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BEQUEST – an International Cross-cultural
Cooperation
BEQUEST (Building Environmental Quality
Evaluation for Sustainability through Time) is
an international electronic network. It exists
to provide a forum for research, training and
practical action in the quality assessment of
the urban environment in order to identify
the basis for common understanding and
implementation of more sustainable urban
development (SUD) (BEQUEST, 1998;
website: http://www.surveying.
salford.ac.uk/bqextra/). This chapter
describes a number of the activities and
findings of the network as a means of
exploring the nature and quality of the
interaction and information exchange as an
example of interna tional cooperation over
SUD. The lessons learned from establishing
cross cultural, inter-disciplinary
collaboration and building consensus form
the subject of this chapter. Importance of
SUD The essential paradox of a sustainable
society is the conflicting require ments of
providing the flows of production and
consumption needed to maintain a good
quality of life for all humankind, while
simultaneously sustaining the local and
global environment and biodiversity. These
prob lems are compounded by other factors:
• the increasing urbanisation of humankind
(e.g. two-thirds of Europeans now live in
urban areas); BEQUEST – an International
Cross-cultural Cooperation 203 • the
longevity of buildings and city infrastructure
– 60 to 100 years is not unusual for individual
buildings; • the very large quantity of
resources which existing cities contain and
which are consumed annually to
continuously develop, maintain and use
them (in the UK it has been estimated that
the construction indus try uses about 6
tonnes of building materials annually for
every member of the population); and •
urban sprawl – the ever increasing land take
of cities. If all these factors are considered
together then the built environment sector
presents one of the biggest challenges for
society. The challenge can be seen in terms
of the development of a collective aspiration
for better quality of life combined with more
sustainable patterns of living and the time it
will take put these ideas into effect. Since the
1992 Earth Summit in Rio, most local
municipalities in Europe have been develop
ing local plans for implementing Agenda 21.
As a result, developers and building
designers are increasingly faced with a local
context containing sustainability features
and criteria, and designers and constructors
are rapidly finding themselves at the
forefront of moves towards sustainable
communities. The PICABUE definition
(described in greater detail on p. 210) of sus
tainable development (Mitchell et al., 1995)
forms a ‘shorthand summary’ of the Agenda
21 recommendations: see Fig. 12.1. This
misses a number of aspects which have
subsequently been recognised, such as the
six sus tainable urban development
principles developed at the UN Habitat II
conference in Istanbul (1996): 1. The
institutional dimension of urban
development (enabling strate gies,
subsidiarity, human rights) 2. The cultural
dimension of the city’s development (the
need of post-economist culture, overcoming
of the pragmatic, computing culture, etc.) 3.
The ethical dimension of urban development
(the struggle against poverty,
unemployment) 4. The environmental
dimension (the use of natural resources,
recycling etc.) 5. The economic dimension of
urban development (eco-industry, small
enterprises/industries) 204 Buildings,
Culture and Environment Futurity: not
cheating on our children Public participation:
ability to influence decisions Environment:
preserving the eco-system Equity: equal
access to resources Fig. 12.1 PICABUE model
of sustainble development 6. The spiritual
dimension (the promotion of a different
relationship between spiritual development
and material development, linked to
questions of meaning). This provides a multi-
dimensional and multi-aspectual view of
SUD that is rarely appreciated by
professional actors in the construction
sector, let alone their clients and building
users, who still tend to refer to sustain ability
simply within a narrow environmental
protection paradigm. Background BEQUEST
arose out of a conference evaluating the
sustainability of the built environment held
in Florence in 1995 (Brandon et al., 1997).
This conference began to identify the
specific professional cultural differences in
the way urban sustainability was described,
understood and evaluated between those
operating at the building scale (architects
and engineers) and at the city scale
(planners) (Cooper, 1997). BEQUEST was
successful in securing funding to address this
and other related questions for a three-year
(1998–2001) networking project, from the
Research and Technical Development
Directorate of the European Commission
(EC) through the Fourth Framework
Programme. The EC describes networking
projects as ‘concerted actions’. This title is
particularly appropriate in terms of
BEQUEST, as the project sought to address
the lack of common understanding of
sustainability in the context of urban
(re)development between all the parties
engaged in BEQUEST – an International
Cross-cultural Cooperation 205 the planning,
design, construction and use of the built
environment. One of the key deliverables
was a prototype decision support aid, known
as the BEQUEST Toolkit (Fig. 12.2) (Hamilton
et al., 2002) pre sented at an International
Symposium on the theme held in Lisbon in
2001 (BEQUEST, 2001a) as well as other
workshops where feedback on its
functionality have been sought. The
BEQUEST Toolkit is discussed further on p.
214. The main outputs of the project have
been disseminated in a special edition of
Building Research and Information (see
Cooper, 2002) as well as in the Italian
planning journal Urbanistica (Lombardi,
2002). Some of the findings, particularly the
framework (Fig. 12.3) that underpins the
Toolkit and aspects of the networking
methodology, have been directly or
indirectly used in other EU research projects,
e.g., CRISP (CRISP, 2001) and the European
Green Building Forum (EGBF, 2001).
Subsequently BEQUEST has: • hosted a
second conference on Building Sustainable
Cities: towards the measurement and
understanding of SUD, held in Venice in April
2002 (proceedings in preparation); and with
others Fig. 12.2 BEQUEST Toolkit • received
funding from the EC Fifth Framework
Information Society Technologies (IST)
programme for a one-year project (2002–
2003), INTELCITY, aimed at developing a
research roadmap for the intelli gent use of
information and communication
technologies (ICTs) to support more
sustainable cities. Working methods The
international cooperation in BEQUEST over
the complex and intractable problem of
what constitutes SUD, how to move towards
it in existing cities and how the sustainability
of (re)development proposals can be
assessed and evaluated, constitutes seven
years of networking activity. This has
involved discussion between a core team (24
researchers from 14 206 Buildings, Culture
and Environment BEQUEST Framework 6
Development activity Planning Local
Strategic Public Private Design Urban
Buildings Components Construction New
build Refurbishment Demolition Operation
Use Facilities m'gt Maintenance Property
development Environmental Environmental
& societal issues Nat'l resources Env'l
pollution Land use Biodiversity Economic
Production Building stock Social Finance
Access Community Institutional Global
National City District Urban region
Neighbourhood Estate Building Compon’t &
materials Time scale Spatial level Health &
well-being Governance Justice Ethical
systems Transit + utilities Safety + security
Long-term > 20yrs Mid-term 5–20yrs Short-
term < 5yrs Fig. 12.3 The BEQUEST
Framework (version 6) partner organisations
in 6 EU countries – see Table 12.1) and
around 120 representatives of all actors and
a wide number of disciplines represent ing
both the demand and supply sides of the
property and infrastructure industries. The
network members are drawn mainly from
European coun tries, but also include a
significant proportion from a wide range of
other nations across all continents – see
Table 12.2. This indicates the broad cross-
cultural nature of the extranet. During the
EU project the extranet was created to
enabled the project to engage with a wider
range of stake holder interest in the urban
environment including all those engaged in
strategic planning through to local planning,
design, construction, facili ties management
and use. A key objective of BEQUEST has
been to seek a consensus view of SUD across
all stakeholders though an iterative,
interactive discussion process, where
knowledge and experience are pooled
together, and this has BEQUEST – an
International Cross-cultural Cooperation 207
Table 12.1 BEQUEST Partners University of
Venice, Italy University College London, UK
Polytechnic of Turin, Italy LTConsultants,
Helsinki, Finland VTT Espoo, Finland BRE
Watford, UK University of Florence. Italy IVV
Technical University of Vienna, Austria
University of Leeds, UK University of Salford,
UK Table 12.2 Extranet membership ATEQUE
The pole of The pole of The pole The pole of
The pole classification collective operational
of design project of use interest decision
carry making through Extranet 98/12 5
14/12 5 88/12 5 27/1 25 51/12 5 members
Countries Can, F, Fr, G, F, Hgy, It, Au, Can, F
Au, F, Fr, G, Au, F, Fr, G, of origin Hgy, It, Leb,
UK, USA China, Fr, It, NI, Sw, Hgy, It, NI, NI,
Pol, G, Hgy, It, Sp, UK, UK, USA Rom, Sw, Jap,
Leb, USA. Sing, SA, NI, Pol, Sp, Swis, Pgl, Rom,
UK, USA. Sw, Sing, SA, Sp, Swis, UK, USA 208
Buildings, Culture and Environment provided
the basis of the concepts and consensus that
will be elaborated below. Electronic
networking using ICTs between the project
team at the core and the extranet members
continues to be an essential tool for
BEQUEST. The iterative process interlinks
face-to-face meetings, essen tial for team
building, developing trust and goodwill
(three international conferences and ten
interactive workshops to date) with
structured elec tronic networking through
the BEQUEST extranet (Fig. 12.4). Web pages
have been established and are maintained as
a means of supporting the networking
activities, and the main outcomes and
emerging policy issues addressed have been
reported in information papers available on
the Web (BEQUEST 1998 (1,2); 1999 (1,2);
2000, and 2001). In this way, additional
interactive dialogue over the various
proposals and the BEQUEST deci sion
support guidance incorporated in the Toolkit
represents a broader BEQUEST FAMEWORK
as an INTERFACE FRAMEWORK BEQUEST
CORE Assessment methods, Procurement
Protocol, Data Base EXTRANET INDIRECT
USERS FRAMEWORK – providing an
INTERFACE with EXTRANET
COMMUNICATION with INDIRECT USERS
that provides Meaning, Cultural Coherence
& Translation Fig. 12.4 The BEQUEST
extranet – method of working BEQUEST – an
International Cross-cultural Cooperation 209
cross-cultural consensus than could have
been achieved through the research
partners alone. Thus, BEQUEST has engaged
in a more structured discussion of sustain
ability issues and assessment methodologies
with a broader range of actors across a wider
range of interests involved in the urban
environment than has been seen to date.
The methodological aspects of the network
have been described as ‘exemplary in many
respects’ (Kohler, 2002) and as an early
example of the ‘new production of
knowledge’ through ‘e-working’ (Cooper,
2002). Establishing consensus – BEQUEST’s
challenge BEQUEST had a clear objective of
developing common understanding of SUD
across the differing cultural contexts and
across the wide range of stakeholder
interests involved in urban (re)development.
Human under standing of sustainable
development continues to evolve, remains
fiercely contested and ‘...has become the
catchword of our decade, used and misused
in many contexts. Yet it has been notoriously
difficult to define the term, let alone
translate it into other languages.’ (Dahl,
1997, p. 69, quoted in Cooper, 2002) Given
this lack of agreement, BEQUEST’s objective
of a common or con sensus view was
extremely ambitious when it was formulated
in 1996. It was a conscious objective to
attempt to transcend the difficulties pre
sented by the vast scope of the subject and
to move forward on a wide multi disciplinary,
multi-aspectual front accepting the risk of
little or no progress. This was necessary in
order to begin fully to understand the
differences in approach, language,
objectives, and means of sustainability
evaluation of the various professional actors
that had become apparent in the mid-1990s
and the potentially disabling problem this
presents for genuine collabora tive inter-
professional and international cross-cultural
action. Key characteristics of cross-cultural
groups A number of BEQUEST’s key
characteristics are also common to most
cross-cultural groups working in this area,
whether transnational, transcontinental or
trans-disciplinary: 210 Buildings, Culture and
Environment • focused on application-based
problem solving • engaged with emerging
understandings and/or conceptual frame
work(s) • composed of a transient, problem-
defined team (or loose association) •
consensual or normative, involving
negotiated knowledge production •
innovative through the reconfiguring of
existing knowledge held in dis parate or
geographically separated groups • electronic
communication over the internet •
disseminated through partners and
networks. BEQUEST’s vision of sustainable
urban development Scope BEQUEST began
by attempting to define the scope of the SUD
problem in terms of space, time and the
range of actors involved, as well as the range
of conceptual sustainable development (SD)
that have emerged in the post Brundtland
era. These dimensions, plotted in terms of a
concep tual matrix indicating the differing
scales of response to SD in the urban
environment, are shown in Fig. 12.5. This
indicates the increasing level of engagement
and commitment with SD with increasing
spatial scale, timeframes and need for cross-
sectorial cooperation as one moves from
addressing sustainable construction to
global SD. It graphically illustrates the
principle of interconnectedness between
sustainable construction, sustainable
community issues and the cross-cultural
nature of the global sustainable
development agenda. Conceptual ideas for
SD A ‘four sided’ model of SD, known as
PICABUE (Fig. 12.1) (ERC, 1996), was a key
building block of the BEQUEST vision.
PICABUE is based on the 27 principles of SD
agreed at the first Earth Summit in Rio
together with a review of the literature on
SD (Mitchell et al., 1995). Although the
Agenda 21 principles agreed in Rio were
well-meaning, the hindsight of 10 years since
their formulation reveals an indiscriminate
mix of envi ronmental, social, economic and
institutional factors in almost every clause.
This undermines common understanding
(Bentivegna, et al., 2002) and provides
potential for only partial understanding or
even misinter pretation. Therefore, the
simplification of the concepts underlying SD
in PICABUE was important to the
development of BEQUEST. It formed an
acceptable working ‘shorthand’ benchmark
definition, used in the early stages of the
project to help explore common
understanding and terminology for SD across
the network (Cooper, 2002) and to test other
models and concepts with a view to
developing consensus over a conceptual
model of SUD. The review embraced a wide
range of SD concepts from government, non-
governmental organisations (NGOs),
industry and research, including the OECD
Pressure State Response Indicator Model
(OECD, 1994), the Pentagon Model (Nijkamp
1998), BEQUEST – an International Cross-
cultural Cooperation 211 Global sustainable
Sustainable communities Sustainable built
environment Sustainable construction
industry Increasing complexity Increasing
cross-sectoral collaboration and integration
Increasing spatialboundary Increasing time
frames Increasing number of actors Level A
Level B Level C Level D Increasing scope
Engagement Commitment Fig. 12.5 Levels of
response to sustainable development open
to the construction and property sectors 212
Buildings, Culture and Environment and the
Quantifiable City Model (May et al., 1997).
Other building blocks included the Natural
Step and the Service Economy concept
(Giarini and Stahel, 1996), the Charter of
European Cities and Towns towards Sus
tainability, known as the Aalborg Charter
1994 (ICLEI, 2002), and the United Nations’
HABITAT 2 conference held in Istanbul in
1996 (UN, 1996). The latter two conferences
emphasised the human dimensions in terms
of cultural continuity and participation in
decision making. From this work and from a
number of the case studies explored in
BEQUEST workshops, it is clear that none of
these models provided an adequate
representation of sustainable urban
development. Never theless, a number of
common, underlying factors emerged from
the analysis: • SD is a relative rather than an
absolute concept, i.e., humankind will only
be able to recognise progress towards the
goal of SD in relation to where we are now. •
SD is a process, not a product or fixed
destination. It is difficult to identify SD
precisely in terms of some (Utopian?) ideal
society and/or physical form, and therefore
easier to see it in process terms. • SD is
concerned with very long timeframes. The
built environment can be very long-lived so
decisions taken today create very long-term
implications. The lifestyle enjoyed in
European cities today was largely formed by
development decisions taken 30 to 100 years
ago. In some cases this can be traced back
centuries. • SD is an ethical construct.
Underpinning SD thinking is the concern for
the wellbeing of present and future
generations, which is ethically laden. • SD
must be culturally grounded. Villages, towns
and cities are the physical container of urban
life and one of the main manifestations of
culture. Much ill-considered modern urban
(re)development has and is undermining
cultural continuity. The overall conclusion is
that in order to address progress towards sus
tainability questions adequately
development must integrate economic,
environmental, social and institutional
factors (Bentivegna et al., 2002). These
points represent additional principles, which
have been used to develop the PICABUE
concept to form a consensus view of SD upon
which the BEQUEST vision of SUD is based,
which in turn has been used to configure the
BEQUEST Framework for SUD. BEQUEST – an
International Cross-cultural Cooperation 213
The BEQUEST Framework for SUD The
Framework is important because it
represents the cross-disciplinary, cross-
cultural consensus over the nature and
scope of SUD developed by the network and
provides the underlying structure behind the
Toolkit. The Framework relates four main
dimensions of urban develop ment:
Development Activity, Environmental and
Social Issues, Spatial Level and Timescale
(see Fig. 12.3), which are explored further
below. Development activity As identified
earlier, SUD is a process. Therefore, good
practice guidance on SUD and on the use and
procurement of assessment methods needs
to be integrated with the urban
(re)development processes from strategic
planning on the one hand to utilisation of the
resulting built environment on the other.
The main activities, their sub-activities with
their associ ated actors, i.e., planning
(strategic and local), property development
(public and private interests), design (urban,
building and components), construction
(new build, refurbishment and demolition)
and operation (use, facilities management
and maintenance), represent separate
processes. Within each of these processes,
more SUD thinking, good prac tice and
assessment have to be applied.
Environmental and social issues Various
human activities are created by, or are
consequences of, sources of environmental,
economic and social stress. Environmental
stresses include depletion of natural
resources, pollution, and excessive land take
with consequent loss of biodiversity.
Economic stress is often a cause and effect of
loss of production, decaying building stock,
and/or inadequate f inance or incentives.
Transport and utilities are important
industrial sectors that affect and are affected
by other economic sectors. Social stress may
include lack of access to facilities,
inadequate safety and security, poor health
or general loss of wellbeing, which is often
associated with poor sense of community.
Good governance is necessary to create
equal ity of access to resources along with
social participation, and judicial means of
redress are all part of the institutional
framework necessary to support SD. All
these aspects, and the spiritual dimensions
of life, are ethical constructs. 214 Buildings,
Culture and Environment Spatial levels
Urban development occurs at various spatial
levels, from the scale of the whole city, to
neighbourhoods, to the individual building
and its material components. Equally, the
environmental effects, or other socio-
economic implications, can be felt from local
to global levels. A planning proposal can lead
on to various new industrial and commercial
consequences for the environment,
economy and society from the level of the
whole city down to the neighbourhood scale.
The provision of new buildings can affect the
extraction of raw materials and the
manufacture of components, which in turn
can create emissions that can have effects on
the environ ment from the local to global
scale and so on. Timescale The importance of
long-term thinking to SUD has been
mentioned above. The timescale used by
BEQUEST represents the normal scale used
in eco nomic and strategic planning, i.e.,
short-term (0–5 years), medium-term (5–20
years) and long-term (more than 20 years).
BEQUEST Toolkit The main features and use
of the Toolkit are shown in Fig. 12.2, but the
full extent of the features are best
appreciated via the World Wide Web,
accessible through the BEQUEST homepage
at http://www.
surveying.salford.ac.uk/bqextra. The Toolkit
evolved over the three-year period of the EU
funding. Proposals were subject to
numerous revisions as the partners
developed their common understanding of
SUD, and the requirements of an integrated
decision support system for urban sustain
ability. Work was carried out in task groups,
and this led naturally into a modular
structure. Modular structure The Toolkit is
subdivided into four main modules (see Fig.
12.2): • The Protocol includes checklists of
actions that urban actors should consider as
well as case studies of good practice in order
to make their development more
sustainable, collectively addressing
economic, social, environmental and
institutional objectives. BEQUEST – an
International Cross-cultural Cooperation 215
• Theassessment methods directory: this is a
compilation of 25 assess ment methods,
ranging from well established to
experimental, that have been, or could be
applied in the sustainability assessment of
urban development, with hypertext links to
other lists and descriptions, such as that
created by the International Energy Agency
Annex 31 group. Each method is described in
common format: name, description, data
requirements, status, relationship to
framework elements, and sources of further
information, including references and cases
studies. An overview and evaluation of these
methods with respect to assessing SUD is
provided by Deakin et al. (2002). • The
advisers directory: this module contains
details of advisers and consultants with
experience in assessment methods and
expert knowl edge on individual steps
identified in the protocol. • The glossary
explains various SUD and environmental
protection terms used in the Toolkit, as
collectively understood by the BEQUEST
network members. In operation, the Toolkit
allows direct access to each module, via a
menu system and search engines. In this way
suggested actions for more SUD, potential
assessment methods and evaluation
techniques, terminology and advisors
together with respect to the activity-issues-
scales domains are inter-linked by the
BEQUEST framework. End users A key task
that the team addressed at an early stage
was question of the potential users of the
Toolkit. As described above, the Framework
recog nises a wide range of users from
planning, development, design, con
struction and use. However, the final
prototype available on the web is designed
with three broad end user groups in mind: •
Professional users (architects, planners,
engineers, etc.), whose primary need is to
access the best available information on
appropriate assess ment methods and ‘how
to make development more sustainable’
good practice protocols • Mediators, who
are able to interpret the information on
behalf of non experts such as politicians and
the general public. Mediators will be
particularly interested in the checklists of
good practice and the case studies of
previous urban interventions. They may be
drawn from NGOs, pressure and community
groups, or from the professional and
research communities 216 Buildings, Culture
and Environment • Researchers, whose
principal interest is in exploiting the richness
of the information (methods, case studies,
good practice protocols, rela tionships
between system elements) to gain new
insights into sus tainability problems. The
needs of these groups are not mutually
exclusive, as an individual may belong to all
three groups, so the Toolkit is designed so
that information needs can be satisfied
generally. The reasons for this are twofold:
lack of a common language, and lack of
common understanding of what constitutes
SUD that could bridge both professional and
cultural divides. Common understanding The
contested nature of SD and the additional
difficulties created by the complex multi-
disciplinary problems presented by SUD
have been explored earlier. These problems
are a consequence of humankind’s lack of
understanding of what these terms really
represent. At the current stage of the
development of knowledge, research
provides some directions. To complement
this, BEQUEST sought to explore case studies
of good prac tice in the EU. However, most
of these showed only partial approaches,
concentrating mainly on economic and
environmental protection and usually
neglecting social and heritage issues. The
timeframe of analysis in all of the cases was
very short, i.e. exploring or projecting
around five years into the future, effectively
ignoring the intergenerational equity
question (BEQUEST 1999-1; Bentivegna et
al., 2002). This indicates not only a serious
lack of rigorous multi-aspectual SD analysis,
but more fun damentally an almost
complete absence of important dimensions
of SD thinking in urban (re)development
practice. In turn, this is reflected in the
content of the BEQUEST protocol in that the
advice offered in the eco nomic and
environmental protection areas is much
more extensive than in the social and
institutional. Common language In this
context the difficulties of creating the
BEQUEST information framework have
already been explained. However, at the
beginning of the project it proved relatively
easy to agree on common definitions of
terms for the glossary, as a basis for a
common ‘English’ language for SUD. This is
probably due to the fact that the research
partners accepted the terms used by the
British members of the team. There were
exceptions. One BEQUEST – an International
Cross-cultural Cooperation 217 important
example of this was the term ‘procurement’.
In the Anglo-Saxon speaking zone, in
addition to the general meaning ‘securing
goods and services’, it is also accepted as a
term for the process for securing the design
and construction of buildings and city
infrastructure. This second meaning is not
understood in most of the other regions of
the EU. In the Protocol, BEQUEST sought to
bring together and rationalise the current
research and good practice information on
SUD in a structured manner (hence the
framework previously described). For the
reasons suggested above, agreement on the
various good practice advice clauses was
difficult but possible to achieve when issues
were addressed at a generic level. For
example, in urban design it was possible to
agree on the recommendation ‘provide high
occupational density with mixed use of
dwelling, industry and retail’ as there is a
clear balance of professional opinion that
this will lead to lower urban transport
demand. However, as there is no clear
research evidence to support this proposal,
and as the application of this advice is so
location-specific, it was not possible to agree
a clear density and/or mixed use target
figure. Thus, detail was much more difficult,
partially due to lack of knowledge but mainly
due to the need to respond to local needs in
any specific urban area or city. Lessons to be
learned from BEQUEST Lessons from the
Framework and Toolkit development The full
potential of the BEQUEST Framework (and
Toolkit) is still being investigated. Large parts
of 5265 separate domains in the framework
(13 development activities, 15
environmental and social issues, 9 spatial
and 3 temporal axes) remain unfilled. This is
due partly to resource limita tions, but
primarily it represents two main areas of
deficiency: • lack of current knowledge on
what constitutes SUD or on how to evaluate
it • lack of consensus across cultural divides
(national and/or professional) over what
action should be taken. This is particularly
acute in terms of the social and institutional
dimen sions, where ‘gaps’ in understanding,
consensus and assessment of SUD include:
218 Buildings, Culture and Environment •
what constitutes good quality of life •
common agreement over resource reduction
or efficiency targets (factor, 4, 10 or 20?) •
lack of transparency in the decision-making
process for all stakeholders • means of
conflict resolution, particularly between the
public and private interests • lack of faith in
local participative democracy in general
(BEQUEST, 1999-2). These problems have
always existed in the planning process, but
the pursuit of SUD emphasises them,
particularly in the sense of powerless ness
not just in ordinary citizens, but also in the
professional actors. This feeling in
professionals can be summarised as
‘whatever I do, it won’t improve matters’.
The inability to address these problems effec
tively in modern society is one of the real
disabling factors in moving to much more
SUD in the short to medium term, and forms
a key policy imperative. The extent to which
pan national, pan cultural solutions can be
found for such problems is an interesting
question. There are good examples in
Europe. The ‘Polder system’ of local
democracy in the Netherlands seems, from
an outsider’s perspective, to offer many
advantages in terms of pro viding greater
inclusivity in decision making together with a
strengthened sense of individual
responsibility necessary for community
action. The role of the ‘evaluator’ in the
Tuscan planning process offers a more effec
tive means of reconciling or mediating
between public and private inter ests in
urban (re)development. The process is less
adversarial than that in many jurisdictions so
that development control is potentially
much less wasteful in terms of time and
human resources. However, these examples
sit within quite local cultural confines, and so
their transfer elsewhere is problematic. Yet
the use of the new techniques emerging in
the so called ‘information society’ is seen as
offering great potential for new, more effi
cient solutions to these structural disabilities
in urban decision-making processes. The
intelligent use of ICTs could empower
stakeholders, and generally improve the
planning process from an SUD perspective.
This is the subject of a new EU research
roadmap project: INTELCITY (2002), which is
to build on the work of BEQUEST. Therefore
the provided advice had to be very generic to
be generally appli cable. As a consequence,
users must interpret this generic content for
their particular cultural, geographical and
climatic context, sphere of activity BEQUEST
– an International Cross-cultural
Cooperation 219 and stakeholder groups.
The generic nature of the content was and
con tinues to be a point of criticism.
Although the framework provides a logical
structure for the necessary discussions
involved in developing consensus, the
evidence of a number of interactive Toolkit
testing sessions held towards the end of the
project (in Helsinki, Edinburgh and Lisbon)
suggests that most professional users were
uncomfortable or dis satisfied with the
generic level information provided. These
users felt the need for more detailed advice
targeted to specific groups and localities, e.g.
in relation to local planning or building
regulations. Thus although the advice was
useful in identifying the main actions that
could or should be considered it was not
enough to enable the complete and detailed
trans lation of good practice advice or
knowledge from one cultural context to
another. SUD guidance The wide range of
guidance in the Protocol can be summarised
into five main actions. • Use fewer resources
– do not build unless it is necessary;
rehabilitate, reuse, recycle. • Place the
(re)development in the continuum of history
in terms of the cultural context and where it
is appropriate, ensuring longevity through
durability and flexibility. • Minimise damage
to the environment: air, water, land, energy,
plants and animals. • Persuading your clients
that they care – buying goods and services
locally to strengthen the local economy and
community. • Ensure public participation in
the process. Although this is a gross
simplification of the richness available, in
this context the BEQUEST Toolkit (and its
underlying information Frame work) is
intended to help make ‘better’ decisions
along the way. In order to achieve the
objective of development proposals that are
more sustain able, it is necessary to
benchmark the current situation, to identify
a range of possible best practice policy and
physical development options, and to select
the optimum for the situation under
consideration. In all cases there is a clear
need for assessment and evaluation
techniques that enable objective
sustainability assessment and provide sound
infor mation both for decision makers and
for the wide range of other stake 220
Buildings, Culture and Environment holders.
Through the logic of the Framework,
BEQUEST provides a unique integrated
representation of the scope and extent of
SUD. This links socio economic and technical
dimensions as well as planning, property,
design and construction interests, in time
and space which: • provides a ‘model’ of SUD
that adequately represents, but simplifies,
the breadth and complexities of the problem
as already explored • forms the basis for
common understanding between a wide
range of stakeholders • enables the
classification of assessment and evaluation
methods (Deakin et al., 2001, 2002) that
assists in understanding their relevance to
various decision makers and urban
(re)development problems as well as a
means of identifying current gaps in
sustainability assessment • forms a means of
structuring current good practice guidance
so that it is relevant to various decision
makers and urban (re)development problem
situations. However, following BEQUEST
guidance cannot, on its own, overcome a
number of wider social and political
impediments. These impediments tend to
slow or constrain implementation of more
integrated approaches to SUD. They include:
• the overall lack of demand in some
countries/cultures for more sustainable
solutions • inadequate participation and
empowerment in urban (re)development
decision making and loss of citizens’ faith in
governance in general • lack of clarity and
agreement about what sustainability targets
should be set and upon the indicators of
progress towards a more sustainable built
environment. Final success (or failure) in any
particular (re)development situation will be
dependent on two essentials. (1) A closer
dialogue is required between all
stakeholders from the point of view that
sustainability is an essential requirement for
human settlements in future. Open,
accessible and accountable negotiation is
necessary over what each stakeholder is
trying to achieve. BEQUEST offers a more
defined and constructive language for SUD
enabling insight into wider problems, and
the framing of more con structive
negotiations. BEQUEST – an International
Cross-cultural Cooperation 221 (2) Greater
integration is needed across various urban
decision-making and professional
disciplines. The BEQUEST vision for SUD
supplies a framework for this integration.
The really positive news from BEQUEST is
that complete agreement on all aspects is
not necessary in order to make progress.
Identifying the common ground and building
on this has long been understood in
diplomatic circles, and so conflict resolution
becomes a vital skill. In this context, urban
policy makers, planners, property
developers, designers (architects and
engineers) and constructors need to see
themselves as change managers seeking
innovative solutions to adapt and re
generate the built environment so that it can
support more sustainable regenerated city
life. The strategies that should be employed
should be based not on a fixed target or
blueprint, but on an integrated and flex ible
approach that adjusts to local conditions and
the local community requirements.
Implications for other cross-disciplinary,
cross-cultural ‘virtual’ groups Managing
‘virtually’ is very difficult and requires more
time, effort and resources than face-to-face
encounters, especially as electronic commu
nication is much less effective and less ‘rich’.
It is very important for research policy
makers to be aware that the latter is still
necessary until we have developed ways of
establishing rapport and trust necessary to
building consensus and resolving conflicts
remotely. Experience in the EU with various
networking projects such as BEQUEST, and
with international collaboration over
standards (e.g. the Environ mental Impact
Assessment, and other initiatives such as the
Green Build ing Challenge), shows that as yet
there is no common model or agreement
about how to conduct inter-disciplinary,
cross-cultural working most effectively.
BEQUEST has illustrated some techniques for
developing a shared perspective, e.g.
through a common conceptual framework
and using self assessment techniques to
draw out and identify areas of com monality
and areas of difference between members
both of the research team and of the wider
network. Working methods used in BEQUEST
were central to the success of the
networking. It is not possible to assume that
all are familiar with all aspects of the ICT
revolution. In agreeing baseline inclusive
standards for e-mail, and other IT-related
communications, it may be necessary to use
less technically advanced formats or
software to ensure that all can take part. 222
Buildings, Culture and Environment Working
virtually can extend lead time in the
decision-making process. An effective
technique used by others and applied
successfully in BEQUEST is the discussion
paper. This starts with an outline in which
parts are gradually added over several days
or weeks by team members based on their
own area of expertise. By the end,
reasonable consensus can be reached. A
project leader and task group leaders with
diplomatic skills are important in these
circumstances. The author, as director, was
able to ‘manage’ most disputes; however, it
is not always possible to have the time to
‘talk out’ issues and so means of conflict
resolution are necessary. In BEQUEST one
individual attended most of the workshops,
but was not allocated to any specific task
group. He was accepted as an ‘honest
broker’ acting as mediator when agreement
was lacking but decisions had to be made.
However, there had to be sufficient face-to-
face contact, in BEQUEST’s case three three-
day workshops per annum, for sufficient
trust to be established for such mediation to
be effective. Taken together these
techniques have created the BEQUEST
method, which enabled the team to
transcend discipline boundaries, and build a
‘common space’ necessary for effective
collaboration. Conclusions Cultural diversity
is a major policy objective in the EU. This has
led the Council of Europe (in December
2000) to revise the Brundtland definition of
SD from the perspective of cultural diversity:
‘Sustainable development as defined in
relation to cultural diversity, assumes that
technological and other developments,
which occur to meet the needs of the
present, will not compromise the ability of
future generations to meet their needs with
respect to the production, provi sion and
exchange of culturally diverse services,
products and practices.’ Information Society
Technologies, 2002 Thus the importance of
maintaining cultural diversity as a dimension
of sustainable development, as a
counterbalance to globalisation and
homogenisation, should not be overlooked.
This chapter indicates the potential for group
work and consensus building across many
disparate cultures and disciplines. It
illustrates how it is possible to work together
to create and define common ground
despite cultural and language differ ences. In
this case, commonality and agreement have
been established on the definition of
sustainable urban development and on
advice and guid ance over SUD that is
relevant to a range of European cultural
contexts. BEQUEST – an International Cross-
cultural Cooperation 223 It is important to
note that complete agreement over what
constitutes all aspects of SUD was not
necessary in order to make progress.
BEQUEST was a three-year project. This
length of time was important as it enabled
the gradual building of knowledge, transfer
of capabilities and cross fertilisation of ideas
between different disciplines and cultures.
The example of BEQUEST provides a
successful model for addressing the
challenges of cross-cultural networking
where these dangers and limita tions of
cultural exchange have been recognised and
addressed. In cross cultural exchange, it is
important to recognise the elements that are
common and which can be usefully
standardised, but equally to recognise those
items that are important in each individual
cultural context. The major lesson is that
successful cross-cultural exchange is based
not on the transfer of products, technologies
or designs, but in providing a common
understanding of the sustainable urban
development process, a language to explore
the question and a framework for analysis
which assists in understanding those things
that are generic and can be commonly
addressed and those that are local and
specific to the climatic and cultural context.
Successful cross-cultural exchange needs to
recognise these important points and should
avoid simple transfer of case study findings
in an uncritical, uncomprehending manner.
Loss of the specifics of context is dangerous
because it leads to undesirable and
unnecessary homogenisation. BEQUEST has
demonstrated the need to make explicit
what often is implicit, through an agreed
terminology, agreed objectives, criteria and
a transparent decision process to evaluate
different approaches and to facilitate a clear
dialogue between participants. These factors
are impor tant to any project, but working
across cultures, be they national or pro
fessional, emphasises the need for inclusivity
and transparency in decision making. In the
context of this book the interest in BEQUEST
lies in two areas: 1. The development of an
agenda, framework and evaluation tools for
SUD that has been explored in this paper. 2.
The development of a method and language
for, as well as demon strating the
possibilities of, working across cultures at
the generic scale. Although BEQUEST is not
unique, the methods adopted provide an
example by a particular research community
that may, given time and development,
provide some useful lessons for practi
tioners and others who continue to make the
mistake of unsympa thetic ‘instant’ stylistic
and/or technology transfer. 224 Buildings,
Culture and Environment Therefore the
wider lesson for the academic and
practitioner communi ties is that the cross-
cultural exchange of ‘information’ (technical
data, practices, case studies or technologies)
is best done at a generic (abstract) level and
that this involves a range of skills/capabilities
that have tradi tionally not formed part of
the ‘armoury’ of construction professionals.
This will enable them to engage in a fuller
inter-disciplinary and cross cultural process
of evaluation. It is necessary to recognise the
limitations of case study examples due to the
difficulties of fully understanding the context
behind them. The author’s experience with a
pan European higher education programme
(in the area of the evaluation of SUD)
provides addi tional reinforcement of these
points and raises significant, parallel impli
cations for addressing these problems in
higher education and the media.
Acknowledgements The author
acknowledges the contribution of all
members of the BEQUEST Network. The
BEQUEST project was funded by the
Research Directorate of the European
Commission under the 4th Framework
Programme, contract number ENV4-CT97-
0607 The outputs and wider implications of
the BEQUEST project were explored in a
Building Research & Information special
issue, ‘Sustainable urban development:
BEQUEST’ (30 (2), March/April 2002).
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(www.wupperinst.org/projeckte/sue). 13
Reconciling Expectations Nick V. Baker
Introduction It is essential to understand
how social and cultural expectations inform
the creation and use of the built
environment. If a building is not socially and
culturally embedded, there is a high risk of
failure. This is due to both (social) non-
acceptance of the building itself, and
technical failure due to lack of management
know-how. However, social expectations are
malleable and subject to change. This
malleabil ity is open to abuse by advertising
and consumerism. The concept of
expectation is dangerous as it is often
interpreted to imply justifi cation and
provision. A more critical view is necessary to
unravel indi vidual expectation and whether
it is always wise to plan for meeting
expectations. The increasing availability of a
plethora of information and technologies
presents a series of problems for designers
of the built environment: • how to
understand local users’ expectations •
assessing whether these expectations are
realistic and accord with their needs •
assessing if the expectations are
‘sustainable’ • assessing adapting
information to this context • considering
their role for changing the expectations of
clients and users. The context of energy
consumption is used in this chapter to
illustrate the wide variation in expectation
both within a society and between dif
Reconciling Expectations 229 ferent
societies. Within the context of energy use in
buildings, even the notion of indoor comfort
is defined by a host of expectations which
vary considerably between different
societies. The growth of global energy use
Nearly one half of the world’s commercial
energy is used by buildings. The majority of
this energy is derived from fossil sources,
thereby making the built environment the
single largest contributor to CO2 emission
and hence global warming. Transport is a
close second, with industrial and
manufacturing process energy taking third
place. How do buildings account for so much
energy consumption? Most of the energy is
used for conditioning the environment – to
further the climate-moderating effect of the
building, and to reduce the constraints on
the use of the building imposed by the
prevailing environmental conditions. In
domestic build ings in cool climates, huge
amounts of energy are used to provide
heating, mostly by local combustion of gas,
oil and solid fuel. In non-domestic buildings
a greater proportion of the energy is used to
provide lighting, mechanical ventilation and
mechanical cooling. In this case the power is
delivered as electricity, which if generated
from fossil fuel generates about three times
as much CO2 per delivered kWh as the direct
burning of fuel on site. When primitive man
occupied caves, the coupling of his living
space with the ground meant that the
temperature he experienced within the cave
followed the annual average temperature
quite closely. Thus the cave was relatively
warm in winter and cool in summer. The
discovery of fire was probably first exploited
for cooking and as a form of defence, but its
ability to provide light, and radiant warmth,
would have quickly been apparent. As soon
as this fact entered the primitive culture it
opened up the possibilities of inhabiting
more inhospitable climates, lopping the life
threatening peaks off the winter extremes.
No other species uses com bustion to release
thermal energy. Indeed, virtually no other
species uses energy in any form other than
food, and few species have colonised such a
wide range of climates, ranging from the
scorching Kalahari Desert to the windswept
plains of Siberia, where the average January
temperature is minus 50°C. So is energy
consumption the key to this success as a
species? The remarkable fact is that this
global colonisation has largely been achieved
by the passive performance of the shelter
itself. As in the case of the ‘found shelter’ of
the cave, vernacular architecture has long
been 230 Buildings, Culture and
Environment held as a model for appropriate
climatic response. For example, by heat
gains from the occupants alone, the Inuit
snow house moderates the outside
temperature of minus 40°C, with a wind chill
of about minus 70°C, to a relatively
comfortable minus 10°C in still air, quite
survivable in the traditional highly insulating
clothing and with a fatty diet. In other
climatic extremes – the hot arid desert
regions of the world – maximum daytime
temperatures as high as 45°C are moderated
to a survivable 30°C by the massive mud-
brick and masonry traditional dwellings. It is
difficult to assess the contribution that
energy use has made to survival, through the
conditioning of the living space.
Nonetheless, the energy demand was small.
It is also certain that no vernacular archi
tecture relies on non-ambient sources of
energy to provide cooling. Ironically, this is
where the greatest growth of energy
demand is found today. Thus, massive
energy consumption was not a prerequisite
of survival in all but the most extreme
climates. Furthermore, it could hardly be
claimed that energy consumption was an
essential part of our cultural development
either; much of the art, literature, classical
science, law and politics which are still part
of our contemporary culture are the product
of pre-fossil-energy mankind. Variance of
energy use A quite different kind of evidence
casts doubt on the necessity of the massive
use of energy by buildings. This is the
observation that the energy consumption of
individual buildings within a given use type
and in the same climate and culture is
extremely uneven. Figure 13.1 shows the
energy consumption of 92 office buildings in
the UK. The worst consumes 20 times more
energy than the best, and yet the buildings
are basically used for the same purpose.
Why should some buildings consume so
much more than others for the same
function? One clue is that almost all of the
buildings in the higher consumers are air-
conditioned. Consider this sce nario: two
office buildings on a warm spring day, one
daylit with open windows – no lights, no
mechanical ventilation, no air-conditioning.
The other has a sealed tinted glass façade,
artificial lighting throughout and full air
conditioning to remove the resulting solar
and lighting gains. The difference in energy
consumption is huge. The underlying
expectations within both the design team
and the occupants of the two buildings are
different, but there is no evidence to show
that the high-energy consumer delivers
more comfort or more satisfaction.
Reconciling Expectations 231 energy costs
£/m2 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
90 offices Fig. 13.1 Annual energy cost
(which closely relates to CO2 emissions) for
92 UK office buildings shows a very wide
variation We are even more inconsistent in
our energy use in our cultural lives. A holiday
for a European family hill-walking, fishing or
just enjoying the beach, with the main mode
of long distance travel from home by train,
would consume about 2000 times less
energy than the same family’s package
holiday to Disneyworld, Florida. The latter
would consume as much energy in aviation
fuel as that required to heat their home for a
year. How can this cavalier attitude to such
profligate consumption be explained? In
these examples there are several
contributory factors. First, energy is cheap.
In the UK, since the early 1950s, the real cost
of energy across all fuels has more than
halved. One kWh of electricity today is about
80 times cheaper than it was at the
beginning of the twentieth century, when
publicly generated electricity was first
marketed. Typically the energy costs for an
office building are less than the cleaning
costs, and the average annual space heating
cost of a three bedroom house is £280,
equivalent to the cost of a modest restaurant
meal for two people six times a year. The
financial incentive for a f illing station
manager to turn off the forecourt lights in
the daytime, for a building manager to insist
that cleaners only switch on the lights in
rooms that they are cleaning, for a
householder to choose hardy plants for his
conservatory rather than heat it with off-
peak electricity, is very weak. 232 Buildings,
Culture and Environment A second reason is
that buildings, as energy-using systems,
often have inherently poor energy
performance. This is because, other than the
weak cost incentive above, there are really
no other penalties for high energy use. In
contrast, an airliner has to carry fuel that has
technical penalties in performance, and
intense interest is directed towards fuel
efficiency. If buildings were tested for energy
efficiency, we would find many where
simultaneous heating and cooling, wasteful
fan and pump operation and inefficient
control would all lead to far higher
consumption than necessary. Low-energy
building design is not difficult, as clearly
illustrated by Fig. 13.1. Research in energy
use in buildings has been active since the oil
crisis of the 1970s, and has concentrated on
technical issues. Standards of insulation,
boiler efficiencies, luminous efficacies of
light sources, and more innovative technical
design such as night venti lation and use of
thermal storage in the ground have all
advanced sufficiently for us to design
buildings which, when simulated, consume
very little energy. But in practice, they rarely
live up to these predictions. From field
studies, Leaman (see Chapter 10) suggests
this predicament is due to poor
understanding of users’ needs, failure to
understand the technology and poor
management. These all seem likely
individual factors, but it is the compounding
of these factors which accounts for major
shortfalls. The third, and probably least
understood, factor is the expectation of the
occupant. As outlined above, conditions
could be achieved more eco nomically by the
application of technical principles. But why
are these conditions demanded in the first
place? Are they essential to survival? Clearly
not. The answer lies in our perception that
these are essential to our expected lifestyle.
What do we expect, and how are our
expectations nurtured by the oppos ing
forces of society – altruism and self-interest?
And how is the diffusion of these
expectations influenced by the global access
to information? Will it be for the good, or will
it confound our efforts to curb global
warming? And ultimately, can some of these
mechanisms that are, at the moment, driving
this supertanker of energy consumption ever
faster, be harnessed somehow to slow and
turn the monster round? The answers to
these questions may be sought in the main
contributions to this section. Some of the
main issues are discussed below. Reconciling
Expectations 233 The global village Seaden
(Chapter 9) asserts that although the
proportion of the world pop ulation having
Anglo-American cultural origins is relatively
small, its values and expectations are
disseminated almost universally through
global communication systems. In spite of
the inappropriateness of many
‘international’ products, even in
underdeveloped countries there are enough
well-off consumers to respond with a real
demand. This is par ticularly true in the fields
of transportation, communications and con
sumer products. Here the multi-national
companies invest huge effort in fine tuning
the product to the demand, or more
realistically (and efficiently) in creating a
demand to match the product. On the other
hand, small firms undertaking small local
projects form the majority of the
construction industry. Could this mean then
that the influence of the international
industry giants is relatively slight? A glimpse
of new building projects in almost any
developing country will show that this is
demonstrably not the case. According to the
World Trade Organisation figures for 2000,
almost 75% of the global market for archi
tectural services derives from the developing
world, with 80% of those fees accruing to
firms in the world’s seven richest countries
(Booth, 2002). Just as global
communications can create a demand for
Coca-Cola and Levi’s, so too it seems they
can create a demand for a Western-style
built environment. All too often the result is
over-glazed high-rise office blocks,
surrounded by dense housing towers,
standing in a traffic-choked polluted road
system. Unfortunately, the criterion of
appropriateness is pushed down the priority
scale, well below those such as prestige
(based on acquir ing status and following
international fashion) and short-term
political gains. Regulation, both local and
international, is only weakly influential in
countering this. In many cases, regulations
that in principle impose quite strict
environmental and ecological constraints are
not enforced, due either to corruption or at
best to incompetence. Thus, they are little
more than a form of self-delusion, allowing
politicians false membership to genuine
international concern. In other cases,
national regulation is either weak or non-
existent. Or, as in the case of the United
States and the Kyoto Accord, in spite of the
existence of many internal regulations, the
under lying objective of reducing global
impact is not ratified. It is interesting to
speculate whether world regulations such as
the Kyoto CO2 targets, or the
internationalisation of ‘local’ regulations
such as 234 Buildings, Culture and
Environment insulation standards and plant
efficiency, will have the most impact on
reducing global warming. Whilst the former
focus on the ‘ends’, the latter imply some
kind of ‘means’, i.e. have an implicit
educational content. This would suggest that
these are more appropriate for international
dis semination to developing countries. We
can already see some successful cases of this
in emission standards from motor vehicles in
India and the Far East. On the other hand, it
is ironic to note that one of the best agents
for promulgating air-conditioning has been
the formulation and diffusion of
environmental comfort standards, by bodies
such as ASHRAE, CIBSE and ISO. Seaden
situates the construction industry within a
larger context of free market economic and
production processes. Competition can lead
to inno vation and improved products and
services. Other industry sectors provide
examples to compare and contrast to
construction for the creation of high
standards of quality, service and
performance. Consumer satisfaction (and
the requisite understanding of client desires)
is the key to success in many industries.
Seaden argues this also applies to
construction, and discusses what clients’
needs actually are new approaches to
fulfilling these. One approach, BOOT (Build–
Own–Operate–Transfer), reduces risks for
clients and emphasises long-term operation
and functionality. The growing awareness of
performance (both the building operation
and, in turn, its abilities to support its
occupants’ functions) presents new
opportunities for the con struction industry
to influence client expectations to create
environmen tally sound buildings. Is the
comparison valid? The built environment is
not a disposable entity. By the time a
municipality discovers that its city centre
development is an environmental disaster it
is too late, and there is not a ‘next time’ to
shop around. It may have to be lived with for
the next half century. The creation of
markets Two aspects already touched on –
the creation of demand by advertising, and
by regulations and codes of practice – are
central to Brager and de Dear’s contribution.
The meteoric rise of domestic air-
conditioning in the US from the 1950s was
largely a result of advertising – selling a
product which had no existing market base.
As always, advertisers employed the
Reconciling Expectations 235 subtlest
psychological methods, invoking concepts
ranging from moder nity to family values and
gender roles. So successful was the
advertising campaign that Brager and de
Dear (Chapter 11) quote Reese (1960), who
already noted that air-conditioning was
perceived as ‘part of the Ameri can standard
of living, something we are all entitled to,
just as we are entitled to heat in the winter
and food on the table’. It could equally well
be described as an expectation. Regulation
has played a complementary role –
supporting the market by providing ‘needs’
rather than ‘wants’. Regulation in the built
environment has always been concerned
with health and safety – structural stability
and durability, fire safety and hygiene, some
of these dating back to the nineteenth
century. More recently, comfort has been
added to the list. The objective of regulation
was to protect those in and around the
building; in that sense they were ‘local’. This
is quite distinct from much more recent
environmental and ecological regulations
where the objective is global e.g. reduction
of energy consumption and hence of CO2
emissions. In many cases, the two types of
objective are in conflict or at best unre lated.
The most obvious conflict arises in comfort
standards and legal definitions of acceptable
indoor temperature ranges, as well as other
envi ronmental parameters such as
mechanically delivered fresh air and artifi
cial illumination levels. The meeting of these
standards has not only increased energy use
directly – the maintenance of higher
temperatures in winter or lower
temperatures in summer – but has
demanded certain technical provisions in
order to control conditions within narrow
bands. It is this, probably misguided,
objective which creates the demand for
energy-profligate systems such as air-
conditioning. Another circle of self-
perpetuation is that parameters that can be
measured easily, e.g. tem perature, become
the subject of standards. Once the standard
is estab lished, the perceived need is only to
meet the standard, not to meet the original
objective by any other means. The move
towards performance guarantees and
litigation only reinforces this trend. Thus the
engineering objective of controlling
temperature and humidity within narrow
limits has become the primary objective
rather than the actual comfort of the
occupants. The science behind the
regulation Clearly, the original intention for
regulations and standards was to support
the provision of a comfortable environment.
However, as Brager and de Dear ask in
Chapter 11, was the mechanism of comfort
behind the 236 Buildings, Culture and
Environment standards properly
understood? Most thermal comfort
standards are f irmly based on laboratory
experiments on human subjects, which iden
tified an environment which was thermally
neutral, as optimum. Field studies, on the
other hand, consistently show that
occupants are satisfied with a far wider
range of conditions, including those that
partially track prevailing outdoor conditions.
The explanation for this apparent dis
crepancy is that first, people make adaptive
actions which improve their heat balance,
e.g. adjustments to clothing, posture, degree
of ani mation etc. Second, the context of the
perceived thermal sensation is taken into
account in establishing the degree of
satisfaction – a person sitting next to an open
window may find an occasional cool draught
quite acceptable, where a similar draught
from a air-conditioning grille would be
unacceptable. Another key factor is the
degree to which the occupants can control
their environment. It has been suggested
that this relates to man’s innate and very
successful ability to adapt to the natural
environment, but it is demonstrable that
occupants have a far wider tolerance to
environmental parameters (such as
temperature) if they are in control. In
summary then, definition of comfort hinges
on two conflicting notions. On the one hand,
comfort is defined by the notion of optimum
environ mental conditions, requiring no
adjustment, and delivering thermal
neutrality. On the other hand, comfort is
context-dependent, and the opportunity
exists for the occupant to carry out relatively
minor actions within a much more loosely
controlled environment. This is often
referred to as adaptive opportunity. Both
notions are underpinned by social and
cultural expectations, although the former
was (wrongly) assumed to be based on
purely physiological mechanisms. The latter
approach, often referred to as the adaptive
model, is gaining consensus in the building
science community as the way forward.
However, it is far more difficult to define.
Temperatures can be standard ised and
equipment designed to deliver these
conditions. But how can adaptive
opportunity be defined and quantified?
Building performance – the holistic approach
Leaman in Chapter 10 begins to answer
some of these questions by taking a holistic
look at the users’ response to the building,
based on many user surveys, rather than
examining individual environmental
parameters and theory. He claims that there
are emergent properties of buildings that
distinguish between buildings in which the
occupants are satisfied Reconciling
Expectations 237 for a relatively small
technological investment, and buildings
where high levels of dissatisfaction prevail in
spite of energy-rich environmental control.
The emergent property is a way of describing
mutually supportive char acteristics – i.e.
where the whole is greater than the sum of
the parts. This may well go some way to
explain the wide variance of energy consump
tion shown earlier in Fig. 13.1. Leaman
suggests that buildings (and that includes
their architecture, their mechanical systems,
and their manage ment) tend to promote
either virtuous circles or vicious circles. User
controls are again identified here as positive
attributes, as are features such as openable
windows and good views, supporting the
earlier point that people’s response to a
stimulus is positively moderated by its
context, in particular links with outdoor
conditions and nature. The concept of
control is also extended to include
management issues. Leaman rates highly the
value of a management responsive to
occupants’ (reasonable) wishes, relating to a
wider range of aspects than the thermal
environment alone. On the one hand this is
good commonsense, utterly consistent with
our intuitive understanding of the world
around us. On the other hand it is a nebulous
and ill-defined target, which may be diffi cult
to convey by standards and regulation, and
even more difficult to transmit across and
between cultures. As a consequence it is of
little surprise that it is technology, technical
standards, and the creation of global
markets which dominate cross-cultural
exchange, and that tacit knowledge involving
the understanding of occupant needs in
building management and operation has
failed to be transmitted. Sustainability and
urban development Curwell (Chapter 12)
describes the BEQUEST programme, working
in a cross-cultural framework with particular
reference to sustainable urban
development. A key objective is to develop a
consensus view of what sustainable urban
development means, across a wide range of
both cul tural contexts and stakeholder
interests. Could this be a model for a more
active approach than the uncontrolled
diffusion of information over global
networks? The main means for achieving a
cross-cultural diffusion of knowledge and
expertise is the BEQUEST Toolkit. This
addresses the problem of applying
inappropriate solutions geographically
transplanted to widely 238 Buildings, Culture
and Environment differing climatic, social
and economic contexts. Instead it offers a
frame work for local application to urban
environmental problems. ‘Sustainable urban
development’ is used to describe a wide
range of sus tainability issues – social,
economic as well as environmental.
However, it begs the question of whether
these objectives are compatible. It is easy to
imagine conflicts between economic and
environmental sustainability, and not
difficult to imagine conflicts between social
and environmental sustainability. The key
factor is time-scale – is the expectation really
to create a solution ‘for ever’ or, as in the
politicians’ case, until the next election?
Definitions of sustainability do not explicitly
confront this issue. The perception of the
time-scale of sustainability would be very dif
ferent for different societies and cultures, in
particular those of widely dif fering stages of
development. This may be a major
impediment to the diffusion of
environmentally friendly solutions.
Conclusions Expectation is an ill-defined
word that is open to misinterpretation. Does
it mean something that we should have? Or
probably will have? Is the ful f ilment of
desire (in the built environment) always
appropriate? There is the danger of
predicting expectations and then providing
to meet them. It does not have to follow that
if ‘workers in a modern office expect air-con
ditioning’ it should be provided for them.
These questions can also address global
environmental issues and questions of
equity. Although Americans expect to have
cheap and abundant petrol (and as a direct
result consume about 300 times more
energy per capita than the average African),
it does not mean that the expectation is
justified. In the field of thermal comfort,
‘expectation’ has been used to describe an
almost physiological phenomenon where a
person is apparently more tol erant of
thermal stress because it is what they expect
it to be. We expect it to be hot on a sunlit
beach so therefore we tolerate it. But is the
expec tation really the cause of the
tolerance? Tolerance is due to two factors.
First, (in most cases) the person is going to
the beach voluntarily. Second, the person
knows how to take adaptive action to
overcome his thermal discomfort – jump
into the sea or have a cool drink in the shade.
The diffusion of social expectations across
different societies which have a negative
impact on the environment proceed far
faster than those which are environmentally
positive. Certainly, from a historical
perspective, the diffusion of information and
knowledge from developed nations to less
Reconciling Expectations 239 developed
nations has invariably led to the adoption of
high energy use. Whilst technical solutions
toward environmental protection can be
shared on global networks, technical
solutions are not the answer. It is life-style
that has the major impact on consumption.
The diffusion of life-style by the media is
promoting consumer expectations at a
global scale. This is a negative view of the
role of global communication, but it is better
to confront it than to ignore it. What can be
done to mitigate its effect? Regulation offers
some hope. Regulations stand between the
political and technical sphere. Given the will,
politicians can impose regulations on the
individual for the good of the wider
environment. Emission control on motor
cars, non-greenhouse gas propellants in
aerosols, insulation stan dards in buildings
are good examples. The adoption of
common regula tions by more than one
country, e.g. the European Union, suggests
that, in principle, specific standards and
regulations could be adopted world wide.
However, care must be taken to avoid the
adverse effects of inap propriate
performance targets, at either local or global
levels. Clearly the establishment of world
regulations, to support a sustainable future,
will require a massive exchange of
information – scientific, social and eco
nomic, and at all levels – personal, local and
global. In addition, designers and clients can
offer leadership in helping to create more
realistic expectations. As Brager and de Dear
have argued, expecta tions are malleable,
and viable alternatives need advocacy and
champi oning. In addition, designers of the
built environment will need to develop an
improved anthropological/sociological
understanding of occupant groups in order
to assess what designs and technologies are
most appro priate for the specific context
(social, cultural, climatic, etc). Designers and
policy-makers require enhanced abilities and
will need to adapt the vocabularies, tools
and methods from other disciplines to
ensure a balance between meeting and
moulding expectations. Finally, do we really
believe in sustainability? Does anyone really
believe that we can turn round and stabilise
the processes taking place on our planet?
Should we not concentrate on first aid –
righting the obvious injustices and
inequalities? Fortunately many actions serve
both objectives – but there is a danger that
with our sights set on saving the planet we
may miss things which affect people’s lives in
the present and in the immediate future. All
too frequently expectations promote
inequality, injustice, and lifestyles that are
physically and biologically unsustainable.
240 Buildings, Culture and Environment
Postscript It may be significant that at the
World Summit in Johannesburg in the
summer of 2002, most objectives to protect
the global environment were, if anything,
weakened, whilst the provision of water and
sanitation received high priority, although
this makes no contribution to the stabil ity of
the ecosphere Earth. References Booth, R.
(2002) The Western grip on Africa. Building
Design, 9 August. Reese, J. (1960) The air-
conditioning revolution. Saturday Evening
Post, 9 July. Section III Understanding
Process 14 Understanding Process Jeffrey
Cook Human processes – even when
following a common blueprint – are each to
some degree unique. The series of
discussions on ‘processes’ in this section are
very different, yet provide a rich tapestry of
issues confronting delivery mechanisms for
the built environment. The differences in
content are emphasised by the orientation
and distinction of each author who
represents a distinct discipline or position of
purview, with oversight responsibility for the
built environment. Paul Oliver’s research
studies and many publications in traditional
and popular architecture began with on-site
field experiences in Africa in 1964 and have
continued on five continents. As a scholar of
the human condition, especially in the
material culture of shelter, his studies are
founded on first-hand experiences and are
further informed by cultural anthropology,
material sciences and sociology. Oliver’s
under standing of popular vernacular
cultures, especially how shelter and the built
environment relate to social values, is well
grounded. His observa tions on the
interactions of technology with daily life
situate our present cultures within the
lineage of centuries of human habitation.
Most mem orable is the persistence of
particular technologies, the extraordinary
continuity of certain ways of doing things.
Placing that time-honoured ‘information
base’ within the context of the exploding
global industrial base is a fundamental
dilemma, yet one that must be reconciled as
we move forward. In contrast to the
intimate, immediate, and often intuitive
responses found in vernacular traditons,
Pascale Michaud discusses the larger context
of governmental and corporate processes
for procuring complex engineering projects
(US$500m–$2bn) between 1994 and 1999.
Using a databank of 60 international case
studies, the question for Michaud is how the
lengthy ‘front-end’ development stages are
crucial to the definition 244 Buildings,
Culture and Environment and successful
delivery of a project. By investing in early and
detailed negotiations to reduce risk and
ensure success, a number of important
processes are needed to incorporate social
understanding, cultural values, innovative
solutions and create institutional change.
The front-end process entails timely
negotiation between sponsors, promoters,
governments, financiers, contractors, lobby
groups and local stakeholders as well as
many feedback loops. Understanding the
current institutional and governance
barriers/drivers on complex projects
provides significant lessons to inform how
the context for delivery processes need
adaptation. Michaud’s work suggests the
possibility of providing a better fit with local
cultural and environmental values by
explicitly acknowledging the larger
contextual constraints and, in some cases,
making major modifications. The front-end
process is a key to managing cross-cultural
knowledge and holds the promise of
adaptation to smaller building projects. Joe
Carter, a Canadian architect living and
practising for many years in Beijing, has
participated in China’s new hybrid ways of
architectural and planning practice. He
identifies the most visible building dilemma
in China as external style, which is a
manifestation of a lack of architectural
continuity with traditional form, materials
and ways of life. The problem is how to
reconcile China’s desire to be part of an
advanced technological global society while
retaining the unique identity and values
embedded in its traditional architecture.
How can existing cultural and environ mental
values inform what should be designed and
built? In terms of knowledge and technology
exchange, the question for Chinese
architects is how to select and adapt what is
appropriate for their rapidly changing
culture. This challenge is beginning to be
taken up by a new generation of Chinese
architects. Some design traditions continue
in the orientation of high-rise flats
preserving the ancient practice of southern
exposure, the marking of entrances, and the
tradition of courtyards, although the scale
and height of projects have changed. The
real dilemma for the built envi ronment in
China may be that the society’s advancing
consumerism may supplant traditional
practices and expectations. In contrast,
David Cohen, John Spengler, and Ahira
Yamaguchi describe the transformations of a
traditional house type in Hokkaido, Japan.
The strong bioregional philosophy
developed by Yamaguchi for his vertically
integrated housing company combines local
knowledge and regional timber resources
with carefully selected construction
techniques. The challenge is to create a
house in harmony with its surroundings,
informed by local cultural traditions, using
environmentally sound methods and making
a positive contribution to the economy.
Understanding Process 245 Kazuo Iwamura
describes an environmentally symbiotic
housing project in Japan and how daily life is
affected by this new emphasis on residen tial
design rooted in the ecological features and
cultural history of the site. Iwamura provides
evidence to suggest that occupant
consultation and par ticipation in the design
process can contribute to the environmental
and social success of the project. The design
process of a public housing project in Tokyo,
the Fukasawa Complex completed in 1997, is
presented as a case study. Although these
processes are epitomised by new
complexities with higher standards of
expected performance, the means of
delivery are surprisingly familiar
internationally. 15 Technology Transfer – a
Vernacular View Paul Oliver Introduction
Before any discussion of the means involved,
the necessity for technologi cal transfer and
whether it is related to building construction
or to materi als, services, installations and
methods could, and in my opinion should, be
debated. Implicit in the phrase is the
assumption that the technology of the West
(especially Europe and North America)
should be passed to cultures and countries of
the one-time ‘Third World’, now the
‘Develop ing World’. In this term is built a
further assumption: that ‘development’ is
technological rather than, for instance,
educational or social. It is im portant that we
question our own terms, our sense of
priorities and our perception of the ‘need’
for technological transfer. Is the transfer
now to be one-way only, even though
concepts and devices, from the zero to the
astrolabe, the wheel and the windmill to the
pointed arch and the bun galow, were the
inventions of the East transmitted to the
West (Fig. 15.1)? We may rightly be critical
of the arrogance of former attempts at
techno logical transfer made without
consideration of the cultures affected. But
we should also be prepared to criticise the
assumption that we in the West have the
‘answers’, which we wish to transfer to the
‘primitive’ or ‘retarded’, the ‘backward’ or
‘developing’. What lessons may be learned
and what good may come from such trans-
cultural undertakings of tech nology and
information transfer are unknowable until
the principles have become action and the
results of the actions have been
experienced. However, we can profit from
the evidence of former attempts and we may
draw conclusions as to the causes of their
success or failure. In this discussion I can only
cite a few examples from the distant and
recent past, bearing in mind that they have
often been poorly documented, Technology
Transfer – a Vernacular View 247 Fig. 15.1
Technology transmis sion from the East: the
Arab noria, a mule-powered water-lifting
appa ratus with buckets on an endless chain,
was introduced to Spain by the Arabs
probably in the four teenth century. This one
was still in use six centuries later (Photo: ©
Paul Oliver) come to some conclusions, and
make some suggestions. Just where we
might begin is in itself suspect, for the nature
of technology may be said to begin with the
flaking of flint and the carving of antlers, the
transmission of which raises problems
enough (Gamble, 1986). It is becoming
increasingly evident that Palaeolithic
hominids developed both the technologies
and the cross-continental routes and
contacts for mammoth ivory from the
Balkans to have been used by cave-dwellers
in Iberia during the first Ice Age. Evident we
may say, though irrelevant. But is it? Of
stone and steel On a remote part of the west
coast of the Cape York peninsula in Australia
lived an aboriginal people with a Palaeolithic
economy, which had few contacts with
Europeans until the twentieth century: the
Yir Yoront. The skills, resources and
techniques in making stone axes, which 248
Buildings, Culture and Environment were the
universal tools, were a male preserve, and
the axes could only be borrowed by women
or children in accordance with the rules of
kinship. Apart from this, Yir Yoront social
structure was not hierarchical; there were no
chiefs, but patrilineal totemic clans defined
status, roles, behaviours and values. The
stone for the axes was obtained through a
chain of trading partnerships from 400 miles
to the south, the Yir Yoront providing in turn
hunting spears and spear throwers, which
gained value as they were passed along the
trading chain. In 1915 an Anglican mission
was established in the territory but the Yir
Yoront had little to do with it until the 1930s
when the missionaries sought to raise
aboriginal living standards, supplying them
with useful and ‘improving’ articles,
including a short-handled steel axe. Mis
sionaries believed that the steel axe would
be more efficient and save time, though in
fact it made little difference in use, and the
time saved was spent in sleep. But it had a
major impact on the social structure, for the
working parties introduced by the mission
and on the cattle sta tions (with steel axes as
rewards) were organised on a leader-and-
group basis, contrary to the Yir Yoront’s non-
hierarchical system. Welcomed by
individuals in the tribe, the steel axes were
given to women and young men, who no
longer depended on the older men for them,
upset ting the traditional roles and attitudes
to possession. Trading relationships with
other tribes to the south were permanently
damaged. The social upheaval that resulted
from the introduction of the axes brought
the totemic myths into question, an effect
that was probably appreciated by the
missionaries but which rapidly resulted in
the collapse of Yir Yoront culture. An
American anthropologist witnessed and
subsequently reported on the destructive
impact of this simple example, which,
nevertheless, is inform ative of a number of
aspects of technology transfer (Sharp, 1952,
pp. 69–90). There is little doubt that the
replacing of stone axes with steel ones was
well intentioned but their introduction
without respect for the values and social
system of the recipients was insensitive. We
may note that many aborigines welcomed
the new tools and were themselves unaware
of the damage that could be done to the
culture by their adop tion of the steel axes,
their according with an alien structure of
labour management and their submission to
subordination. There was also a sig nificant
knock-on effect, with many communities
suffering as a result of the breaking of the
trading chain. It is not simply a matter of the
transfer of a technology which is important,
but also the consequences of the means by
which it is implemented. In this case it was
partly one of Technology Transfer – a
Vernacular View 249 altruism, but in spite of
the restricted circumstances of a mission in a
remote area, it was also one of the exercise
of power. Power and domination, whether
political, military, religious, ideological,
educational or simply of technological
superiority, play a major part in the spread of
knowledge between cultures. The more
powerful imparts what it deems effective
and withholds what may be ultimately to its
disadvantage, while gaining what it may
from the lesser or subjugated. We need go
no further back than to the expansion of
Augustinian Rome, at which time the
craftsman’s toolkit comprised hammer and
chisels, saws and planes, and organising
templates, which were dispersed
throughout the Roman world. Two millennia
later, the kit of the craftsman of the early
twentieth century in all parts of Europe
remained virtually unchanged (Fig. 15.2).
Under the dominion of Rome, cultures of
western Asia, North Africa and Europe
shared many of its inventions, from the use
of tiles for roofing buildings to the devising
of the hypocaust system where the climate
warranted it (Singer et al., 1954, pp. 77–94
et seq.). Or was the influence in the reverse
direction, with the tiled roofs and the kang
hypocaust of the Chinese Han empire the
source of these tech nological innovations?
Debatable though the sources may be there
is no doubt as to the power of empire in
dispersing technology, whether Ottoman or
Arab, Iberian or French, British or American,
or Soviet Fig. 15.2 Timeless tools: both his
forge and the tools that this Iranian
blacksmith has wrought from scrap iron are
virtually identical to those made and used in
Roman times (Photo: © Paul Oliver) 250
Buildings, Culture and Environment Russian.
Certain technologies were restricted to
colonists, and access to them was only
available within limits for many of the
subjugated and frequently enslaved
cultures. While imperialism and conquest
are not intended to be a part of any
proposed programme of intervention, it
should be emphasised that Western,
especially American, technological hege
mony is resented in many parts of the world
and attempts at technical ‘improvement’
may be regarded with suspicion, even
hostility. Though in no way comparable in
scale, the instance of the steel axe was,
nevertheless, still one of power relations. It
was a case of a deliberate tech nological
introduction, but many, perhaps most,
instances of technologi cal transmission may
not have been so motivated. To what extent
such inventions as the bow and arrow, the
harpoon, the spear thrower, the potter’s
wheel and the weaving loom were devised
and carried by nomadic groups or were the
products of autogenuous, independent
creation, we do not know. Based on the
uneven archaeological evidence it is possible
to hypothesise the passing on and sharing of
traditions and technologies over the
centuries. So, for instance, the potter’s
wheel as a pivoted disc was discovered at Ur,
dating from 3000 BC. Wheel bearings for
foot-wheels found in Jericho are more than
4000 years old; Palestinian Arab potters are
still using the same system (Singer et al.,
1954, pp. 197–201). Such passing on of a
technology we ascribe to ‘tradition’. Though
the means of oral transmission have been
little researched, they include maxims and
formulaic learning by rote, while non-verbal
transmission involves demonstration,
mimicry and practice in stages. ‘Handing
down’ of tradition is most frequently from
grandparents or parents to offspring, or from
masters to apprentices in guilds or crafts.
Technology transfer will usually involve
instruction, which may in due course be
passed on by oral or non-verbal means
between generations. But this form of
transmission over time is only achievable
where there is a respon sibility, or a
willingness to learn from the elders; rarely
will tradition be the vehicle by which most
technological innovations will be intro duced
(Oliver, 1989, pp. 53–75). This is no reason
for ignoring the impor tance of the temporal
dimension: however rapidly an innovation
may be introduced it takes time for it to be
assimilated by a culture and to be no longer
an alien element. Novel, impressive, efficient
perhaps, the delib erate introduction of a
new technology or product may be initially
wel comed until the novelty wears off. It can
also be met with dismay, or disgust, if it calls
into question established practices and
traditional values, even though its exponents
or purveyors may be tolerated. ‘In time’, as
we say, change may be effected or
innovation modified to conform with
cultural norms, but it takes a minimum of
three ‘generations’ or cycles Technology
Transfer – a Vernacular View 251 of
behaviour for a tradition to be
acknowledged and observed, and those
seeking to initiate change should be aware of
the temporal implications of so doing.
Spreading abroad As appropriate to our
discussion is the subject of diffusion, or the
dis semination, assimilation and ‘spreading
around’ of cultural phenomena. Already,
mention has been made of ‘cultures’ or
matters that are ‘cultural’, so a few words of
explanation of their use here may be
desirable. Proba bly the earliest definition
was offered by the English anthropologist Sir
Edward Tylor, who in 1874 proposed that
culture was ‘that complex whole which
includes, knowledge, belief, art, morals, law,
custom, and any other capabilities and
habits acquired by man as a member of
society’ (Tylor, 1874, p1). Many other
definitions have been offered since – two
anthro pologists reviewed 160 of them half a
century ago (Kroeber and Kluckhohn, 1952,
pp. 1–223), and still they come. While
according with Tylor’s definition, some have
emphasised that culture is ‘learned behav
iour’ and that communication is therefore
fundamental to it. A ‘culture’, as distinct
from cultural phenomena, comprises those
people who share such ‘aspects’ or
attributes that make up the ‘complex whole’.
They may be numerous or few in number:
the Yir Yoront were a culture, as were the
Ottoman Turks. Clearly, there are
differences in scale just as there are many
correspondences in detail, and the vast
literature on the subject grapples with
problems of cultural relativism, cultural
dynamics and the processes of culture
change. Cultures are not necessarily
discrete; in fact many contend that all
cultures are hybrids to some degree, and it
could be argued that, like plants, they are the
stronger for it. Unfortu nately, the term
‘culture’ was appropriated in the last century
by advo cates of aesthetics, who applied it to
poetry, literature, music, art and
architecture, with concepts of ‘high’, ‘low’
and ‘popular’ culture being pro pounded.
This has led to the ‘deconstruction’ of the
concept of culture by some authors. In the
present chapter, culture as an abstraction is
considered as ‘the total ity of values,
activities and products of a society which
give meaning and direction to the lives of its
individual members’ (Oliver, 1997). It must
be evident that tradition is an important,
even fundamental aspect of culture.
Nevertheless, cultures often have certain
traits in common with each other,
sometimes to the extent that a ‘culture area’
may be defined where common elements
are pronounced. Such sharing of traits may
arise from contiguity rather than from
inheritance, the transmission of tradition
252 Buildings, Culture and Environment Fig.
15.3 Logging on: Lige Oliver (no relation)
built his cabin at Cades Cove, Tennessee, in
the nineteenth century. The main building is
‘square-notched’, but for the kitchen ‘half
dovetail’ notching was used. Both have been
learned from other settlers, for no notch ing
system was ever used in Britain (Photo: ©
Paul Oliver) being essentially diachronic
while diffusion is broadly synchronic (Oliver,
1991, pp, 56–7) (Fig. 15.3). Diffusion as a
process may be regarded as spatial and
geographic, though the passage of time also
has to be taken into consideration in many
instances, including the diffusion of
technologies: the invention, dispersal and
acceptance of the plough, for example. First
recorded in Egyptian tomb-painting, four
millennia ago, it played a major part in the
later stages of the agricultural revolution of
the ‘fertile crescent’ which embraced
Mesopotamia and Persia; but in the
twentieth century AD there were still African
tribes who would not accept the plough
because iron was believed to corrupt the
soil. There may also be practical reasons for
the rejection of recently introduced
technologies. In Anhui, China, ploughs drawn
by water buffalo are extensively used in
paddy fields but, as I have witnessed,
mechanical tractors which have been
introduced to draw the ploughs become
bogged down and rendered useless (Oliver,
2000). Although many anthropologists
prefer to research discrete cultures rather
than study the effects of diffusion,
consideration of the means whereby
technological innovations are accepted or
rejected by vernacular cultures remains
important. We have already touched on
some of the principal Technology Transfer –
a Vernacular View 253 channels of influence,
including conquest and the expansion of
empire. Yet there are others that relate to
the phases of establishment, from explo
ration and pioneering to homesteading and
immigration, whether in the United States
and Canada, India, Australasia or southern
Africa. Distinc tions can be made between
the colonists who retain their traditions, rep
resenting power and exerting authority, and
the settlers who retain some loyal values but
seek a new life and new opportunities.
Settlers are often more willing to converge,
compromise and adapt, as exemplified in the
adoption by English settlers in the United
States of Scandinavian and Central European
log construction, or by the sharing of some
building tra ditions by British and Boer
settlers in South Africa (Lewcock, 1963).
Later emigrants tend to bring much of their
past culture with them and attach
themselves to those who share similar
culture traits. Yet influences are not simply
one-way; the dominant colonists may still
learn from the autochthonous cultures, not
least from the use of available materials and
the building of climatically appropriate
structures. Clearly, the movement of
peoples is significant, but so is the circulation
of specialists, such as the mediaeval
journeymen craftsmen who were employed
in the building of cathedrals and fortresses
across Europe. Joints and mouldings, stylistic
features and forms, decorative elements and
motifs were subtly diffused, even though the
craftsmen prided themselves on meeting the
requirements of their employers. Theirs was
diffusion by contact, by the evidence of their
practical skills and by the lasting influ ences
of their completed craftwork. In the course
of their travelling and sequential
employment they also assimilated unfamiliar
refinements of technique and method
(Leeson, 1979). Borrowing from adjacent
cultures is the most pervasive form of reflex
diffusion, admiration, envy and the desire to
emulate or excel resulting in the adoption or
adaptation of processes and products,
where they satisfy needs or values. The
outcome of these forms of diffusion by
contact between contiguous or related
peoples contributes to the definition of the
culture area, wherein sub stantial elements
of cultural exchange are established while
local identity is retained. This is evident in
the vernacular architecture of the Balkans
with its identifiable regional traditions, but
with correspondences in scale, structure and
functions among the buildings of Slavic
peoples (Husa et al., 1967). How diffusion
takes place has been one of the many bones
of contention gnawed by anthropologists
over the past century (Herskovits, 1963, pp.
461–483). I can only summarise here some
aspects that appear to be germane to the
study of technological transfer. What I term
‘intra-cultural diffusion’ and what has been
otherwise identified as ‘primary’ diffusion,
254 Buildings, Culture and Environment is
that which takes place ‘in the country of
origin’. This emphasis on the country is
questionable, for diffusion within a cultural
complex may spread far beyond national
boundaries, as the Akan peoples of West
Africa illustrate, the culture area extending
across the rain forest regions of Ivory Coast,
Ghana and Togo (Oliver, 1964, field notes).
‘Inter-cultural diffusion’ may penetrate
much further then the apparent definition of
a single culture or culture-complex, to reach
others still more remote, who may display a
greater degree of ‘element transformation’
or change. A ‘rock in the pool’ metaphor is
often used to illustrate the centrifugal theory
of such diffusion. When a rock is cast in the
centre of a pool, the immediate area is most
dramatically affected but ripples spread
outwards bringing with them strong waves
of change. This is regarded as corres ponding
with a major, often urban, innovation at the
cultural centre, with marginal folk survivals
at the periphery of the widening circle with
its faintly perceptible outer ‘ripples’. The
‘centrifugal’ image is an over simplification,
of course, with diffusion sometimes
following a narrow channel of
communication: quite literally, along trade
routes or river valleys, as in many cases of
the passing on of material artefacts. Thor
oughly researched examples of architectural
diffusion are few, a detailed study of the
dispersal of the crossed-pole frame and
saddle-roof ridge in South-East Asia being a
notable exception. This diffusion route
followed the arc of the Indonesian
archipelago, challenging the centrifugal
theory by culminating at its eastern limit
with the most extreme form, the great roofs
of the Toraja of Sulawesi (Domenig, 1981).
Other characteristics of diffusion are
observable: a ‘leap-frog effect’, for instance,
as the nearest culture to a source may resist
its influence, but a culture beyond may
adopt it. At this point it is important to
emphasise that ‘diffusion’ generally refers to
cultural or technological transmission that
has been achieved, rather than referring to
the possibility of doing so. Since the early
1950s or so, however, aural and visual media
have dominated in the direct spreading of
some cultural phenomena, such as various
forms of popular music. They have also
created an ever-widening circle of indirect
influence as in the promotion of images of
advanced technologies. But there is a
negative aspect to this, such means
provoking frustration as much as admiration,
contempt as well as envy, depending on the
cultural priorities of the peoples to whom
the media are directed. Such responses also
apply to the presence of tourists, or to fast
food outlets and other inva sive expressions
of Western commercial interests, however
much they may, or may not, contribute to
the economies of the so-called developing
countries. Technology Transfer – a
Vernacular View 255 Resistance to change
may be ascribed to ‘tradition’, ‘custom’ or
‘conser vatism’, clichés of explanation which,
nevertheless, by implication acknowledge
the persistence over generations of cultural
values that are not readily compromised.
Resistance is expressed when the innovation
is uncongenial and fails to fit the accustomed
patterns of utility or behav iour. Yet the
problem remains that, if most cultures are to
some extent hybrids, what may be the
circumstances that account for the
acceptance of technological introductions?
First, we have to recognise that any such
introduction brings about a degree of social
change (White, 1962). Some times this is
merely a change in habits, but when
instruction or educa tion of the young is
involved there can be a marked social
disruption within a matter of a few years.
Clearly, circumstances differ and there are
no rules, though tendencies can sometimes
be traced. Often the change is not one of
sudden impact, but rather one of a
succession of minor modi f ications in
resources, processes and consumption –
quite literally, in the case of food. This may
be anticipated by reputation or by rumour:
what has been termed the ‘bow-wave’
effect, indicating by its disturbance the craft
that follows it. Broadly speaking, we can
identify some of the conditions under which
the introduction of new ideas and of
technologies may be admissible (Hetzler,
1969, pp. 161–184). Most important of these
is necessity: the need for a resource or a
means of delivering it, or of making it
available in order that life may continue and
a culture survive. From the twelfth century
deser tion of the Chaco Canyon pueblos to
the famine in Afghanistan a mil lennium
later, the loss of water and the incapacity to
irrigate land and crops brought cultures to
the point of collapse. ‘Necessity’, we say, ‘is
the mother of invention’, and the most
effective inventions are those made within
the culture, rather than externally, when the
resources and the means are available.
When they are not, external assistance is
welcome. Indigenous inventions are
generally made to improve efficiency, and
effi cient solutions to persistent problems
can be admissible. The popularity of boxes of
matches across the world in the years
following World I War was contrary to
expectations, for firelighting was frequently
accom panied by ritual; that the matches
were splinters of wood, and corre sponded
to a degree with fire-sticks, appears to have
made them acceptable. At another level of
technology, the wrist-watch has been
remarkably suc cessful: some 10 million
owners of wrist-watches are estimated in
India. As a figure this is impressive – but it
represents just 1% of the popula tion, which
has now exceeded a billion people, for a
large proportion of whom the passing of the
minutes has little significance. This, and the
fact 256 Buildings, Culture and Environment
that they cost money, even at their present
prices, keeps the relative f igure low.
Efficiency is valued when it assists, when it
saves time when time is at a premium, and
when it protects against subsequent
expenditure. As we have seen, however,
there are other planes on which receptivity
lies, the assumption of status through
possession among them. Pride of possession
is related, but diminishes in time, as the dis
tinction becomes less apparent or the rare
becomes commonplace. Asso ciation with a
donor, or prestige attached to the receipt of
a superior tool, can also have its temporary
appeal, but is as likely to create dissatisfac
tion among others in the group. Awareness
of necessity, evident and improved utility,
economic feasibility and cultural
compatibility are among the principal factors
which most influence the acceptability of an
innovation. There is probably no
introduction to vernacular architecture from
Western technology that is more universally
applied than corrugated, galvanised sheet
metal, which meets most of these criteria.
Not all – often it is uncomfortable thermally,
but it keeps the rain out even if it is noisy. Cor
rugated iron is cheap, easy to fix, more
durable than thatch, and comes in sheets of
sufficient pliability to fit most roof forms. It
can easily be replaced and, like the kerosene
can roof tiles and the bidons, or flattened oil
drum modular wall units, is used with
ingenuity by the world’s poor (Fig 15.4).
Recycling and further use of a redundant
technology may be preferable to the costly
purchase of new resources or devices.
Consider the volume of worn-out vehicle
tyres used in many countries as fuel in kilns,
as weights on grass silos, as boundary
markers, as playground fea tures and as
fend-offs on harbour walls. Others, as in the
Philippines, are turned inside-out and used
as waste bins. Rubber strips cut from the
inner tubes of tyres are used in Kenya to
reseat tubular steel chairs of designs
traceable to the early masters of the Modern
Movement, probably the most widely
diffused (Oliver, 1960–2002, field notes).
Intrusion and intervention So who transmits,
who exchanges, how is diffusion or the
introduction of technologies achieved? As
we have seen, intra-cultural diffusion
generally emanates from within a culture,
perhaps from its seat of power or more
sophisticated centre, and spreading,
sometimes with decreasing intensity and
over a period of time, to its outer limits. Or it
may occur between contiguous cultures,
where language may not be a barrier and
where envi ronmental and social
circumstances are sufficiently compatible to
make the recognition, desire for, and
acceptance or mimicry of an innovation
Technology Transfer – a Vernacular View 257
Fig. 15.4 Tin plate: bidons or flattened oil
drums and other waste metal sheeting have
been used to wall in this compound in
Mozambique. Traditional panels of layered
palm leaf are used for the walls, but the roof
is of galvanised iron sheeting (Photo: ©
d’Alpoim Guedes) likely. It is broadly
acknowledged that changes in technology
are more rapidly assimilated by cultural
élites even if, in some respects, they are
more conservative. This is the case
historically, in the use of fired brick in
England by the Church and the aristocracy,
from late in the twelfth century. Under
Flemish influence, brick became broadly
popular in East Anglia, the peat-fired kilns of
Hull making the Hanseatic city the first to be
brick-built in Britain. Here the ‘trickle-down’
effect of technology from the higher status
to the common people occurred in time,
while the regal use of brick for the palaces of
Henry VIII assured its continued use among
the rich (Lloyd, 1983, pp. 1–25). The example
of brick demonstrates the ‘horizontal’ flow
between members of groups within a class,
and the ‘vertical’ movement between social
strata. Typically, prestige and fashion were
important, as was formerly the case with
stone, and later with stucco rendering. But
brick was cheaper to work than stone. Much
later, kilns of the oval Bull’s Trench type in
which bricks are continuously fired by
manually moving the chimneys were
introduced by the British to India (Fig. 15.5).
They par tially replaced the clay-covered
clamp kiln, which remains the preferred type
among many brick producers in India and
Nepal (Spence and Cook, 1983, pp. 71–75).
Yet there were unanticipated problems. The
British brought the clamp kiln to the Sudan,
and built cone-and-cylinder ‘African’ houses
for railway employees (Fig. 15.6), expecting
by their example to 258 Buildings, Culture
and Environment Fig. 15.5 Bull’s Trench
kilns: The British brought the Bill’s Trench
kiln system to India. An oval trench, which
spans the illustration, permits a continuous
building and firing of a kiln. The black iron
chimneys are manhandled so as to be above
the kiln at all times (Photo: © Paul Oliver) Fig.
15.6 Railroad housing: Housing built in
Khartoum for African railroad workers was
substantial and permanent. But their design
reflected the Christian south of Sudan rather
than the Muslim north, and was culturally
inappropriate. Nevertheless, some are still
occupied because of the housing shortage in
the city (Photo: © Paul Oliver) Technology
Transfer – a Vernacular View 259 change the
habit of building in unfired brick. Neither the
house type, which was associated with
Southern Sudan and inimical to the Muslim
north, nor the decline in use of unfired brick
was adopted in the vernac ular (Oliver, 1977,
field notes). Fired brick was used for
prestigious build ings, but with a consequent
destruction of palm trees to fire the kilns
that created a major problem by the 1980s.
In India and Nepal the consump tion of wood
for the firing of the Bull’s Trench kilns
exacerbated the destruction of the forests
that contributed to the flooding of the
Ganges plain. We are now considering
‘intrusion’ rather than ‘diffusion.’ Intrusion,
the ‘action of thrusting oneself in without
right or welcome’ or the ‘encroach ment on
something possessed or enjoyed by
another’, is what many tech nological
innovations and their introduction in alien
circumstances are really about. Specialists in
the field prefer the term ‘intervention’,
which they regard as ‘stepping in’ to assist.
The dictionary does not entirely dis agree but
the word is defined as ‘the action of
intervening, “stepping in”, or interfering in
any affair so as to affect its course or issue’.
To intervene is to ‘interpose, to intercept, to
come between, to prevent or to hinder’
(Oxford English Dictionary). For most of us
such a definition does not include our
motivations: our desire to make
improvements to standards of living, to see
the benefits of modernisation as we perceive
them, shared among all the peoples of the
world. But we should not disassociate our
selves from the implications of such a
position, which places Western
technological innovations on a pinnacle of
achievement to which others are believed to
aspire. No doubt many interventionists
believe that such advantages, from modern
construction methods to information
technology, are indispensa ble aids to
development, and are perplexed when even
a minor intrusion in an existing practice is not
regarded with the same sense of value. Even
relatively simple innovations are differently
perceived by diverse cultures. Most of us
would agree that improved sanitation is
desirable in much of the world, though we
are also aware that water-borne systems,
even of ‘grey water’, are wasteful of an
urgently needed resource. Improved sani
tation is welcomed, but if it involves a regular
period of treatment such as a composting
apparatus may require, it may prove difficult
to sustain. Reactions and responses to
improved systems can differ markedly.
When ceramic standing toilets were
introduced to a Greek village the people
were proud to leave the doors of their newly
constructed and plumbed outhouses open
so that others could be aware and envious of
their sani tary installations. But they
preferred in practice to use their traditional
‘privies’ (Friedl, 1967). 260 Buildings, Culture
and Environment In Gediz, in the Western
Anatolia area of Turkey, the use of a sanitary
facility is a very private matter. Traditionally
this took the form of a medieval garderobe,
or ‘dropfall’ toilet, suspended on an external
but con cealed, wall of a house. When the
Gediz region was struck by an earth quake
and tens of thousands of people had to be
rehoused, a three-roomed dwelling was
provided for each family, with a toilet–
shower unit attached (Fig. 15.7). The
entrance to the lavatory was external, and
hence its use was not private – a source of
great embarrassment to the disaster-
stricken people. Though they were not
hazard-resistant, most families built an
enclosure around the entrance so that the
use of the toilet could be hidden from view.
Both may seem extreme responses, the
Greek open doors being a sad display of
pride and assumed status, the Turkish
enclosure an expres sion of modesty
apparently out of all proportion to the scale
of the tragedy (Oliver, 1986, pp. 117–127).
This latter case was an aspect of post-
disaster housing provision, in the long-term
appraisal of which the author was personally
involved. The state-provided house was
essentially designed by absentee architects
for a nuclear family, but the traditional
house accommodated a large, extended
family, as well as its cattle and stores. To
avoid being inequitable the sites were drawn
by lottery, but often the result of this was the
separation of the generations of an extended
family. Interiors of the state houses were Fig.
15.7 Disaster housing: following the Gediz,
Turkey, earthquake, post-disaster housing
on a European model was provided.
Extensions were built by the occupiers to
provide space for their familes and to
conceal the access to the toilets. These were
not earthquake-proof but they were
culturally more appropriate (Photo: © ODA
Gediz Project) Technology Transfer – a
Vernacular View 261 viewable from outside,
but the people of the Gediz region valued
their privacy and were driven to board up the
windows to retain it. In these and many
other respects the post-disaster houses,
based on the World War Two English ‘pre-
fab’, or pre-fabricated house, did not meet
the social needs of the Gediz people; many
were abandoned or heavily, if unsafely,
adapted (Aysan and Oliver, 1983). These may
be minor examples but they are illustrative
of the cultural values which can help or
hinder the acceptance, use and maintenance
of a technological improvement introduced
as an interventionist measure. Lest the
impression be given that the introduction of
appropriate technologies is impossible, a
well-known but significant example of
technology transfer may be cited. In
Southern Algeria, Niger and Chad, vernacular
building is in adobe block, or in moulded
clay. Roofs, however, have had to be
spanned, and as timber became scarce this
was mainly done using palm trunks.
Eventually, in this dry desert region, this
resource too was becoming scarce. A multi-
national team, the Develop ment Workshop,
had formerly worked with the Egyptian
architect Hassan Fathy. His rediscovery of
the Nubian vault system of building earth
vaults without using wooden formwork (Fig.
15.8) was incorporated in his significant, if ill-
fated, New Gourna project. The members of
Fig. 15.8 Nubian vault: African builders from
Southern Algeria, Chad and other drought-
stricken areas where there are few trees are
taught how to construct the Nubian vault
from mud bricks, without the use of wooden
formwork, reinforcement or beams (Photo:
© Development Workshop) 262 Buildings,
Culture and Environment Development
Workshop devised a ‘woodless construction’
programme which included a training
scheme for builders in this recovered technol
ogy, and, by working with the communities,
introduced the Nubian vault system to these
regions. The method was adopted, did not
impede or influ ence the plans of houses and
settlements, and solved the problem of using
local materials to span the structures. It was
a model of successful tech nology transfer,
rather than of intrusion (Cain et al., 1976). So
too has been the work of the architects and
labourers of the Barefoot College of Tilonia,
Rajasthan, who have used scrap materials
and discarded items of agricul tural
hardware to make houses with geodesic
domed roofs for the home less of the region
(Merrick, 2001, p. 9). This has been achieved
by shared objectives and mutual agreement
in practice, but such ventures run the risk of
impinging upon the most subtle and least
conspicuous of qualities in the relationship
between building and occupier. We may be
inclined to think in terms of ‘housing units’ –
of their design and supply, of quanti f ied
components and construction costs. But to
the householder and family who may
themselves have been responsible for much
of these, their association with the
vernacular dwelling is intimate. Building the
dwelling, from the orientation of the site to
the ceremony of completion, is for many a
spiritual process, and the symbolic
connotations of the build ing, whether they
are of the structure, form, spaces,
decoration or details, are profound. Socio-
spatial issues on the larger scale are also
important, many cultures organising their
settlement patterns according to belief and
rule systems, such as the Japanese hogaku or
the Indian vastu-sastras, of which only the
popularised versions of feng shui are widely
known, if largely mis understood.
Innumerable cultures reflect their ancestry,
clans, lineages, age-sets and phratry
divisions in their settlements in ways that are
not immediately perceptible but are
nonetheless meaningful. Laying out service
lines in militaristic grid patterns on the
grounds of efficiency is frequently advocated
in the West. But such grid plans can be in
direct con f lict with traditional socio-spatial
customs to the extent that they can be
culturally destructive or are rejected by the
recipient communities. Belief systems,
language, gender differentiation, child
labour exploitation and a great many other
cultural factors may compound the
problems of intrusive alien technologies,
which may also have many adverse bio
physical aspects. Climate constraints and
variables such as monsoon periods,
hurricanes and natural hazards, and
difficulties of access to fresh or clean water
when this is still denied the populace, are
just a few among the many environmental
and resource difficulties that confront the
inter ventionist. But even so, it is still the
cultures that reside with them and
Technology Transfer – a Vernacular View 263
have resolved ways of living that go far to
meet their spiritual, spatial, social, domestic,
economic, technical and architectural needs,
that have to be understood, nurtured and
sustained throughout the process and into
the future. It is not possible to discuss here
the implications of the cultural factors that
can be in conflict with technological
intervention, though the mismatch between
the provision of post-disaster houses in
Turkey and the domestic structure of the
Anatolian family mentioned above is
indicative. Failure to recognise the close
identification with their architecture and
settlements that is characteristic, even if
expressed in different ways, among cultures
throughout the world, may lead to the
inevitable collapse of any attempt at
technological or informational transmission
which intrudes upon it. Meeting the
problems What, then, can be done to meet
these cultural differences, and is there any
future for the scale of technological change
to vernacular traditions in architecture that
some would believe is necessary in the
developing world? Fundamental to any
answer to this question is the understanding
of the nature of the cultures concerned: their
values, their social systems, their economies,
their resources, their responses to their
environments, and the embodiment of much
of this in their settlements and dwellings.
The performance of their buildings relative
to the prevailing climates is the most readily
analysed scientifically, and the most
extensively documented (Givoni, 1969).
Anthropologists can tell us much more about
the intangible abstractions of cultures,
though their respective struc turalist,
functionalist, socio-economic and other
professional emphases must be recognised.
For the purposes of the present discussion
the work of theorists and researchers in the
field of social change can be valuable, though
often the built environment is the aspect
that has received the least attention
(Steward, 1955). So, one may ask, where can
we turn for the information that we need
and guidance on how we may proceed? This
problem, in the author’s view, could be met
in part by the compilation of a multi-
disciplinary world encyclopedia of
vernacular architecture (Oliver, 1997). The
inculcation of an awareness of technological
introductions that may make life more
fulfilling, less stressful and less dependent on
meagre resources is important, in the
writer’s opinion. Preferably, this may be
done by way of demonstrations or marginal
examples that do not seri ously impinge
upon the culture, until the benefits, the
economic impli cations and the possible
disadvantages are recognised and
understood. 264 Buildings, Culture and
Environment These need not intrude on the
vernacular architecture of a culture to any
great extent but rather, they should support
it. Vernacular technologies are rarely
damaging of the environment or of natural
resources, and only in those situations
where such resources are threatened or
exhausted need alternatives be introduced.
Primary attention should be given to
services, such as fresh water – through
desalination plants, if necessary – and to
sanitation, waste disposal and electricity
supply. Replacement of threat ened
materials by others that are renewable
should be combined with transmission on
their use in construction, and on their
sustainability in the future. Technology
transfer that facilitates the solution of a
problem confronting a culture could be
undertaken, but not with the intention of
achieving an objective that satisfies, favours
or benefits the transmitting technologists
rather than the recipients. A fundamental
question which must be addressed concerns
the need to ascertain what the basis may be
for a recipient community’s reluctance to
admit introduced technologies. We seek to
understand indigenous cultural values, in
order that any obstruc tions to the
acceptance of innovations can be overcome.
Is the desire to defeat such resistance, which
will doubtless be interpreted as ignorance or
prejudice, justified? Of course, we will argue
that it is, that the advan tages of certain
Western advanced technologies should be
for the ‘benefit’ of everyone. Knowing
indeed how beneficial they are, we should
find the means to communicate them. In
other words, where a culture has the
peculiarities of belief or custom that make
the introduction of new technologies
unacceptable, we may convince ourselves
that it is our responsibility to combat such
resistance in their interests. Responsibility?
their interests? – or our self-interest? What
drives our desire to make our innovations so
intrusive? Is it altruism, defined in the Oxford
English Dictionary as the ‘regard for others,
as a principle of action’? Is it driven by a
desire to dominate and to colonise, however
masked or subconscious the desire might
be? Or is it fundamentally commercial, with
the marketing of products a major
motivation, even if they are thought to be to
the advantage of the recipients? Even if we
deny that we have neither of the latter
intentions in mind, our claims for ‘altru ism’
still raise the question of the identity of the
‘others’ for whom we have ‘regard’. It is not
an idle query, for it highlights the problems
of how those we believe to be in need of
unfamiliar technologies are identified and
how their requirements are ascertained,
appraised and evaluated. These
uncertainties and doubts come to mind as
the processes and out comes of introduced
technologies or changes in practice in the
past and in ‘vernacular’ communities are
reviewed. They should be given serious
Technology Transfer – a Vernacular View 265
consideration by any and all who embark
upon the intrusive and fre quently uncalled-
for transfer of technologies. Regrettably, the
ethics of intervention, which by definition
(inter venere: to come between) means
intrusion into the lives and futures of other
cultures, are rarely, if ever discussed (Oliver,
2000, pp. 115–126). Nevertheless, they
involve serious problems that are
concomitant with the introduction or
imposition of dif ferent values which may
conflict with the recipient communities’
prior ities, beliefs, roles or traditions, and
which may also infringe their cultural rights.
Examination of such ethical issues, and they
are many, would form an important
constituent of any education programme
designed to meet these challenges. All these
matters have considerable implications for
academic research, for architectural,
technical and environmental education, for
those aspects of the building and supply
industries involved in the transfer of
technologies and the transmission of
information, and for the inter relationship of
these largely distinct sectors. At present,
there are scarcely any schools of
architecture and related subjects that run
courses on, or otherwise give any serious
attention to, the issues raised here. Yet little
advance can be made until the dimensions of
the problems related to information and
technology transfer are recognised,
understood and accommodated by
intending practitioners. Such courses would
have to be inter-disciplinary, in order to
inform on such factors as resources,
climates, population, economics and
globalisation. In addition, the syllabuses
would need to be augmented with social,
anthropological, behavioural and
environmental studies, drawing examples
from both the past and recent history. It may
be demanding but it must be attempted
(ISVA, 1998; 2002). Management and mid-
career practitioners could miss out on this,
but short courses could be mounted for
those already engaged in the field, for whom
the results of research activities would be of
particular value. Con sequently, advanced
research is essential, particularly in the
monitoring, analysis, and comparative
studies of specific cases where information
and technology transmission has been
implemented, whether successfully or
otherwise. Such research also requires
follow-up studies over extended periods in
order that the long-term effects of the
actions taken are under stood and
communicated. Future projects, whether
initiated by govern ments, educational
establishments or commercial enterprises,
should be planned and budgeted so as to
have impartial research done in parallel with
the transfer operation. Moreover, the
research should continue at intervals in
order that the assimilation, progress and
development of projects and their effects
may be evaluated over time. 266 Buildings,
Culture and Environment It takes two to
transmit and receive, and there are
problems that are more complex and
sensitive than these. They relate to the
assistance that may be necessary for those
recipient communities living in vernacular
ethnic or cultural contexts, whose desire to
retain their sense of identity and association
with their traditional environment may be
increasingly evident in the face of the
homogenising tendencies of globalisation. In
the author’s opinion the need for
technological innovation or modification
must be recognised, and preferably
expressed, by the receiving culture with
whom, and with whose indigenous
knowledge, any changes may be introduced.
A facilitating role rather than an
interventionist one is essen tial. It may have
less commercial appeal to the suppliers of
new tech nologies, but assistance in
achieving the objectives and aspirations of
the recipient cultures in the long term will be
more effective and more endur ing.
Sustainability through independence, rather
than dependence, is vital. A dependent
society which cannot function without the
injections of concepts, technology or finance
is ultimately doomed. One that is aided
towards freedom to make choices, to accept
what may be considered appropriate to the
realisation of its future and to reject what is
not, is a society that can sustain its values
and ways of life into maturity. Such freedom
must be ensured for intracultural and
intercultural diffusion to take place, for
traditions to be passed on, and for social
change to occur in the forms and at the rate
that meet cultural norms. With these safe
guards and by such means the vernacular
architectural traditions that have developed
and adapted over time, and with which their
builders and users identify, can continue to
evolve or re-direct. By giving appropriate
support, we may help the present and future
generations to meet the massive demands
for housing that the 50% growth of the
world’s popu lation in the next half-century
will create
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