Caseworkers' Perspectives on Female Juvenile Delinquent Rehabilitation Based on Age Groups

Caseworkers' Perspectives on Female Juvenile

Delinquent Rehabilitation Based on Age Groups

Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study

Introduction

The purpose of this study was to address the lack of research regarding

ageappropriate rehabilitation programs for female juvenile delinquents. This study was a

means to gather the perspectives of experienced caseworkers on the effectiveness of

agedifferentiated rehabilitation programming for female juvenile delinquents. The rising

number of U.S. teenagers who violate the law is concerning to the government,

tendencies among females and increased cases of substance abuse (Ttofi, Farrington,

Lösel, Crago, & Theodorakis, 2016). The development of effective rehabilitation

programs for this population may have a significant impact on social change.

Chapter 1 is an introduction to the study, including a brief summary of related

literature. Both the problem statement and the purpose of the study appear, followed by

the research question and justification for the conceptual framework of Bronfenbrenner’s

(1977) ecological systems theory and Bandura’s (1977) social learning theory. Support

for the general qualitative design precedes a list of definitions of terms as used in the

study. Subsequent to a discussion of assumptions, limitations, and delimitations is the

significance of the study. A summary concludes Chapter 1, followed by a preview of

behaviors that make them more problematic to treat than male juvenile offenders; in turn,

Asscher, Van der Put, and Stams (2015) studied the gender differences among abused and

neglected juvenile delinquents. Although both sets of researchers focused on juvenile

delinquency, they did not provide sufficient evidence specific to female rehabilitation

programming based on age groups.

Some youth manage to progress through the development pathway successfully,

whereas others break rules and regulations, which can cause issues with law enforcement

(Espinosa, Sorensen, & Lopez, 2013). Espinosa et al. (2013) reported that although the

juvenile crime rate has decreased, female juvenile delinquency has increased. Beardlee et

al. (2018) explored the socialization effects of parents and friends on young men’s

within the juvenile justice system. Goldweber, Cauffman, and Cillessen (2014) explored

the association between peer status and psychopathology in a young women’s

correctional facility. Findings showed the women’s prosocial and leadership behaviors

(2018) determined the gender-differentiated patterns of risk, recidivism, and resilience as

it relates to females’ involvement in the juvenile justice system, finding that

polyvictimization contributed greatly to conflicts with the legal system.

Researchers have identified the need for interventions to prevent female juvenile

delinquents from progressing to adult criminality. Oliver and Holmes (2015) described

the need for different approaches in treating juvenile female sex offenders compared to

males. The researchers discussed ways to intervene in the lives of at-risk female youth

before they offend, including engaging trained professionals to provide early education

about sexual abuse and better support for young female victims. Tossone, Wheeler,

Butcher, and Kretschmar (2018) focused on the effects of different traumatic experiences

programs for females within the juvenile justice system may decrease crime rates among

this population. Although young males are still the primary perpetrators of juvenile crime,

the percentage of girls having contact within the criminal justice system has increased

justice system, primarily due to a lesser number of female youth in the system compared

to males (Tossone et al., 2018). There is a need to tailor the level and type of

interventions provided to subgroups of female juvenile offenders to their risk–need

profiles (Brewer-Welch, 2017).

The design of rehabilitation treatment programs is mainly for males (Yeater,

Montanaro, & Bryan, 2015). Limited rehabilitation programming has been available for

female juvenile delinquents (Yeater et al., 2015). In addition to planning programs

suitable for both male and female juvenile delinquents, it is reasonable to plan supports

that take into account developmental differences among a population, routinely

considering behavioral and age differences in educational programming (Kim, 2017).

Comprehending the distinctiveness of female youth needs in rehabilitation

programs could make a positive difference in outcomes (Yeater et al., 2015). In my

search of the extant literature, I found articles on the general topic of programming for

programs specific to age differences within this population. This lack represents a gap in

the literature on developmental or age grouping in rehabilitation programming for female

juvenile delinquents. I addressed this gap with this study. Researchers use qualitative

approaches to uncover and understand individuals’ meaning-making with regard to

common experiences or shared phenomena (Creswell, 2014); accordingly, qualitative

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to gather the perspectives of experienced

caseworkers on the effectiveness of age-differentiated rehabilitation programming for

female juvenile delinquents. A generic, qualitative design allowed me to conduct one-

onone, semistructured interviews with 12 experienced caseworkers to gather information

about their experiences and perspectives of working with female juvenile delinquents

regarding age-differentiated rehabilitation programs.

more research is needed to meet the needs of this population (Yeater et al., 2015).

According to Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological systems theory, female juvenile

delinquency may bear the effects of adolescents’ personal and social environment as well

as the community in which they live. The ecological systems theory consists of five

levels that may affect female juvenile delinquents’ behavior: self, microsystem,

mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). In addition to

Bronfenbrenner’s (1977, 1986) concepts on human behavior, Bandura’s (1977) social

create personal values, beliefs, and human behaviors (Bronfenbenner, 1977, 1979, 1986).

Nature of the Study

In this generic qualitative study, I focused on the impact of age variations on

female juvenile delinquents within the juvenile justice system. Merriam (2010) said

generic qualitative inquiry allows the researcher not only to understand a phenomenon

but to incorporate the involvement of those individuals who experience the phenomenon.

This qualitative study consisted of one-on-one, semistructured interviews using

openended questions.

relevant correctional measures that support their social reintegration (Unruh, Gangnon, &

Magee, 2018).

Ecological systems theory: This theory of Bronfenbrenner (1979) consists of five

levels: self, microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and microsystem.

Female juvenile offender: A girl or woman under the age of 18 years who has

violated a law or penal code, entering the criminal justice system (Siegel & Welsh, 2017).

Juvenile delinquent: Young offenders who commit a crime and must take

responsibility for their actions. Juveniles are under the age of majority, usually 18 years

old, but not less than 7 years of age (Neal, 2016).

Assumptions

Assumptions are speculations a researcher makes about a study that are unproven

(Merriam, 2010). For this study, I assumed the selected sample adequately reflected

knowledge of age-differentiated rehabilitation programs for female juvenile delinquents.

Another assumption was that participants provided honest responses to open-ended

questions asked during the interview process. Finally, I assumed the use of one-on-one,

semistructured interviews would effectively address the research question.

different age groups could effectively influence at-risk, female juvenile delinquents. The

findings of this study indicate the importance of age-appropriate rehabilitation programs

study, phenomenology, narrative, descriptive, and ethnography) were not sufficient to

procure accurate information (Percy, Kostere, & Kostere, 2015). Accordingly, a generic

qualitative design was most appropriate to explore caseworkers’ experiences with this

The delimitations of this study were that participants must have been caseworkers

in female juvenile rehabilitation programming built around age groups. To meet the

criteria for participation, caseworkers must have worked for at least 2 years within the

juvenile justice system and held at least a bachelor’s degree. In addition, participants

must have resided in the southern United States area of study and have been available to

participate in semistructured interviews. Criterion sampling produced a sample of 12

caseworkers meeting participant criteria.

much trustworthiness as possible to improve the ability to transfer findings. Future

researchers who may wish to replicate the study with caseworkers who work with female

juvenile offenders from other areas may achieve similar findings, suggesting the potential

for transferability.

One limitation of this study was the lack of representation of all caseworkers of

female juvenile delinquents; rather, only one geographic area defined the study. In

addition, the results cannot provide universal guidance for developing age-differentiated

rehabilitation programs for female juvenile delinquents. Study participants may not have

given entirely honest interview responses, perhaps due to a desire to protect their clients

or to maintain further anonymity.

Significance

The findings from this study may contribute to social change by providing an

increased understanding of rehabilitation programs based upon different age groups

among female juvenile delinquents within the juvenile justice system. Female juvenile

delinquents are a high-risk, susceptible, and understudied population (Yeater et al., 2015).

Understanding gender differences within the juvenile justice system could be relevant in

better defining the rehabilitation process for female juvenile delinquents (Kerig, 2018).

Some researchers have proposed that boys and girls experience different kinds of

necessary to understand dissimilar rehabilitation programs between genders in hopes of

subsequently reducing the increasing number of female juvenile delinquents (Kerig,

(Guarino-Ghezzi & Loughran, 2017).The juvenile courts enabled a focus on the youthful

offender as a person who needed a programmed intervention and not on the act leading to

arraignment (Sankofa et al., 2018).

The idea of setting up rehabilitation programs across various jurisdictions soon

gained in popularity (Wolff, Baglivio, & Piquero, 2018). Although the implementation of

these programs has often proven helpful for juveniles, tension remains between social

control and social welfare (Wolff et al., 2018). In other words, there is a need to balance

the interests of individual delinquents while enforcing some form of punishment and

incapacitation to protect society from specific harms (Wolff et al., 2018). The current

rehabilitation programs reduce recidivism rates through education programs (Bouffard,

Cooper, & Bergseth, 2017).

society (Simpson, 1976). The 1960s saw the advent of individualism, personal and

communal exclusiveness, and subsequent antisocial traits that eventually contributed to

crime (Young, 1999). Toward the end of the 19th century, the United States became a

carceral state due to the increased jailing of juveniles irrespective of their age or gender,

with female juveniles now incarcerated for petty theft (Aikers, 1990). In addition, the

criminal justice system detained a significantly higher number of people of color than

system was impartial because it ostensibly targeted Black youth with past criminal

records, jailing even for petty crimes (Hamilton-Smith & Vogel, 2012). Most of the

correction centers did not consider that imprisonment could affect the children’s future;

rather, the focus was on imparting behavioral reforms to juveniles while denying them the

opportunity to realize their potential (Bazemore & Umbreit, 1995; Feld, 2017; Myers,

policy reforms to provide young offenders with an empowering environment to continue

with their studies (Feld, 2017; Myers, 2018).

The diversity of juvenile offenses indicated the necessity for a special criminal

justice system to address the violations, even as the juvenile justice system incorporated

the developmental stages of young offenders (Bazemore & Umbreit, 1995). It was

important to establish a more humane process focused on rehabilitation to promote full

recovery rather than draconian laws primarily intended to punish the young offenders

(Bazemore & Umbreit, 1995). Likewise, there was a need for a system that provided

systematic intervention to children to encourage behavioral transformation, with less

emphasis on the offense (Bazemore & Umbreit, 1995).

Subsequently, the criminal justice system attempted to strike a balance between

law enforcement and social protection to ensure juvenile offenders received the

opportunity for personal growth (Reitz, 2001). This discernment fueled the urge for

juvenile offenders (Reitz, 2001). Although the attendant rehabilitative programs were

significantly beneficial, conflicts among various stakeholders concerning the castigation

and treatment of female juvenile offenders hindered program implementation (Feld,

2017). Therefore, the government designed more comprehensive juvenile rehabilitation

programs, which incorporated different stakeholder views to reduce recidivism among

In the early 1900s, rehabilitative reforms stemmed from the positivist ideology,

which asserted that deterrent behaviors resulted from uncontrollable forces in individuals

(Akers, 1990). According to rational choice and deterrence theories, involvement in

crimes by female juveniles could be linked to an inability to make sound decisions

(Akers, 1990). The option to act in a deviant manner promoted logical calculation

regarding the motivations for crime (Akers, 1990). The positivist school of thought was

strongly based on determinism, with different factors determining the utility of engaging

in crime, including familial or social environment and biological and psychological

elements, among others (Akers, 1990). According to determinism, addressing the

divergent forces that compel children to engage in delinquency can significantly

influence positive behavioral change as well as help young offenders to lead crime-free

lives (Loeber & Farrington, 1998). Loeber and Farrington (1998) held that the use of

incarcerations in the state because the policies encouraged a racial divide in the treatment

of offenders (Feld, 2017). According to Loeber and Farrington, it is impossible to achieve

effective crime management by confining children in juvenile penitentiaries and

subjecting teenagers to harsh punishments without any empowerment. Indeterminate

sentencing meant offenders could serve prison terms of up to 10 years with little

rehabilitative programming; after that time, adolescents received release, depending on

However, the reformatory measures had flaws. Despite programming for

offenders who committed lesser crimes, the majority of inmates suffered in correctional

centers while trying to demonstrate behavioral transformation (Blomberg, 2017). The

shortfalls of this mode of rehabilitation for child and adult offenders led to the

introduction of probation and parole to release prisoners on a conditional basis so they

could return to life on the outside while under watch (Blomberg, 2017). The

establishment of noncustodial treatment for criminals was a progressive move that

provided personalized treatment, depending on the impetus for the specific crime

(Zimring, 2018). In this case, the rehabilitative effort centered on giving helpful human

service to aid people in desisting from delinquent behaviors (Zimring, 2018).

In the early 1970s, the effectiveness of rehabilitative efforts as a way of curbing

recidivism underwent significant challenges. Some people argued the approach was not a

plausible way of addressing recidivism, especially among juvenile offenders, and thus

objected to the programs (Howell, 1997; Zalman, 1977). For instance, Robert Martinson

conducted several reviews of the multiple rehabilitative programs and concluded that

Rights Movement supported these findings, as its supporters had lost faith in the ability

and willingness of the U.S. government to improve the criminal justice system (Cullen,

2013).

The revolt, organized by various institutions and centers such as the Attica Prison,

highlighted the need to overhaul the U.S. justice system. Many blamed the justice system

for promoting immorality among youth, believing the system was lenient on offenders. A

majority of the public felt that rehabilitation programs could only “message” the

offenders and encourage them to recidivate. Bull (2003) asserted the need for more

intensive regimes, such as court diversion programs and drug courts that not only put the

offenders on trial but also created effective measures to promote social integration after

release from prison. Hence, there was an urgent need for a justice system to provide

punitive treatment to offenders to induce behavioral change.

by the same justice system. As such, the government implicitly institutionalized racism

due to its use of discretion in the creation of rehabilitation programs to indirectly

reinforce intolerance (Clear, Hewitt, & Regoli, 1978; Feld, 2017). Consequently, during

the late 1970s and the early 1980s, the notion of determinate sentences that would

facilitate the equal provision of justice emerged (Tonry, 2018). This situation led to a

high rate of incarcerations in the 1990s, which reinforced criminal subcultures. Earlier

risk of recidivism (Tonry, 2018).

By the turn of the 21st century, the role of probation and parole officers shifted to

law enforcement. Offenders who were on parole underwent near-constant scrutiny, as

parole officers searched for evidence to return the ex-offenders to prison (Vanstone,

Crow” phenomenon (Feld, 2017; Ward, 2012). Disproportionate mass incarceration and a

racialized justice system led to the mass imprisonment of Blacks for often misdemeanor

crimes such as drug abuse and trafficking, among others. Black children did not receive

the same care and consideration as their White counterparts (Pisciotta, 1983). Rather,

Black youth suffered from disenfranchisement and the denial of social and civil rights,

thereby raising doubts about the purported color-blind administration (Pisciotta, 1983).

Today, reforms in the criminal justice system have abolished mandatory

imprisonment and penalties that culminated in the indiscriminate incarceration of

minority communities (Neubauer & Fradella, 2018). In addition, the government is

currently focusing on alternatives in the management of drug offenders, including drug

treatment, psychological therapy, and rehabilitation to facilitate a full recovery. The

industrial complexes that serve to encourage preventive and control-oriented methods for

financial gain (Neubauer & Fradella, 2018).

The increased devotion to transforming the juvenile criminal justice system has

contributed to the establishment of rehabilitation programs across various jurisdictions.

Even though the implementation of these programs has helped juveniles, substantial

from offending individuals (Wolff et al., 2018).

History of Caseworkers Working with Juvenile Delinquents

The rehabilitation of juvenile offenders is a contentious issue in the purview of

criminology and penology. Muyobela and Strydom (2017) accused the juvenile justice

system of incarcerating children (and thus separating from their families and the larger

society) without considering the adverse long-term repercussions on individuals’ mental,

physical, and social development. The detention of youth leads to lifelong stigmatization,

which hinders their reintegration into society (Muyobela & Strydom, 2017). The primary

objective of the juvenile justice system is the rehabilitation of offenders, altering some

aspects of the juvenile predictive of criminal behavior, extending to cognitive processes,

al., 2017).

(Abrams, 2013; Abrams & Curran, 2000). Consequently, juvenile courts incarcerated

girls for moral offenses, including real or suspected sexual behavior, separating them

from their families and society for long periods. According to Abrams and Curran (2000),

development of a U.S. juvenile, likening female delinquency to sexual expression

(Abrams & Curran, 2000). During this period, social workers shed premodern, religious

roots in a bid to elevate their professional status, owing to the establishment of

prestigious learning institutions. Social workers began to collaborate with professionals

from various fields, including education and juvenile protection.

In the early 20th century, social workers split into two factions, caseworkers and

social reformers (Abrams & Curran, 2000; Zastrow, 1993). Despite overlaps in the

activities and philosophies of these groups, Lubove (1965) and Wencour and Reisch

(1989) asserted that caseworkers and social reformers uniquely contributed to the

development of the U.S. juvenile justice system. Throughout the Progressive Era,

the focus on various psychological treatments for delinquency, as they were “eager to

practice scientific management of the maladjusted girl” (Luker, 1996, p. 38). The

caseworkers drew upon the records of female juveniles’ crimes to classify them

scientifically. Furthermore, they used these female juvenile delinquents as research

subjects in a bid to obtain an in-depth understanding of the root causes of crime and

deviance among this population (Luker, 1996). In essence, the government proposed that

United States (Abrams & Curran, 2000).

The growth of casework as a profession resulted in the employment of such

feeblemindedness” (Abrams & Curran, 2000, p. 61). Consequently, the forced

sterilization of female juvenile delinquents became a common practice. According to

Luker (1996), forced sterilization was an inhumane and cruel component of the juvenile

justice system during the Progressive Era.

The introduction of casework into the juvenile justice system to record crimes

committed by female juveniles and subsequently evaluating these records spurred shifts

from forced sterilization to more favorable rehabilitation methods aimed at inducing

behavior change (Abrams & Curran, 2000). Specifically, criminal records analysis

inspired the creation of effective rehabilitation programs, guided by policies and

measures to discourage recidivism through the employment of practical correctional

interventions (de Vries, Hoeve, Asscher, & Stams, 2018).

Caseworkers in early juvenile courts grew increasingly aware of the coercive

character of the court’s environment and the way coercion could frustrate rehabilitative

efforts (Peters, 2011). However, the efforts of caseworkers reinforced juvenile probation

as a form of judicial guardianship during the Progressive Era. Furthermore, juvenile

probation became gendered, thus allowing caseworkers to address the issues of male and

female juveniles separately. The entrenchment of the casework theory guided the

organization of effective probation intervention for female delinquents based on the

scientific classification from crime records maintained by caseworkers (Peters, 2011).

The evolution of casework resulted in the development of an ecological framework that

serves as the hallmark of social work intervention in the juvenile justice system.

female delinquents. Indeed, caseworker efforts have led to probation services recognizing

the need for family-based services to reduce the separation of female delinquents from

their families and communities, an aspect found to contribute to recidivism (Alarid,

Cromwell, & del Carmen, 2007). In this regard, caseworkers utilize family-based

interventions in addressing the disadvantages of court-involved female juveniles (Peters,

2011). Further, casework supports the convergence of juvenile justice systems and child

Caseworkers engage with juvenile probation, drawing upon the history of the field of

perceptions about two classes of juveniles, lower and middle. The researchers found that

social perceptions influence which youth will undergo juvenile justice system processing.

The knowledge caseworkers gained from observational studies, such as the findings of

Chambliss and Schutt, provides them with a deeper understanding of various adolescent

subcultures (Feldman-Barrett, 2018). To be most effective, caseworkers must learn to

cope with the boredom of listening to teenagers talk about their experiences to gain

maximum information from their accounts (Laninga-Wijnen et al., 2017). In addition,

caseworkers should strive to create and maintain trusting relationships, stave off

manipulation, and ensure personal safety (Levenson, 2017).

have unique issues. Siegel and Welsh (2017) noted this uniqueness emanates from

specific developmental concerns that mainly affect young girls. For example,

BurgessProctor, Comartin, and Kubiak (2017) found that female involvement in the

juvenile justice system was often the result of factors such as trauma, victimization, and

sexual abuse.

Developmental knowledge on the trajectory of girls’ delinquency classifies

offenders as high-rate, low-rate, or nonoffenders (Dennis, 2017). Girls begin offending at

different ages and by committing various offenses. For example, the majority of girls who

engage in drug-selling offenses start in their mid- to late teens (16 to 18 years of age;

Siegel & Welsh, 2017). Most of the girls whose first offense was a status offense began

criminal activity between the ages of 13 and 14 years. Among those whose first

delinquent act was public disorder, alcohol use, or minor theft, the first offense occurred

program within the juvenile justice framework is Keep Safe (Siegel & Welsh, 2017).

Some juvenile justice system interventions have a greater impact than others,

prompting researchers to look into the specific characteristics of the most successful

programs (Braga, 2016). Age differentiation promotes the cognitive development of

children who fall victim to rehabilitation, developing their social transition as they

interact with people their age (Neal, 2016). For example, high school students have more

developmental needs than college learners, whose needs range from training to work.

Some interventions previously initiated had adverse outcomes; therefore, McCord (as

cited in Braga, 2016) recommended that these programs only require constant evaluation

so that caseworkers can catch the loopholes causing poor outcomes. Because some prior

Age-differentiated programming improves care for child offenders during

challenge associated with age-differentiated programming is the sexual victimization of

children by staff or other offenders with the placement of youth in adult prisons (Hawkins

& Weis, 2017). The social control theory underpins age-differentiated programming,

suggesting that children are less prone to carry out crimes if they actively interact with

others to form strong social relationships and practice new skills (Hawkins & Weis,

2017). For juvenile justice to succeed in the United States, rehabilitation programs need

2016). Essentially, individualized approaches to examining female delinquency are

crucial to recognizing the precursors for the increasing number of females in the juvenile

criminal justice system.

to the increase of females in the juvenile justice system. Current family structures

incorporate diverse parental perspectives to raising children without considering the

possible implications. The changing structure of the family has led to the creation of all

Some females raised in society-determined nontraditional families such as singleparent

households are at a greater risk of delinquent behavior than are girls from traditional

homes (Richie, 2018). The type of monitoring, guidance, attachment, and involvement

differ depending on family composition, which influences the youth’s behavioral

outcomes (Frick, 2016). With all other factors remaining constant, family composition

Some scholars have asserted that environmental conditions in a family determine

children’s behavior (Frick, 2016; Parks, 2013; Wells & Rankin, 1991). Parental

monitoring, adverse support such as hostility and rejection, as well as psychological

control influence delinquency, with child and parent gender, parenting informant, child

involvement reinforce destructive relationships that lead to violence and other delinquent

behaviors among females (“Effects of Community Environment,” 2016). Being from

low-income families is associated with high crime rates among both adults and teenagers

(Bhoge et al., 2017; Parks, 2013). The rates of reported homicides are also higher in areas

with more single-parent families (“Effects of Community Environment,” 2016). Notably,

the serious crime rates in socially disorganized neighborhoods—those with many broken

female delinquency (Parks, 2013; Wells & Rankin, 1991).

Another significant factor affecting female delinquency is growing up in violent

families in violent neighborhoods. Children exposed to violence in their home, school, or

community environment are often more likely to commit violent crimes compared to their

counterparts without such exposure (“Effects of Community Environment,” 2016). Some

females who grow up in an abusive family environment and who witness the assault of

family members might become versatile criminals who engage in criminal activities, such

as theft, fraud, and drug offenses (Torres & Mariscal, 2016). Predictably, some female

victims of violence may become future perpetrators of crime (“Effects of Community

Environment,” 2016; Parks, 2013). Moreover, internal family violence appears to

economic status and the rate of juvenile delinquency. All other factors remaining

constant, female youth from low SES backgrounds are more likely to engage in

delinquent behaviors compared to their peers from wealthy family backgrounds (Rekker

Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2017). Common occurrences that affect the

SES of a family are job loss and divorce. Such factors also adversely impact family

relationships and thus predispose youth to delinquent behavior (Rekker et al., 2015).

compared to individuals of parents who experience low stress with high SES (Rekker et

al., 2015). Subsequently, there is an association between SES, females’ externalizing

behavior, and delinquency mediated by family stress and parenting behaviors (Rekker et

al., 2015).

Academic and School Experience of Female Juvenile Delinquents

Recently, researchers have addressed school performance among female students

with delinquency. Scientific researchers have examined the relationship between

delinquency and poor academic performance, and the results show an overly complicated

link (de Vries et al., 2018). Aggressive behavior among female youth causes difficulties

in the classroom, which eventually leads to reduced or unfavorable evaluations from

teachers and peers (Clarke, 2017). Some female juveniles who undergo such class

experiences may be more likely to break school rules and regulations than their

affecting classroom performance in the short and long term (Clarke, 2017), suggesting a

strong association between juvenile delinquency and poor school performance.

One phenomenon that contributes to the risk of delinquency is the adolescent’s

school experiences (Fine et al., 2018). Some adolescents with negative school

experiences end up in prison, fueling the school-to-prison pipeline in the United States

(Fine et al., 2018). Contact with the justice system reduces the chances of a female

adolescent completing high school and going to college. Adverse school experiences

contribute to an increased rate of academic failure among female delinquents (Fine et al.,

2018); therefore, it is necessary to implement new strategies to increase academic success

and school safety for young offenders. Such interventions may include enrolling female

juvenile delinquents (de Vries et al., 2018). Keeping learners engaged by offering

academic support is necessary to reduce delinquent behaviors in both male and female

youth (Osher, Penkoff, Sidana, & Kelly, 2016). Engaging female adolescents in learning

strategies can be useful in keeping girls from frequent juvenile delinquent system

involvement.

Despite the reduction in the number of youth arrests of both males and females in

the United States over the past decade, the decrease is lower for females compared to

males (Nourollah, Fatemeh, & Farhad, 2015). Indeed, more young females now enter the

justice system than males (Green, 2016; Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency

Prevention, 2017). Females’ increasing involvement in the court system highlights the

importance of focusing on the strengths and needs of juvenile courts specifically designed

for females (Green, 2016). Therefore, there is a need to introduce better and efficient

correctional facilities to prevent young female offender recidivism by reducing the time

spent serving prison sentences.

delinquency is associated with factors such as family and living environments, economic

status, and academic and school experience. An exploration of these areas presents a view

of what to accomplish to reduce the rates of female delinquency (Pechorro et al.,

at the activity. This supposition also applies to treating offenders, specifically juveniles.

Understanding teenagers places an individual in a strong position to respond to delinquent

critical areas of understanding for a justice system to consider in trying to resolve

delinquency. Having increased knowledge significantly reduces the incongruity

in juvenile justice policing, delinquency theories, and adolescent development

(Thornberry, 2018). Comprehending the complex biological, psychosocial, and physical

developmental stages of adolescents and their relationship with delinquency can

significantly diminish the criminal tendency in juveniles (Thornberry, 2018). Juvenile

defenders should be in a position to identify the way personal disabilities, distress, and

level of maturity can affect the behaviors, reasoning, interactions, and perceptions of

youth.

will and a thoughtful decision to break the law. Juveniles will only involve themselves in

crime if they perceive more benefit with the delinquent act (Loughran et al., 2016). In this

regard, the only available option is to worsen the consequences of committing an offense

to reduce negative behaviors (Loughran et al., 2016). Individuals working with juveniles

cannot serve as their helpers; instead, they should serve as guards to prevent the teenagers

from prospective engagement in criminal behavior (Loughran et al., 2016). As a

increases one’s capacity to identify the appropriate correctional measures to curb such

actions (Loughran et al., 2016). Working with juveniles necessitates recognizing that

personality development occurs sequentially; as a result, any glitches may lead to the

development of delinquent behaviors (Loughran et al., 2016).

Most humans go through similar stages in the process of growing up. Each step of

development builds upon experiences gained from the previous ones and involves a

complex interaction of biological, physical, emotional, cognitive, and social processes

(Wolff et al., 2018). The complex interplay between environmental, social, and genetic

factors can significantly influence individual development and conduct.

Adolescence is a critical stage during which a child shifts into adulthood. At this

build their identities to achieve social recognition. However, because the process of

development varies among teenagers, people of the same age might show significant

discrepancies in behavior due to disparities in interactions among physical, emotional,

cognitive, and social factors (Hawkins & Weis, 2017).

Adolescence is a time to experiment; however, the propensity for risky endeavors

may diminish as teenagers achieve maturity. According to Moffitt (2017), only a small

percentage of adolescents continue to engage in dangerous activities in adulthood. For

this reason, it might be challenging to judge a particular antisocial behavior observed in

an adolescent, as this trait could disappear later. In most cases, the involvement in

by telephone that caseworkers met the criteria for participation, I sent them the informed

consent form. To ensure privacy, I stored all names and contact information in a

password-protected Word document, using an identifier (e.g., P1, P2, etc.) in all

Data Collection

Collected data were participants’ responses to the open-ended interview questions.

To ensure the accurate capture of the caseworkers’ words, I used a digital audio recorder.

The digital audio recorder will remain locked in a security box in my home office, along

with all other physical materials related to the study, for 5 years, after which time it will

undergo destruction in accordance with Walden University guidelines.

hesitation or eagerness displayed in responding to questions. I concluded each interview

by asking the participant for any questions, comments, or concerns regarding the

Data Analysis

Once I transcribed the interviews, I played back the audio recordings as I read

along to confirm accuracy. At that point, I e-mailed each participant a passwordprotected,

read-only transcript of their interview to ensure I captured their responses as they

intended. Transcript-checking contributes to a study’s credibility because it allows

participants to confirm the accuracy of information (Harper & Cole, 2012). After making

Upon identifying common themes in the data, coding enables a researcher to

observations (Merriam, 2010). Credibility in qualitative research is the equivalent of

validity in quantitative studies (Merriam, 2010). There are various means of establishing

credibility, among them triangulation, member checking, saturation, and reflexivity

words and what they meant to say. Although I had planned to sample more participants

should the responses of the 12 caseworkers proved insufficient to achieve data saturation,

this was unnecessary. Finally, I used reflexivity to consider my findings before drawing

conclusions.

Transferability

Due to the nature of small, specific sample sizes, qualitative results are not

directly generalizable to populations outside the sample of study (Merriam, 2010).

However, qualitative researchers can take steps to improve the transferability of their

results. One step is by maintaining thick description, taking detailed notes of such things

as participants’ facial expressions, gestures, and mannerisms. Another means of

Dependability

Confirmability

an ongoing examination of processes and analyses throughout the study, I exercised

reflexivity, another means of increasing confirmability and transferability.

are standards set for the conduct of those involved in the study, especially when the

research involves human subjects (Merriam, 2010). Before beginning any recruitment or

data collection, I submitted the study proposal to the Walden University Institutional

Review Board to obtain approval to proceed (IRB Approval No. 11-13-190352034). In

the application, I demonstrated adherence to the ethical principles outlined in The

Belmont Report, which call for beneficence, justice, and respect for persons (see National

Research, 1979). Accordingly, I treated all participants fairly and honestly, with their

safety as my primary concern.

will. In addition, participants knew they were free to leave at any point during the study

without repercussion or penalty, in which case I would not have used any data I collected

security box with electronic files stored on a password-protected computer, both of which

are in my home office. I will safely retain all data for 5 years, according to Walden

University’s guidelines. After that time, I will destroy study information by shredding all

documents and deleting all files.

In this chapter, I addressed issues of trustworthiness, including credibility,

transferability, dependability, and confirmability, to increase the transferability of the

findings to other populations. All steps in the research process occurred in accordance

with ethical procedures as outlined by the Walden University Institutional Review Board

and The Belmont Report. In the next chapter, I will present the results of data collection

and analysis.

question that guided this exploration was: What are the perspectives of caseworkers on

rehabilitation programming for female juvenile delinquents, taking into account the age

differences among the incarcerated youth population?

Following a review of the setting, participant demographics, and means of data

collection used in this study, I provide a discussion of the data analysis process. In a

section on trustworthiness, I share the procedures I followed to achieve credibility,

transferability, dependability, and confirmability. Chapter 4 also includes a detailed

review of the study results, including the primary themes that emerged from caseworker

interviews to answer the guiding research question. The chapter concludes with a

summary and a look to Chapter 5.

therefore, no additional recruitment was necessary.

Demographics

Participants in this study were 12 caseworkers who worked in female juvenile

rehabilitation programming built around age groups. All caseworkers met the criteria of

having worked for at least 2 years within the juvenile justice system in the southern

United States and holding at least a bachelor’s degree. See Table 1 for a representation of

participant demographics.

Table 1

room for me to ask follow-up or probing questions as necessary. I used an audio recorder

to record each interview with the permission of each participant as part of the signed

informed consent form. Each interview lasted between 30 and 60 minutes.

Data Analysis

Analysis of data began with the transcription of audio-recorded interviews. Next, I

read each transcript while listening to the corresponding recording to ensure accuracy. I

e-mailed all participants their transcripts to further confirm the accurate capture of their

responses, subsequently making only two minor changes. I then performed multiple close

reads of the 12 semistructured interview transcripts according to responses to each of the

10 open-ended interview questions. My reviews entailed highlighting common words,

phrases, ideas, and topics appearing across the transcripts.

A qualitative researcher frequently performs three cycles of coding: in vivo

coding, pattern coding, and thematic analysis (Nowell, Norris, White, & Moules (2017).

In vivo coding entails analysis of participants’ responses to identify common words and

phrases. I undertook this cycle through reading and rereading interview transcripts,

making a note of common terms and concepts. I began with broad concepts and

descriptions, which I then narrowed down into more manageable data. Pattern coding

entailed developing preliminary codes from the overarching topics I had identified. At

this point, I was also able to determine that I had achieved data saturation; therefore, no

further sampling or interviews were necessary. Finally, I closely reviewed the broad

descriptions to arrive at more specific themes, a process known as thematic analysis. I

conducted thematic analysis according to the phases identified by Nowell et al., 2017,

which entailed achieving data familiarity; identifying initial codes; identifying,

reviewing, and naming themes; and writing up my conclusions. There were no discrepant

Three themes emerged from semistructured interviews with the 12 qualified

participants: (a) there are distinct developmental and situational differences between

treatment to female juvenile delinquents to personalize services according to each

female’s age-specific needs, and (c) specialized rehabilitation programs are available to

provide female juvenile delinquents of all ages with appropriate treatment. I address each

of these themes in great detail later in this chapter. The findings were sufficient to answer

the research question.

Evidence of Trustworthiness

If qualitative research results are to be reliable and valid, they must have

trustworthiness (Morse, 2015). Achieving trustworthiness in qualitative studies is

different than in quantitative inquiry because the latter entails statistical tests of numerical

data and the former is more subjective (Morse, 2015). The first step to ensure the

trustworthiness of the results of this study entailed acknowledging and setting aside

personal bias so that only the participants’ words became part of data analysis. This

occurred through a process known as bracketing, by which a researcher documents any

biases and preconceptions in a journal before dismissing them from consideration during

data collection and analysis (see Tufford & Newman, 2012). Next, I made efforts to

maximize the credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability of results.

process and objective (Merriam, 2010). The quantitative equivalent of credibility is

validity (Merriam, 2010). To achieve credibility in this study, I used triangulation,

the first place would factor in decisions about a child’s placement in a group

setting.

Some caseworkers said they relied almost exclusively on individual settings, only

using groups to communicate changes in facility policy. Other rehabilitation centers put

female juvenile delinquents together in residential halls, usually divided into age groups

(P4, P6) with all ages allowed in common areas (P4). Similarly, facilities grouped

adolescents into age-appropriate educational settings for teaching school content along

with better coping skills, which P2 described as “provid[ing] female juvenile delinquents

with a feeling of hope and a path to success.”

for individual over group settings, participants stressed the importance of identifying the

needs of each female juvenile delinquent to match her with the programs she requires.

Both P1 and P8 again mentioned that one size does not fit all. Expounded P1:

First, you have to make sure that the rehabilitation program is appropriate for each

female juvenile delinquent. . . . You need to know your juveniles; you need to

know what works best for them. A lot of times, different concepts come up as I

go.

In addition to identifying a range of programs available in their facilities,

participants spoke in general about treatment settings. Said P11:

delinquents as they provide structure, a system of discipline, education, and

respite, [the latter] in cases of inpatient treatment or a stay in a group home. These

are qualities found in “normal environments” that aid in producing positive,

P12 also stressed the importance of rehabilitation programs that “provide

consistency, discipline, positive thinking, structure, [and] education on how to express

one’s feelings and interact with their environment in a positive way.” Rather than citing a

Counseling. The most common type of treatment female juvenile delinquents

received was counseling. P10 explained, “The counseling program is used as a way to

caseworker.” Only after achieving such trust did she introduce group treatment to the

adolescent girl. She explained:

Once the trust and confidence is accomplished, [the girls] are then able to get

involved with the programs available for them to be successful in their lives and

in the lives of other female juvenile delinquents by sharing their positive stories

with each other.

Many caseworkers viewed one-on-one counseling as the foundation for a female

juvenile delinquent to succeed in life and society upon release. P11 was adamant, stating,

rate.”

to include the family unit, identifying “the school system and the family of the female

juvenile delinquents [as] primary agents of socialization within their lives.” P10 went

even further, arguing:

The family is the key social institution that provides the nurturing socialization

among the female juvenile delinquent population; therefore, it is vital to

incorporate agencies that will promote families and female juvenile delinquents

working together so that the family as a whole will be successful.

P6 shared that her organization also incorporated an in-home model. For up to 1

year postrelease, the case manager and qualified professional visit the home to work with

both the female juvenile delinquent and her family. P6 explained the need for such

follow-up, stating, “Completion of this program depends on the involvement of the

parents and the female juvenile delinquents.”

Educational programs. Another common rehabilitative program involved some

directed, led, and guided.”

However, P1 identified the need for other treatment before providing tutoring, noting,

“There are a lot of barriers and walls built up with the female juvenile delinquents;

Vocational training and job placement were two other educational programs

specific to older adolescents. P10 identified vocational training first among the list of

programs offered by her facility, saying, “The vocational training program allows the

female juvenile delinquents to learn additional trades and skills so that they can become a

productive adult in society.” P12 mentioned job placement, although she was the only

Mentoring. Two thirds of participants (P1, P3, P4, P5, P6, P8, P9, and P11)

identified the presence of mentoring programs, which the majority of them heralded. P1

matched female juvenile delinquents with mentors as a way to “break down barriers and

walls” and “relate to them,” finding it a necessary first step before any other program,

including counseling. P3 noted that pairing female juvenile delinquents with female

professionals as mentors gave the girls “the capability to become a success.” According

to P6, “The vast majority of the rehabilitation programs are designed to treat each female

juvenile delinquent . . . [including] mentoring the female juvenile delinquent population

with matched mentors within the community.”

P11 heralded the importance of matching female juvenile delinquents with

mentors in a variety of settings. The participant explained, “Mentoring programs at

school, in the community, and in group homes infuse some ethical values: respect,

responsibility, caring, trustworthiness, fairness, and citizenship.” Among the multiple

roles P4 held as a caseworker was that of confidant and mentor.

This generic qualitative study was a response to the lack of research regarding

age-appropriate rehabilitation programs for female juvenile delinquents. To contribute to

filling the literature gap, I solicited the perspectives of 12 experienced caseworkers on the

effectiveness of age-differentiated rehabilitation programming for female juvenile

delinquents. I collected data from semistructured interviews using open-ended questions

to answer the overarching research question: What are the perspectives of caseworkers on

Following the coding and thematic analysis of interview transcripts, I identified

three themes from participants’ responses: (a) there are distinct developmental and

situational differences between younger and older adolescents, (b) caseworkers provide

more individual than group treatment to female juvenile delinquents to personalize

services according to each female’s age-specific needs, and (c) specialized rehabilitation

programs are available to provide female juvenile delinquents of all ages with appropriate

treatment.

adolescents, thus increasing the likelihood of correctional services success (Hawkins &

Weis, 2017). In general, the older the juvenile, the more serious the offense (Loughran et

P12 differentiated between older and younger adolescents with regard to trauma

and situation, noting that young girls (ages 11 to 13 years) “experience the most

abandonment and trauma,” whereas older teens (14 to 17 years) “tend to find things that

negatively help them cope.” Girls aged 11 to 13 years, said P12, “are at the age of lost

and finding themselves.” P8 focused on the transition from middle school to high school

truthfully, and more inclined to share their feelings.

In comparison, participants shared that older female juvenile delinquents often

refused to tell the truth or speak about their feelings, instead attempting to develop their

own rules for the rehabilitation programs. Older adolescents were less likely to look up to

or take advice from caseworkers or other adults, turning instead to their peers for

guidance, which, as P10 noted, “can cause more issues in their lives.” P11 explained the

challenge in engaging and helping older adolescents, who “more life experiences that

significantly influence their character and decision-making.” As a result, not

differentiating rehabilitative treatment by age was risky because, as noted by P2, the older

adolescents were often negative influences on the younger ones.

Theme 2: Individual Treatment Services by Age

The acts of female juvenile delinquents vary by age group; therefore, it is

Said P1, “In an individual setting, you are better able to relate to each female juvenile

delinquent one on one in accordance to their age.” The participant was adamant that

“female juvenile delinquents with different ages should [not] meet in a group setting,”

Each female juvenile delinquent goes through different phases in their lives,

which means the level of maturity is not the same. For example, within the age groups 13

to 14 [years] as it relates to the 15 to 16 [years of] age groups. Similarly referencing the

varied needs of adolescents by age, P12 asserted, “A 12-yearold versus a 17-year-old and

drug use, for example, will be different.”

juvenile delinquent with the programs most appropriate to her needs. “You need to know

your juveniles,” said P1. “You need to know what works best for them.” P11 heralded

rehabilitation programs as “mak[ing] a difference in the lives of female juvenile

delinquents, as [the programs] provide structure, a system of discipline, education, and

respite.” Three of the most common and important types of programs that emerged from

the interviews were counseling, education, and mentoring.

For many caseworkers, one-on-one counseling provided female juvenile

delinquents with a foundation for success upon release. Said P10, “The counseling

program is used as a way to address the female juvenile delinquent’s concerns, issues in

life, and needs as a youth offender.” P6 asserted that achieving trust and confidence from

effective counseling was imperative before attempting other rehabilitation programs.

Formal education programs were also common offerings for female juvenile

“can become a productive adult in society” (P10).

Eight of the 12 participants remarked that their facilities offered mentoring

programs, with many stressing the importance and success of such programs. P1 found

pairing female juvenile delinquents with mentors as a way to “break down barriers and

Chapter 5 will present an interpretation of the findings, which extend knowledge

in the discipline based on the previously discussed literature review. Analysis of the

findings appears in accordance with Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological systems theory

performing subsequent coding and analysis of their responses to derive findings. In the

interviews, participants discussed their experience and roles; types of rehabilitation

programs offered by their facilities; appropriate treatment settings; and the need for

individual, age-differentiated treatment. Three themes emerged from analysis of the

interview transcripts: (a) there are distinct developmental and situational differences

between younger and older adolescents, (b) caseworkers provide more individual than

As such, qualitative results are not directly transferable to other populations or samples.

United States and the lack of representation of all caseworkers working with female

juvenile delinquents. Finally, despite insight from the firsthand experiences of the

caseworkers in this study, the findings are insufficient to provide guidance or direction in

developing effective age-differentiated rehabilitation programs for female juvenile

delinquents.

The findings of this study provide insight into the perceptions and experiences of

caseworkers in the rural, southern United States who work with female juvenile

as caseworkers may benefit from the insight of others in their field. Facility leaders and

owners could also use the information from this study to assess current rehabilitation

offerings for their female juvenile delinquent patients and clients. Families of this young

population could also learn from these findings, perhaps identifying and suggesting which

types of treatment would be best for their daughters.

One implication comes from the conceptual framework of ecological systems

theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1977) and social learning theory (Bandura, 1977). In line with

ecological systems theory, an adolescent’s personal and social environments have a

strong influence on juvenile delinquency, something echoed by many of the caseworkers

in this study who expressed a strong preference for individual over group settings. Social

learning theory shows that individuals learn from watching others, which was apparent in

caseworkers’ references to older female juvenile delinquents being poor role models for

the younger girls.

indicates that individuals are strongly influenced by their environment, indicating that the

importance of recognizing that the actions and perceptions of older females often have an

adverse impact on younger females. As noted by P9, older adolescents less likely to

follow rules and more inclined to “develop their own rules.”

Social learning theory (Bandura, 1977) is a similar concept, dictating that

individuals learn from observation. The younger female juvenile delinquents are likely to

look up to their older peers for guidance, as noted by P2. They may mirror the behaviors

they see, which, according to P2, are often negative. These theories indicate the need for

differentiating rehabilitation programming by age, thereby meriting consideration by

caseworkers and facilities in planning and providing age-differentiated rehabilitation

programs for female juvenile delinquents.

Among the recommendations for practice are that current caseworkers who work

with female juvenile delinquents carefully consider the perceptions offered by the

participants in this study. Such consideration is essential, as the availability of

agedifferentiated programming may mean the difference between rehabilitation and

recidivism, in which case young female juvenile delinquents may grow into adults who

never successfully reintegrate into society. Learning about the experiences and ideas of

their peers in similar situations may help caseworkers incorporate new ideas and

treatments in their practice. The 12 caseworkers interviewed in this study provided

lessons learned over many years of practice, information that may be extremely valuable

for caseworkers just starting out and seeking guidance. Facilities that primarily offer

group treatment for female juvenile delinquents may be inspired by these findings to

conduct a systematic review of cases. Subsequently, they could draw upon the findings of

their review to implement and measure results, thus improving the outcomes for female

juvenile delinquents.

Although juvenile delinquency overall is in decline, rates of offending among

(Yeater et al., 2015). In addition, the literature review failed to return any research

specific to age-differentiated rehabilitation programs for female juvenile delinquents.

This study, therefore, was a means to address the knowledge gap regarding rehabilitation

Three themes emerged from an analysis of the data collected from semistructured

interviews: (a) there are distinct developmental and situational differences between

younger and older adolescents, (b) caseworkers provide more individual than group

treatment to female juvenile delinquents to personalize services according to each

female’s age-specific needs, and (c) specialized rehabilitation programs are available to

provide female juvenile delinquents of all ages with appropriate treatment. The

perceptions of these 12 caseworkers provide information relevant to the practice, which

other caseworkers or facility leaders could take into account when creating and

implementing rehabilitative treatment plans for female juvenile delinquents. The key

takeaway is that age-differentiated rehabilitation programs are necessary for the

productive treatment of female juvenile delinquents. Future scholars can build upon these

findings to further explore the topic to promote and deliver improved rehabilitation