indicate that the overall model is marginally significant (p=0.07000), suggesting that the set of
independent variables in the test adequately explains a substantial fraction of the variation in the
dependent variable "did_run." Although the overall significance of the regression model could be
more vital, and specific individual predictors do not have significant impacts, there is no
significant problem of multicollinearity among the predictors. This means that the regression
coefficients can be reasonably interpreted.
The data analysis supports the hypothesis that a political training program can inspire
Black women to seek public office. Various factors, including prior political experience,
enrollment in political training programs, and potentially additional variables investigated in the
research, substantially impact an individual's decision to pursue local political leadership
positions. The model's predictors' statistical significance suggests that they do not occur at
random but rather exert a substantial and quantifiable influence on the decision-making process
regarding political candidacy.
These results provide significant insights into the intricacies and factors influencing
political engagement, particularly locally. The authors present empirical data that specific
experiences, training opportunities, and additional variables can significantly influence the
decision-making process of Black women regarding their involvement in local government. This
91
information is vital for developing efficacious approaches that promote and facilitate diverse
participation in political leadership positions.
Hypothesis II
H2 Black women gain a higher social capital in the scope of the political environment after
participating in political training programs.
Table 4.8 Correlation Matrix
supp
int_run
train_int_run
bw_hind
supp
1.000
int_run
0.0876
1.0000
train_int_run
0.1969
-0.0145
1.0000
bw_hind
0.1683
0.0461
-0.0896
1.0000
bw_inspo
0.3125
0.0876
0.1969
0.1683
help_org
-0.3250
0.0021
-0.1692
-0.0667
The variable 'supp' showed a substantial inverse link with assistance from political groups
(help_org) when a Black individual decides to pursue a political office, indicating that grassroots
organizations were less inclined to support Black women when they want to run for office. The
interest of Black women in running for office (int_run) is weakly positively correlated with their
participation in political training programs (train_int_run). This suggests that Black women
interested in running for office also tend to participate in the training programs. This discovery
implies a possible correlation between a desire to pursue a political career and engaging in
programs to acquire the necessary abilities and knowledge to hold public office. There is a
92
moderate positive association between the support that Black women receive throughout their
campaign and the hindrance that they experience when deciding to run for office. This hindrance
is influenced by the inspiration they draw from other Black women holding office. These
connections emphasize the potential influence of Black women's perspectives and incentives on
political backing. In summary, these findings offer a significant understanding of the complex
characteristics of political support and the diverse elements that might impact the views and
actions of Black women in the political arena.
Table 4.9 Chi-Square Test
Supp
Freq.
Percent
Cum
0
40
45.45
45.45
1
48
54.55
100.00
Total
88
100.00
The table displays the distribution of support received by Black women survey
respondents. Out of the total sample size of 88 respondents, 40 (45.45%) reported receiving no
support, while 48 (54.55%) reported receiving some form of support. The cumulative
percentages show that all respondents fall into one of these two categories.
Table 4.10 Regression Results
Supp
Coefficient
Std. Error
z
P>|z||
[95 % Confidence level
int_run
1
.7779372
.7922879
0.98
0.326
- .7749185
93
2.330793
2
- .2814711
.7934008
- 0.35
0.723
- 1.836508
1.273566
Train_int_run
.1730528
.7628791
0.23
0.821
-1.322163
1.668268
Int_Run#
train_int_run
1 1
.3535187
1.257426
0.28
0.779
-2.110991
2.818029
2 1
1.460096
1.283433
1.14
0.255
- 1.055386
3.975578
Bw_hind
.8782884
.6316733
1.39
0.164
- .3597686
2.116345
Bw_inspo
1.059215
.5239014
2.02
0.043
.0323869
2.086043
Help_org
- .6614106
.3084143
- 2.14
0.032
- 1.265892
-.0569296
_cons
.6664727
1.020261
0.65
0.514
- 1.333201
2.666147
Dependent variable = Supp, N =88; Log likelihood= -49.838176 R² =0.1780; LR chi2 (8) =
21.59, Prob > chi2 = 0.0057 Number of obs = 83 logit supp i.
Int_run##train_int_run bw_hind bw_inspo help_org.
Iteration 0: Log-likelihood = -60.632813
Iteration 1: Log-likelihood = -50.035558
Iteration 2: Log-likelihood = -49.838533
Iteration 3: Log-likelihood = -49.838176
Iteration 4: Log-likelihood = -49.838176
94
This logistic regression research sought to determine the characteristics that influence the
level of support among Black women when they decide to run for local office. This model used
multiple predictor variables, including interaction terms considering involvement in political
activities and enrollment in political training programs. According to the statistics, Black women
engaged in political training programs (train_int_run) due to their inclination to pursue local
political positions (int_run). The correlation between participation in political groups and
enrollment in political training programs, driven by a desire to pursue a political career, did not
substantially impact peer support. This suggests that the collective impact of these factors on
political support does not have a statistically significant effect.
However, the study found a substantial positive relationship between Black inspiration
(bw_inspo) and support from their peers. This means that Black women perceive higher levels
of Black women being inspired by other Black women in office are more likely to show support
for Black women during their campaign. This indicates the significance of motivational factors in
influencing the views of Black women toward political participation and endorsement. The
presence of racial discrimination as a barrier to running for political office, as influenced by the
concept of intersectionality, did not show a statistically significant impact on levels of political
support.
This implies that obstacles to political engagement may not directly affect Black women's
ability to receive peer support. The assistance the political group (help_org) provided had a
statistically significant adverse impact on political support. This study indicates that persons who
actively participate in running for office after their completion of the political training program
are less inclined to show endorsement for Black women when they want to pursue a political
career. These findings offer vital insights into the intricate dynamics of political support and the
95
diverse elements that can impact the attitudes and behaviors of Black women in the political
realm.
Table 4.11 Multicollinearity
supp
Coefficient
Std. Error
t
P>|t|
VIFs
Int_run
.0406334
.0600309
0.68
0.500
1.17
train_int_run
.1329532
.1035476
1.28
0.203
1.12
bw_hind
.1540188
.1209132
1.27
0.206
1.07
bw_inspo
.1874702
.107544
1.74
0.085
1.05
help_org
-.1335901
.0589319
-2.27
0.026
1.01
_cons
.6389057
.1883537
3.39
0.001
Dependent variable = Did_Run, N =88; R² = 0.0536; Adj R² = .1349; F (22,65) = 1.62, Prob > F
= 0.0700; mean VIF = 1.08
A regression analysis was conducted to determine the predictors of the variables to assess
multicollinearity. The regression model demonstrated statistical significance (F(5,82)=3.84,
p=0.0036), indicating that the predictor factors collectively accounted for a substantial
percentage of the variance if Black women received support throughout their campaign. The
analysis shows no noteworthy multicollinearity problems among the predictor variables since all
VIF values are comfortably below the threshold of 10.
In summary, upon analyzing the data, it was determined that the hypothesis regarding
Black women receiving support from their colleagues was not supported. According to the study,
candidates who run for office after completing a political training program are less likely to
support their colleagues and vice versa. The conclusion above is derived from the analysis that
96
unveiled an inverse correlation between the endorsement of Black women in political leadership
positions and their active engagement in running for office after their training.
This outcome prompts inquiries into the intricacies and perspectives prevalent in political
spheres, particularly endorsing diversity, and inclusion. This suggests that Black women, as well
as members of other underrepresented groups, may encounter obstacles or difficulties when
attempting to gain support from their political training program peers or within the political
domain.
Hypothesis III
H3 Black women are inspired to run for office when they see other Black women in a political
position.
Table 4.12 Correlation Matrix
bw_inspo
did_run
int_run
role_mod
train_int_run
bw_inspo
1.000
did_run
0.3786
1.0000
int_run
0.0876
-0.2422
1.0000
role_mod
0.2882
0.1674
-
0.0179
1.0000
train_int_run
0.1969
0.0940
0.0145
0.2236
1.0000
The correlation matrix uncovers many significant correlations among the variables. There
is a moderate positive correlation (0.3786) between the variables "bw_inspo" and "did_run." The
data suggests that higher levels of inspiration from Black women in the political arena are
97
connected with an increased likelihood of participation in running for office. Conversely, the
variable "int_run" exhibits a modest negative correlation of -0.2422 with "did_run," suggesting
that greater interest in pursuing a political position is partly linked to a drop in the actual act of
running for office. Furthermore, the variable "role_mod" demonstrates a moderate positive
correlation with both "bw_inspo" (0.2882) and "train_int_run" (0.2236). The data indicates that
individuals who view Black women in political positions as role models are more inclined to
involve themselves in running for office and participating in political training programs due to
their aspiration to run for office.
Table 4.13 Chi-Square Test
bw_inspo
Freq.
Percent
Cum.
0
40
45.45
45.45
1
48
54.55
100.00
Total
88
100.00
A chi-square test was performed on the variable "bw_inspo," which consists of two
categories: absence of inspiration from other Black women in political office (0) and being
inspired by other Black women in political office (1). The recorded frequencies indicate 40
instances in category 0 and 48 in category 1, accounting for 45.45% and 54.55% of the total,
respectively.
Table 4.14 Regression Result
bw_inspo
Coefficient
Std. Error
z
P>|z||
[95% Confidence level
int_run
1
.5334498
.6967349
0.77
0.444
-.8321225 1.889025
2
.8471755
.6895101
1.24
0.213
-.4865998 2.180951
98
1 .did_run
1.699846
.7379397
2.30
0.021
.2535102 3.14618100
int_run#did_run
1 1
0 (empty)
2 1
0 (empty)
role_mod
.9502812
.5146793
1.85
0.065
-.0584716 1.959034
train_int_run
.614818
.5062671
1.21
0.225
-.3774474 1.607083
_cons
-1.545541
.6202131
-2.49
0.013
-2.761136 -.3299453
Dependent variable = bw_inspo, N =78; Log likelihood= -47.50163 R² =0.1210; LR chi2
(5) = 13.08, Prob > chi2 = 0.0227
Iteration 0: Log-likelihood = -54.039836
Iteration 1: Log-likelihood = -47.506486
Iteration 2: Log-likelihood = -47.50163
Iteration 3: Log-likelihood = -47.50163
The logistic regression analysis results illustrate the correlation between a number of
variables and the probability that other Black women in positions of elected political positions
will inspire and motivate Black women to run for office. The improvement of the model in fitting
the data is indicated by the log-likelihood values across iterations; the ultimate loglikelihood is -
47.50. This indicates that the model fits the observed data reasonably well. An analysis of the
coefficients reveals that the variable "did_run" has a statistically significant and positive impact
on inspiration, as evidenced by its coefficient of 1.70 and p-value of 0.021. This regression
indicates that Black women who have previously run for office are more likely than those whom
other Black women have not inspired in office.
Furthermore, the trend significance of the variable "role_mod" (p=0.065) indicates that
considering an individual a role model may also motivate one to seek political office. On the
contrary, it does not seem that the fictitious variable "int_run#did_run" or other variables,
including "train_int_run," significantly influence inspiration. The results above underscore the
99
significance of prior political engagement, specifically campaigning for office, in motivating
Black women to pursue political leadership positions.
Table 4.15 Multicollinearity
bw_inspo
Coefficient
Std. Error
t
P>|t|
VIFs
did_run
.4045302
.107074
3.78
0.0000
1.10
int_run
.1109029
0.592365
1.87
0.065
1.08
role_mod
.2020137
.0995097
2.03
0.046
1.06
train_int_run
.1195172
.0988024
1.21
0.230
1.06
_cons
.1606469
.0983142
1.63
0.106
Dependent variable = bw_inspo, N =88; R² = 0.2409; Adj R² = .2043; F (4,83) =
6.59, Prob > F = 0.0001; mean VIF = 1.07
The regression analysis with "Bw_inspo" as the dependent variable and "Did_Run,"
"Int_Run," "Role_mod," and "Train_int_run" as independent variables shows a statistically
significant relationship, as indicated by the low p-value (Prob > F = 0.0001). The model's overall
explanatory power is moderate, with an R-squared value of 0.2409, suggesting that about
24.09% of the variability in "Bw_inspo" can be explained by the independent variables.
However, when considering multicollinearity, the variance inflation factor (VIF) values are close
to 1, indicating that multicollinearity is not a significant issue in this model. Looking at the
individual coefficients, "Did_Run" has a positive and significant effect on "Bw_inspo,"
suggesting that participants who engaged in a specific activity were more likely to have higher
scores on "Bw_inspo." Additionally, "Role_mod" also shows a positive and significant
100
relationship, implying that participants who viewed certain individuals as role models tended to
have higher scores on "Bw_inspo." However, "Int_Run" and "Train_int_run" did not show
statistically significant effects on "Bw_inspo" in this analysis.
In summary, the logistic regression analysis results support the hypothesis that the
presence of another Black woman in a particular political office inspires Black women to run for
local government themselves. A more significant proportion of Black women who have run for
political office previously find inspiration in the political positions held by other Black women.
This finding implies a positive correlation between individual political experience and drawing
inspiration from the political leadership of other Black women. This underscores the significance
of representation and role modeling in political domains, where the presence of individuals in
positions of authority who possess comparable experiences and backgrounds can inspire and
enable others to follow in their footsteps.
CHAPTER V
RESTATEMENT OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR
FURTHER RESEARCH
Restatement of Findings
This comparative study aimed to identify the features and effectiveness of grassroots
organizations that established political leadership training programs for Black women seeking
local public office. Political leadership training programs are the initial stage for advancement in
101
Black American women's political careers. The study also sheds light on the research that has to
be done to develop Black American women into political leaders. Black women who participated
in the political training program were defined by six dimensions: (a) Interest in running for local
government, (b) Political awareness before enrolling in the program, (c) Participation in the
program because of an interest in running for local government (d) Program rate (e) Alumni
support (f) Program support. The results revealed that even after completing the program, Black
women face a dearth of support from their peers when considering running for office.
Table 4.4 shows the regression findings, including variables that influence whether Black
women receive peer support. The model is significant (p<0.001), and the inside R2 value for the
primary model is 0.1897, indicating that Black women receive a baseline level of support for
political candidacy even without considering variables. The study also investigated the
significance and plausibility of Black women's interest in running and their motivation to run
after seeing another Black woman in a political position; nevertheless, the first hypothesis was
not substantiated. The findings indicated that these characteristics do not statistically affect the
level of assistance received (p>0.05). The study found that while these traits may influence Black
women's decision to run for office, they may not immediately impact the support they receive
from their cohorts and the program.
The researcher discovered that there is a chance that Black women who participated in
the training program will run for local government. Higher program ratings among Black women
were associated with a higher likelihood of running for office (p<0.001). This evidence
demonstrates the significance of program satisfaction and perceived efficacy in inspiring Black
women to run for municipal government, supporting the second hypothesis.
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Even when Black women witness other women in political roles, they may be interested
in running for local office. The data revealed that one of the independent factors had a
statistically significant effect on inspiration from other Black women. A one-unit rise in running
for office corresponds to an increase of around 0.4045 units in inspiration from other Black
women. This impact is statistically significant (p<0.001), indicating that Black women who ran
for office were more likely to take inspiration from other Black women. This supports the third
hypothesis.
Conclusion
The effort to bring Black women via the political pipeline represents an opportunity to
transform political cultures and guide Black women toward a career in politics. Even though the
grassroots groups were not recognized, it can be assumed that they have the potential to
convince, influence, and cultivate women under their tutelage and supervision. What must be
done so Black women can run for local government?
First, people must connect in the political arena so that Black women can benefit from
meaningful debates about political ascension and empowerment. As part of the learning process,
Black women should become active participants in the political process, which begins at the
local level.
The second component is that adult learning is a continuous process. This would
necessitate Black women to write down clear goals for why they are running for office and the
impact they hope to make through their political campaigns. On the other side are Black women
who do not want to run for office but are interested in how the political process works. They
need to comprehend how the knowledge gained from this program will help them when they
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return to the community. Political leadership training programs are part of the adult learning that
helps women see themselves as capable political leaders. Women must seize every chance to
educate themselves about politics.
The third component is that running for political office is difficult, especially for
individuals with experience in the profession. A person who decides to run for public office must
be prepared mentally and financially. Some Black women view the capacity and desire to run for
public office as challenging. The Black women who participated in the political training program
decided whether or not to run for local government.
The fourth component is that Black women have to learn how to navigate their
intersectionality within political spaces. Intersectionality is an underlying factor that Black
women need the skills and knowledge to be successful for their potential constituents to see them
as their next political leader.
Recommendation for Organizations
This study is significant for future grassroots organizations seeking to build political
leadership training programs that focus on the abilities and capabilities of Black American
women. Political leadership training programs produced by grassroots organizations must evolve
throughout time to reflect the increasing role of Black American women in politics. The
grassroots organization's ability to examine these elements and challenges will allow it to
develop a pool of Black women who will participate in the political training process. During this
stage of the political process, Black American women must build a more robust support network
that includes women who can raise the funds required to run a campaign. It is the capacity to
connect with a network of women who can pool their resources to support fellow alums’
campaigns.
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Another aspect of being a candidate is matching one's abilities to the public office for
which the alum is campaigning. The cost of running and winning a political campaign is rising,
which may lead to more Black American women running for local government. To remain
continually relevant and active in the developing field of political training programs, these
grassroots organizations would benefit from feedback from their alums. Political leadership
training programs are a necessary initial step in the political ascension process. These are
women's coalitions banding together to confront the male-dominated political structure and
prepare Black American women to be the next generation of political trailblazers in the fight to
remove voting barriers.
In this age of rising technology, new ways of technical outreach must be developed to
reach Black American women. The 2020 presidential election demonstrated that you must speak
their language to communicate with a new generation of leaders. The primary way to accomplish
this is through social media outreach.
This study can lead to a better understanding of how to create a successful and durable
political pipeline for Black women. These ladies represent a group with potential political
aptitude but need more resources to put it to use. If these women make up a significant section of
the population, they must have the requisite tools, which include will, drive, and resolve. Finally,
the research findings indicate that political training programs can help Black women test their
political leadership abilities. This can only happen if these grassroots organizations intentionally
improve their materials and provide a more effective environment for Black women who wish to
run for government.
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Recommendation for Further Research
One of the recommendations made by the researcher is that additional research should be
conducted to assess the many grassroots organizations that have developed political training
programs to understand the political and ethical system and how it affects Black women seeking
political office. Political corruption remains a significant component in political campaigns; the
political training schools would be well served to address this issue as part of their training.
Additional studies need to be conducted in order to have a better understanding of how
Black women who did not run for office make use of the abilities that they acquired through the
program. Some people believe that Black women are the most important agents of change in
their communities, and even when they choose not to hold positions of authority in their local
governments, they continue to be the agents of change in their communities.
