NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT BASED ON LOCAL INSTITUTIONS

Derry Albar

Arizona State University

Course

Professor Fauzi

March, 2024

Week 1

Introduction

Natural resources play an important role in human life. Natural resources for various

communities in Indonesia not only have economic value but also social, cultural and

political meaning. Natural resources play an important role in the formation of civilization in

human life, so that each culture and ethnicity has its own conception and worldview about

the control and management of natural resources. The cosmological conception and

worldview of natural resources, especially land, in several ethnic groups in Indonesia have

similarities, namely land as an integral entity or as an ecosystem.1 In general, the

management of natural resources carried out by an indigenous community recognizes the

existence of various statuses of control and utilization. The form and status of natural

resource control can be divided into four groups: (1) public property (open access), (2) state

property (state), (3) private property or individuals (private) and (4) communal property

(communal).

Each form of natural resource control has its own characteristics. In the case of

common property natural resources, the ownership status is denoted, and everyone is free

and open to obtain benefits. In contrast to jointly-owned natural resources, privately-owned

resources are resources that are expressly owned by individuals and others cannot control

and regulate them. Group/community-owned resources, on the other hand, are resources that

are controlled by a group /Therefore, other people or groups cannot take advantage of these

resources without the permission of the group that controls them. State-owned resources are

resources that are expressly controlled by the state. 3

In practice, the four forms of resource control often overlap and vary, because the

form of control is related to the social and cultural system and worldview in which the

resource is located. According to the worldview of some ethnic groups in Indonesia,

publicly-owned resources do not always have no owner; this type of resource is controlled

by a customary community or ethnic group. From a positive legal perspective, publicly

owned resources are not owned by anyone, including indigenous communities. Publicly

owned resources such as rivers, beaches, forests and cattle grazing, everyone can benefit.

Given that everyone can gain equal access, publicly-owned resources are exploited in an

excessive manner.4 Exploitative utilization of public resources leads to the tragedy of the

commons.

The tragedy of the commons today is not only limited to the field of returns as

suggested by Hardin, but almost all natural resources: forests, seas, rivers, and water.

Philosophically, the tragedy of the commons is related to the paradigm used in viewing

natural resources. The dominant and mainstream perspective in natural resource

management is the paradigm of anthropocentrism, positivism and mechanism.5 This

paradigm represents and is a continuation of liberal or Neo-Liberal economics, therefore it is

categorized as a Liberalist or Neo-Liberalist view.

Considering and examining the mechanistic-reductionist paradigm has proven to be a

tragedy, the holistic, systematic or ecological paradigm has developed as an antithesis. Such

a paradigm is practiced and becomes a living part of local institutions in various

communities in Indonesia. The practice of natural resource management in various forest

village communities and forest communities outside Java is characterized by Organic,

dynamic and complex, nature is not seen as a linear causal relationship, but as a complex

network. The existence of humans and the environment beyond humans is placed in terms of

relationships, interconnectedness and context. All living systems - living organisms,

ecosystems and social systems are seen as wholes that are related to each other and cannot

be reduced to smaller parts. This systematic view of natural resources is found in the living

institutions of a community, which usually take the form of local institutions.

Local institutions on the management and utilization of natural resources in various

communities are systematic and holistic, where human existence is seen not as separate from

and above nature, but as an integral part that cannot be separated from and integrated with

nature. In relation to natural resources, the ecological approach is more multidimensional,

not only taking into account economic aspects and benefits, but also various other aspects

and dimensions are considered. Further differences in the perspectives of the two paradigms

in the management and utilization of natural resources can be seen in the figure below.

Departing from this understanding, this paper is intended to reveal how the portrait

of local institutions related to natural resource management lives in one of the ethnic

communities in North Sumatra, namely the Pak-Pak ethnic community in Simerpara Village,

Salak District, Dairi Regency. The selection of the Pak-Pak ethnic community is based on

the consideration that it is a community that is relatively isolated geographically but

ecologically adaptive, so that the existence of local institutions is relatively uncontaminated.

In this study there are two main problems that want to be explored (1) How is the

description of the form of social institutions? Pakpak ethnic culture in Simerpara Village,

Salak District, Dairi Regency, North Sumatra Province. (2). How is the Pakpak ethnic

institution regarding the management of natural resources (forest and water). (3) How far is

the relationship between local institutions in the form of ritual ceremonies, taboos and

prohibited holes in farming activities (menanda tahun) with environmental conservation and

ecological sustainability.

Methods

The approach used in this research is a case study. This approach is used with the aim of

exploring as much information as possible, being able to understand and identify

sociological symptoms related to local institutions. The cases studied and observed vary

such as individuals, institutions, social groups periodically and phenomenal events.

The method of data collection was by using participant observation, documentation

study and in-depth interviews. Participant observation was conducted mainly regarding the

important moments of the menanda tahun event. Documentation studies were conducted to

review documents and writings related to Pak-Pak Batak ethnic institutions and culture.

Meanwhile, in-depth interviews were conducted with traditional leaders, community leaders

and experts who have competence related to local institutions in Simerpara Village.

Data collected through participation, documentation studies and in-depth interviews

were then verified, sorted and analyzed qualitatively using the sociological historical

method, Husserl's phenomenological method and the semitic method. The sociological

historical method was used to look at the dynamics of local institutions and conflicts over

agrarian resource management over time. Phenomenological method Husserl is used as an

effort to get the right understanding, namely capturing reality as it is, capturing reality in the

understanding of researchers and researchers. The semitic method is used to understand the

signs, meanings and appearance of symbols that appear in an event.

The data collected was analyzed using the qualitative data analysis method15 .

Qualitative data analysis is a search for general statements about the relationship between

various categories of data, concepts and phenomena to be constructed analytically and

theoretically.

Discussion

Runggu Institution

One form of local institution that is still alive and functional in the life of the Simerpara

Village community and society is the runggu institution.16 Runggu institutions are central to

the socio-cultural and economic life of the community. The institution of runggu is not only

a normative value system but also operative regarding the regulation of land and land status,

control and utilization of natural resources.

In accordance with the runggu institution, the land status of the Simerpara village

community, which is dominated by the Manik clan (Pakpak Simsim sub-clan), is the

customary right of the Manik clan. According to local customary institutional rules, the

smallest territorial unit is called a kuta. The kuta is led by a kappung and the leader of

several kuta is called the head of the nagari. In choosing a leader, customary and mystical

factors are often important considerations.

In line with the homogenization of village governance implemented during the New

Order regime since 1974, today customary institutions in governance are marginalized,

while formal institutions (village heads) are dominant. Law No. 22/1999 on Regional

Autonomy, which allows each region and customary community to form a village

government in accordance with its customary social structure, has not been able to reposition

the existence of the kuta formal structure of the village government.

The rules that apply in the control and utilization of natural resources in the Manik

clan community are fully subject to institutions and customary law. The control and

utilization of natural resources is determined by a local institution called runggu. The control

and utilization of an area of land must not conflict with customary rights and customary law,

and land cannot be traded. The selection of areas both for settlement and for agricultural

areas (fields and debts) is determined in a customary consultation. Residents hardly

recognize individual ownership of an area or piece of land.

The knowledge of the Simerpara village community is closely related to the type of

farming they do for a living. They know the onset of the rainy season and dry season, the

types of wood that are good for building materials, forest plants that can be used as food,

medicine, crafts and for other purposes. The rainy season in Simerpara Village is marked by

the many waves of dew/clouds (gondem) that appear in the air, while the summer season is

seen by the appearance of perlambok stars (large flaming stars that appear before morning).

They know the most appropriate time to open the forest (usually around the fourth month

(April). In that month, farmers clear the forest, clean the fields and cut down small trees.

Clearing the forest in the fourth month is because it is the beginning of the dry season so that

the felled bushes and trees dry quickly and can be burned immediately. After the clearing

and burning is complete, it is followed by planting of huma-ladang rice (usually in June with

the onset of the rainy season).

The technology utilized daily by the Simerpara community consists of productive

tools made of iron and wood alloys such as hoes, axes, and machetes as the main tools in

cutting wood and clearing forests. The technology utilized daily by the community consists

of tools made of iron and wood alloys such as hoes, axes, and machetes used to cut wood

and clear forests. There are also tools made of wood that are used to speed up work in the

fields such as to make plant holes using long sticks with tapered ends, to pound rice or

pound mat-making materials using mortar and pestle which are also made of wood. Other

technological tools they use are tampa (enderu) used as a tool for winnowing rice, which is

made from bamboo branches in the shape of a square measuring 0.75 m x 0.75 m; belagen

(mat) as a sleeping / sitting mat, or other tools that are used as containers such as baka

(baskets) from bengkoang (a type of pandanus) and selaping as well as larger baskets.

Flora that has long been domesticated by Simerpara villagers include: frankincense,

resin, coconut, field rice, pete, durian, various types of tubers, pandanus, medicinal herbs,

cinnamon, alim wood, and maduamas (sitelu uruk). Animals that have long been

domesticated by the population include: pigs, dogs, buffaloes, various varieties of poultry

and river fish. Pigs and dogs are an important part of people's lives.

Institutionalization of Natural Resource Management

The worldview of the community living in Simerpara Village regarding the control of

natural resources, its philosophical foundation reflects the social structure of Batak ethnicity

in general.18 As part of the Pakpak sub-clan, the Manik clan community's conception of

natural resource control is related to its territorial control, as reflected in the term: ganop-

ganop banua martano rura (each banua region has land and water areas that become its

territory). The rule applies that resources in the territorial area of a huta and banua are

controlled by the community living in it, regardless of whether the resources have been

managed (tenure) or are only limited to claims of territorial control in accordance with

customary law.

The local institution of ganop-ganop banua martano rura shows that a banua and

huta must be supported by water resources, forest areas and grazing areas. Water sources are

needed for bank needs, irrigating rice fields, raising fish and other living needs. Grazing land

is usually located outside of residential areas, such as on hillsides. Forest areas are needed to

be able to support the organization of the economic life of the population, because most

people live from farming both on dry land and rice fields. Forest clearing for agricultural

activities usually starts with clearing fields, which are then left to become scrub or further

planted with perennials such as coffee or rubber. Local communities recognize forest zoning

or forest areas, the latter of which are forbidden for agricultural activities, hunting or

gathering forest products. The existence of forbidden forests is legitimized by taboos and

elements of trust.

Residents' access to resources located in banua and huta is basically related to the

socio-political structure in which the huta is located. In general, there is a conception that

every member of the Pakpak ethic community has the right to utilize the resources of the

banua and huta banua and huta to support their families, either through gathering, hunting or

clearing agricultural land. The cleared agricultural land became the "tenure" area for the

family that cleared it. The area that has been controlled by the clearing family becomes a

"private property right." People from outside the huta community and other banua can

access the private property right after obtaining permission from the authority. This can

only be done after following customary procedures, terms and conditions, and no

transactions are allowed that could lead to the transfer of ownership rights to other people

and communities.

The form of local living unit and neighborliness in Batak conception is divided into

huta perserahan and huta pagaran. Huta perserahan or called huta residents were built

later. Huta pagaran is a new huta established by the old villagers because the main huta is

too crowded and the available natural resources are reduced. Huta pagaran is a satellite for

the main huta. The form of living unit built on huta perserahan and huta pagaran in

addition to describing the social network between residents also affects the political and

economic governance of a huta. In the conception of Batak ethnicity, huta perserahan and

huta pagaran do not describe the horizontal dimension of social relations, but are

expressions of hierarchical political governance.

The institution of control and utilization of water resources as conceptualized by the

Pak-Pak ethnic group is based on and is a combination of the principles of common property

(shared property) and public property (open access). On the one hand, river water and its

contents are considered an open resource, which cannot be owned by a person or group of

people, but is controlled and utilized collectively. On the other hand, because river water

flows and If a river crosses the huta's territory, the local people decide that the river water

that crosses their territory becomes public property. Therefore, along the course of the river,

there are parts that are determined to be common property and parts that are public property.

The institutionalization of local communities in the control of water resources is

based on the fact that water that flows naturally and relatively permanently can be a

determinant in defining a stretch of land as common property or land that can be privately

controlled. If a stretch of dry land on the edge of a river is considered privately owned, then

due to the movement of the river flow, the land turns into public property. This means that

the land changes its status from private tenure to open access. On the other hand, if a delta is

formed or the flow of the river shifts so that part of it turns into land, the area can be claimed

as a private resource.

The river as a natural resource has an important role in the life of the Pak-Pak ethnic

group. The river and the natural resources within it serve as a support for economic, social,

health, customs and religious life. The important role of rivers and water resources in

Pakpak society can be seen in the selection of locations for settlements, usually not too far

from rivers and water resources. The Manik clan, which resides in Simerpara village, has

historical roots that indicate a strong connection between the economic life of the local

community and water resources.

The river in the territorial area of the manik clan has a lubuk larangan, which is a

designation of a certain river basin as a forbidden area for everyone to obtain and at the

same time be able to utilize water resources (fish) before the harvest time arrives has been

agreed upon. In lubuk larangan there are local provisions that are mutually agreed not to

disturb (catch) fish biota in certain river areas within a certain period of time (1-2 years) in

order to optimally utilize the watershed. Likewise, there is a mutual agreement when fishing

can be done for the benefit of what and who.

Year Marking Ceremony and Environmental Conservation

One of the characteristics of the livelihoods of people living outside Java is the activity of

farming. move19 . Cultivation for forest village communities is not only an economic activity

but also has social, religious and cultural significance. One important stage in the farming

activity is the burning of shrubs and small trees on the land to be planted.

The activity of burning shrubs in land preparation carried out by local communities

in the forest villages of Sumatra, Sulawesi, Kalimantan and Papua does not damage the

forest ecosystem, let alone become a natural disaster.20 Because the area of shrubs and small

trees that are burned is very limited and is carried out on local wisdom that has been going

on for tens and hundreds of years. Burning shrubs by farmers in land preparation is intended

as a form of fertilizing the land to be planted. The farming community is not accustomed to

using chemical fertilizers. Even if they then know and know it is impossible to use artificial

fertilizers considering the cost is too expensive. So that land burning activities carried out by

farmers do not cause damage to the forest resource ecosystem, because if that happens for

local communities it means suicide. As part of the forest ecosystem, damage to the

ecosystem will have an impact on the extinction of their civilization.

Therefore, the government's accusations and assessments of farmer activities as

destroying the environment and forest ecosystems are not empirically proven. Land

preparation by burning can damage forest ecosystems if the burning area is large enough,

carried out during the dry season and without taking into account the contours of the land

and forest conditions. Such land preparation activities through burning are not carried out by

local community farmers, but by plantation companies with the aim of pursuing targets,

quotas and economic efficiency. In preparing and fertilizing the land, plantation companies

do not use artificial fertilizers to save production costs. Land preparation through burning by

local communities and plantation companies have the same arguments, but with different

backgrounds and objectives. Land preparation through burning carried out by local

communities has a socio-cultural background (revitalization of labor) with the aim of

sustaining the community's economic subsistence; while land preparation through burning

carried out by plantation companies has an economic background with the aim of capital

accumulation.

The same applies to the utilization of forest resources, especially timber. Timber

collection and utilization of forest resources carried out by local communities have a socio-

economic and cultural background (firewood and building houses, both personal and

customary) with the aim of sustaining family and community institutions and economies.

Meanwhile, timber collection and utilization of forest resources carried out by HPH and HTI

companies based on plantation companies have a background of pursuing economic rents

with the aim of capital accumulation.

Thus, even if there are cases of local community members being involved in the In the

case of forest encroachment, the position is "used or objectified" by outsiders, namely

capital owners (entrepreneurs) who have the "blessing" of the authorities. Field farmers do

not randomly farm, burn smak blukar and cut wood but are based on certain instructions

from local knowledge and wisdom. Pakpak ethnic field farmers in their farming and land

management activities Land by considering the height of the land, the nature of the forest,

the size of the trees, the fallow period and the forecast.

One of the important moments in the farming activities carried out by the Pak-Pak

ethnic farming community is the implementation of the menanda tahun ceremony.21 This

ceremony is related to the natural and social environment in which they live. Important

elements in the menanda tahun ceremony are taboos, deliberation (runggu), words of advice

and other rules related to the menanda tahun ritual event. The taboos directly have a positive

impact on the natural environment, especially forests, including: the taboo on burning

forests, the taboo on cutting down or clearing forests to be used as fields at any time and

place. These taboos are accompanied by material and social sanctions (ostracized or

expelled). Sanctions imposed on taboo violators are decided in a customary consultation

(runggu).

The Menanda Tahun ceremony is a fairly important ritual ceremony that is routinely

carried out every year by the Pak-Pak tribe which is held in the context of opening fields-

ahead of the planting season. The purpose of the ceremony is to ensure that farming

activities and agricultural activities in general receive permission and bring blessings. The

Pak-Pak people believe that it is impossible to open agricultural fields without preceding the

menanda tahun ceremony, because the supernatural rulers who control forests and farms

will not give their blessings (reduction or absence production). They believe that if there is

no ritual to mark the year, there will be disasters in farming activities.

The purpose of the menanda tahun ceremony is (1) to honor all kinds and forms of

supernatural rulers in the earth, sun, sky and other supernatural worlds. (2) to honor and

invoke the spirits of ancestors, the spirit or soul of rice (tendi page), the god of the land

(beraspati no tanoh) and the god of the sun (sini mataniari) who are still believed to be able

to provide soil fertility, protect crops from pests and keep away various diseases and dangers

for the population so that the harvest is abundant; (3) so that "guru" (traditional leaders) can

predict events and actions that must be taken in anticipation of the worst possibilities of

farming activities. Forecasting events is based on the instructions of sacrificial animals

(chickens and buffaloes) at the time of the ceremony. In terms of planting patterns, the

menanda tahun ceremony is a customary institution that regulates planting patterns

simultaneously so that people can more easily overcome crop pest problems.

The participation and involvement of community members in the menanda tahun

ceremony is related to the social structure of the community. The groups and community

members involved in the menanda tahun ceremony are the main organizers (sukut),22 young

people (simatah daging) the group of virgin takers (beru)23 the group of virgin givers

(puang) and the ceremony leader (guru).

The equipment used in the menanda tahun ceremony is divided into mandatory and

non-mandatory equipment. Equipment that must be present are traditional food (pelleng),25

rube tree branches, tassel, red chili, two tugal (ardang), seven bambo pancongan, one

special machete (jenap), red rice rice seeds, pandanus mats (peramaken) one strand, one red

hunting chicken, sekapur sirih and tudung kepala.26 Non-mandatory equipment appears

when the ceremony is held on a large scale, such as buffaloes and musical instruments.

Large ceremonial events are held periodically around ten years. The ceremony is held at the

oldest field in the community on a hill called Simenoto.

Wejangan, as an important part of the menanda tahun ritual, is delivered by the

customary elders and emphasizes the importance of maintaining the forest, obeying taboos

and rules for clearing and controlling the forest and managing the land. In their speeches, the

elders always emphasize the rules for choosing the location of the forest, the deployment of

labor, the supernatural world and the purpose of the menanda tahun ceremony. Through the

teachings of customary elders in the menanda tahun ceremony there is a continuous

transformation of traditional knowledge and wisdom from one generation to the next.

The continuous process of transforming traditional wisdom, taboos and sanctions

for taboo violators, causes the control, management and utilization of natural resources

(forests) to be more controlled and predictable. In terms of field control, for example,

migrants outside the land clan cannot carelessly open fields without the approval of the land

clan (clan manik) which is decided in a customary meeting. With rules like this, there is no

inequality in land control and utilization. Access and management of forest-land wrapped in

customary rules and traditional wisdom, causes the sustainability of natural resources to be

better preserved and relatively sustainable.

In addition to being directly related to and effective in conserving natural resources

and the environment, the marking ceremony is also a means of communication and

information between social groups, so that disputes related to control and control of natural

resources and the environment can be resolved natural resource utilization as well as social

and economic friction are not resolved through physical conflict but through customary

mechanisms in a deliberative manner.

Traditional Wisdom and Ecological Sustainability

Before modern economic penetration hit the village area, the natural resource potential of

Simerpara Village and its surroundings was maintained sustainably. Because the utilization

of natural resources is based on traditional knowledge and wisdom. With its traditional

wisdom, the balance of the forest environment ecosystem for a long time was maintained

and sustainable, because the utilization of forest products was within the limits of natural

carrying capacity. For several decades until the 1980s, the sustainability of the bio-social

and bio-physical ecosystems of the Simerpara Village community was in a dynamic social

equilibrium.

In line with the penetration of economic development, the utilization of natural forest

products is considered less effective and efficient. This understanding encourages third-party

"city people" to exploit forests beyond the capacity and carrying capacity provided by the

forest ecosystem. As a result of excessive forest exploitation by "urban people" who do not

pay attention to the forest ecosystem and exceed the natural carrying capacity, the balance of

the forest ecosystem is disturbed. Forest exploitation that exceeds the natural carrying

capacity has a wide-ranging impact on the bio-physical and bio-social sustainability of the

community, including: the time cycle of shifting cultivation activities is getting narrower

and shorter, river water discharge continues to shrink, soil fertility is reduced because soil

surface erosion is increasing in volume and the survival of several varieties of flora and

fauna is disrupted.

This phenomenon can illustrate that the agricultural system The fields carried out by

the Pakpak community have traditional wisdom contained in the management of natural

resources in the vicinity. The traditional wisdom possessed by the Pakpak community is

characterized:

First, knowledge about humans, nature and their relationships in nature is

communal, not individual. Traditional wisdom is socialized and then transmitted collectively

and from generation to generation, informally and integrally. This model of knowledge

acquisition contrasts with modern knowledge that is individualized.

Second, the traditional wisdom of the Pakpak community in agriculture is praxis and

practical. In the sense that this knowledge guides community members on how to live well

in the ecological community. Tabu or lubuk larangan, which is an important part of farming

life, is not only normative without value and argumentation but contains technical aspects

related to knowledge and management of natural resources. Sustainable

Third, the traditional wisdom of the Pakpak ethnic group is holistic and moralistic. It

is holistic because its knowledge involves knowledge and understanding of all aspects of life

and its relationship in the universe. It is moralistic because economic activities such as

farming and hunting are not only rational knowledge to fulfill the needs of life, but also

contain guidance on moral and social values.

The traditional wisdom of the Pakpak community in natural resource management with

the above characteristics provides an ideological and philosophical basis for ecological

sustainability. Ecological sustainability is only possible to be achieved and created if natural

resources are not only interpreted from economic value but also ethical and aesthetic values.

Such an understanding requires a paradigmatic shift in looking at the benchmarks of

development.

The success of development is not only measured by material progress but by the

quality of life that ensures ecological, social, cultural and economic sustainability in a

balanced manner. Such a development paradigm on a micro scale is an integral part of the

lives of various local communities, as practiced in natural resource management carried out

by the Pakpak community in Simerpara Village, Dairi Regency, North Sumatra Province.

Conclusion

Natural resource management based on a mechanistic-reductionist paradigm leads to the

tragedy of the commons. Philosophically, the tragedy of the commons is caused by

mechanistic patterns and ways of thinking, so that humans are uprooted from nature and

from their fellow humans. By using the logic of domination, humans are prioritized and

considered valuable in themselves, while nature is only seen as an object and tool for human

interests to be exploited. In short, "humans become the masters and rulers of nature".

In contrast to the reductionist mechanistic paradigm, the ecological paradigm views

humans not as separate from and above nature, but as an integral part and one with nature. In

relation to natural resources, the ecological approach is more multidimensional, not only

taking into account economic aspects and benefits, but also various aspects and dimensions

other than economic benefits. The ecological approach has been an integral part of natural

resource management carried out by various ethnic communities in Indonesia, including

those carried out by the Pakpak ethnic group in farming activities.

Natural resource management is practiced by the Pakpak indigenous-local

community in Dairi, North Sumatra, based on traditional wisdom, with characteristics:

the knowledge is owned by the community, managed holistically, morally, praxis and

ecologically. Resource management based on traditional wisdom can ensure ecological

sustainability and sustainable development.