Perceptions of African American Girls Regarding
Zero Tolerance Policies and Suspension or
Expulsion
Chapter 1: Introduction to the Study
African American female students’ experiences in schools with zero tolerance
policies for discipline differ from other students. The frequency and severity of discipline
under zero tolerance policies are greater for African American female students than for
other students (Ruiz, 2017). Zero tolerance policies require severe discipline for students
who commit specific violations (Aldridge, 2018; McNeal, 2016). However, African
American female students experience zero tolerance-based disciplinary actions with
greater frequency than other students (Aldridge, 2018). This can lead African American
female students to enter the “school-to-prison pipeline.” This concept refers to students’
arrest and entry into the juvenile justice system because of activities that occur in school
(Aldridge, 2018). Hines-Datiri and Carter Andrews and Woods (2020) noted that further
research exploring the implications of a zero tolerance policy following discipline is
essential. For these reasons, researchers should explore African American female
students’ experiences of being expelled or suspended based on a zero tolerance policy to
understand those experiences. In the current study, I used critical race theory and the
theory of change to understand the impacts of zero tolerance policies on African
American female students.
The findings from this research may result in positive social changes. The findings
describe the phenomenon of zero tolerance policy-based suspensions and expulsions from
the perceptions of African American female students. The analysis of their lived
experiences through the lens of the theoretical framework of the critical race theory and
theory of change show African American females’ experiences as deriving from social
structures facilitating greater punishment for individuals with less power and privilege.
Hence, social change can emerge from this study's critical and transformative theoretical
lens, where school leaders implementing zero tolerance policies may rely on restorative
justice practices. The findings can also result in positive social change by describing
African American female students’ experiences in the school-to-prison pipeline. The
analysis of lived experiences showed iterative experiences, where the behaviors that
initially triggered discipline under zero tolerance policies worsened with time. With this
knowledge, school officials and policy makers may implement measures to lessen the
negative cumulative impacts and the likelihood that school-based discipline will lead to
entry into the criminal justice system,
This chapter begins with background information on African American female
students’ experience of different discipline than other students based on zero tolerance
policies. The background includes a summary of the research and the gap in knowledge
that this study addressed. I discuss the problem of African American female student
treatment and state the study purpose. The theoretical framework is also described. The
critical race theory and theory of change were the frameworks through which the research
was understood. The nature of this study as a qualitative phenomenological study is then
described. Chapter 1 concludes with the assumptions, delimitations, scope, limitations,
and significance of the study, followed by a transition to Chapter 2.
Background
Reliance on zero tolerance policies has created a substantial risk that students who
would typically not advance into the juvenile justice system will do so because of these
policies. Daly et al. (2016) described the risk as related to the school-to-prison pipeline.
The school-to-prison pipeline involves students who commit offenses in school, then
have their cases turned over to law enforcement for investigation and possible
involvement with the court system. Daly et al. noted that the school-to-prison pipeline is
detrimental to the growth and development of students, even students who engage in
behaviors that might violate zero tolerance policies. Nance (2016) also discussed the
prevalence of the school-to-prison pipeline and its impact on students. Nance noted that
minority students were more likely to enter the school-to-prison pipeline. Nance’s
findings support the possibility that the school is not alone in the school-to-prison
pipeline and that the presence of law enforcement in schools can support a greater
likelihood that students will be referred to law enforcement. Hence, the school-to-prison
pipeline problem appears to pose different issues.
These policies relate to how people experience discipline, with race and gender
responsible for the greater impact of zero tolerance policies on African American female
student punishment. Miller (2017) described the problem as responsible for the
criminalization and dehumanization of African American female students. Further, Miller
noted that the impact of school policy unfairly could result in greater discipline for
African American female students associated with social and cultural differences in
power, resulting in these students having a greater likelihood of entering the juvenile
justice system. Slate et al. (2016) also discussed the lack of equity in disciplinary
consequences related to the treatment of African American female students. Slate et al.
explored the problem of a difference in treatment through the social cognitive theory,
noting that African American female students received exposure to different behaviors.
The difference in exposure between African American female students and other students
supports further exploration of the zero tolerance policy and African American female
students.
Other research supports eliminating zero tolerance policies. Thompson (2016)
discussed the approach to discipline in the Miami-Dade County public school system,
where the approach deviates from the use of zero tolerance policies. Thompson relied on
the critical race theory to explore the zero tolerance policy and the introduction of
restorative justice practices. Tseng and Becker (2016) also supported reducing zero
tolerance policy use and introducing alternatives to discipline. Restorative justice
practices support the successful reduction of exclusionary disciplinary actions, such as
expulsions and suspensions, as well as a lower likelihood of arrests (Tseng & Becker,
2016). Educational leaders who rely on restorative justice rather than a zero tolerance
policy may fracture the school-to-prison pipeline and reduce the likelihood of
schoolrelated arrest while reducing perceptions of racial discrimination among minority
students (Thompson, 2016). These findings support different solutions to the need for
disciplinary action for students requiring discipline in public schools. Further, the
analysis by Thompson (2016) also supports further analysis through critical race theory.
In conducting this study, I responded to previous researchers’ call for additional
investigation of the impacts of zero tolerance policies. Hines-Datiri and Carter Andrews
(2020) discussed the effects of zero tolerance policies on African American females,
using critical race feminism to understand the impact of school discipline. The
researchers concluded that educational researchers must rely on critical theoretical
frameworks that identify the intersection of race and gender in establishing negatively
targeted identities, focusing on African American girls. Their suggestion highlights the
importance of exploring the negative impact of a zero tolerance policy on African
American girls and exploring their experiences separately from other races and genders.
This research addressed the gap noted by Hines-Datiri and Carter Andrews
(2020). I applied the critical race theory to explore African American girls’ experiences
with zero tolerance policy discipline as unique from other genders and races. The call for
further research by Hines-Datiri and Carter Andrews was supported by Woods (2020).
Both sets of researchers noted that further research exploring the implications of a zero
tolerance policy following discipline is essential. Research focusing on African American
female students is less frequent than on African American male students; African
American female students are more likely to experience exclusionary discipline and the
school-to-prison pipeline based on the zero tolerance policy. This study was needed
because it may produce new knowledge related to African American females’
experiences. The findings support a change to restorative justice policies from the current
zero tolerance policy paradigm.
Problem Statement
The problem in this current research is the lack of adequate knowledge on the
impact of zero tolerance policy use on African American female students (Hines-Datiri &
Carter Andrews, 2020; Woods, 2020). Findings from zero tolerance policy research show
that in 95% of cases, suspensions were applied to nonviolent behaviors where alternative
discipline could be applied (Rodriguez, 2015; Ruiz 2017, p. 810); 48% of suspensions
involved disobedience (Aldridge, 2018; McNeal, 2016), and 89.4% of the students were
arrested or referred to juvenile proceedings. By applying an alternative discipline model,
only 6.8% of students were disciplined after implementing the suggested model (Woods,
2020, p. 64). These findings provide evidence that zero tolerance policies are subjectively
applied in several situations. Further, Johnson (2017) found that although African
American students were only 19% of preschool students, they were 47% of out-of-school
suspensions and had a 3 times greater risk of receiving out-of-school suspensions than
their White peers (p. 62). These findings support the assumption that African American
female students have a substantially greater likelihood of exclusionary discipline and
being placed in the juvenile justice program. Hence, research should focus on further
understanding African American female students’ experiences of suspension, expulsion,
or juvenile justice consequences associated with zero tolerance policies.
The gap in the literature was the need for further research focused on zero
tolerance policy use and the impact it could have on African American female students.
Hines-Datiri and Carter Andrews (2020) and Woods (2020) have called for exploration of
African American females’ experiences with zero tolerance policy discipline because
their experiences are unique from other genders and races. Woods also stated that further
research involving the implications of a zero tolerance policy following discipline was
essential, as research focusing on African American female students was less frequent
than on African American male students. I responded to this call for research by
exploring zero tolerance policy use in the discipline of African American females through
the theoretical lens of the critical race theory and theory of change.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to describe the
impact that zero tolerance policies had on African American girls. In this qualitative
study, I used phenomenological research design conventions to explore the role of zero
tolerance policies in the discipline of African American girls after suspension or
expulsion from school. The research results provide information that stakeholders,
including school administrators and policy makers, could use when determining
guidelines for zero tolerance policies and the use of expulsion and suspension as
punishment. The current literature addresses the impact of zero tolerance policies on
African American girls and how the misuse or overuse of the policies impacted their
lives. However, there is minimal literature with firsthand accounts of how African
American girls’ lives were impacted (Hines-Datiri & Carter Andrews, 2020; Woods,
2020). This study is important because it explores how zero tolerance policies have
unintended consequences and reach beyond their original purpose. Furthermore, the lived
experiences of African American girls may humanize the phenomenon beyond statistical
data.
Research Question
How does suspension or expulsion as a result of zero tolerance policies impact
African American girls in Texas schools?
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework for the study included critical race theory and the
theory of change. Critical race theory describes how society's structure supports the
exploitation of individuals by others that hold power (Thompson, 2016). Critical race
theory emerged from research involving the relationship between the law, race, and
power in society, and how social structures support the continued exploitation of people
based on race (Yosso, 2005). The seminal work on critical race theory is associated with
Bell’s criticism of how the law supports the lack of power held by African American
individuals (see Bell, 1984, 1987; Bell et al., 1989). This study’s research question is
associated with how zero tolerance policies result in severe discipline and possible
introduction to the criminal justice system for African American female students through
the school-to-prison pipeline. Critical race theory is discussed in greater detail in Chapter
2. I discuss research showing that the discipline rendered under legally mandated zero
tolerance policies has a greater impact on African American female students than other
students.
The theoretical framework also included the theory of change. Theory of change
supports understanding transformation methods and the development of strategy
supporting change (Brest, 2010). I used the theory of change to support understanding
how the system’s current structure can transform to support fairness for African
American female students. Theory of change and critical race theory fit together in this
research because students’ treatment was considered to be different based on race. This
presumption was based on previous research findings indicating differences in the
application of exclusionary discipline between African American female students and
other students (Hassan & Carter, 2020; B. G. Johnson, 2017; Thompson, 2016; Young et
al., 2018). Critical race theory and the theory of change therefore provided a pertinent
theoretical lens for this investigation.
Nature of the Study
This research involved using a qualitative, phenomenological research
methodology and design. I selected qualitative phenomenology for this research based on
the purpose of the study and research question. The goal of the research was to describe
the impact that zero tolerance policies had on African American girls. One of the most
significant impacts of a zero tolerance policy may be the arrest of African American
female students, which places them on the school-to-prison pipeline (Hassan & Carter,
2020; Johnson, 2017; Thompson, 2016; Young & Butler, 2018).
Phenomenological research involves studying the lived experience of individuals
within a particular group (Paley, 2016). The lived experiences in this research were that
of suspension or expulsion based on a zero tolerance policy, and the particular group was
African American female students. The methodology in this research involved the logic
for participant selection; instrumentation; procedures for recruitment, participation, and
data collection; and the plan for data analysis. Selection of participants entailed using
purposive sampling. I recruited African American female former students using social
media and posting flyers with the county probation department and treatment
organization. Semistructured, face-to-face interviews were used to collect data. Thematic
analysis in the tradition of Braun and Clarke (2006) and relying on coding suggestions by
Saldana (2016) was used to interpret the data gathered. The instrumentation relied on
semistructured interviews and a journal for recording reflexivity.
Definitions
Exclusionary discipline: Disciplinary action taken in a school setting that
separates a student from peers (Evans & Vaandering, 2016).
Expulsion: The complete removal of a student from registration in a school or
school district (Skiba et al., 2016).
School-to-prison pipeline: A phenomenon that occurs where exclusionary
disciplinary action results in students also entering the criminal justice system (Evans &
Vaandering, 2016).
Suspension: Temporary exclusion of a student from the classroom setting (Skiba
et al., 2016).
Zero tolerance policy: A policy that requires a minimal disciplinary action be
applied when a student commits a specific action (Evans & Vaandering, 2016).
Assumptions
I had several assumptions when conducting this research. My primary assumption
was that there is not a substantial difference in the perceived experience of students who
have returned to school following expulsion or suspension. Therefore, I included former
students who had been suspended and expelled. I also assumed that individuals who had
experienced expulsion or suspension could recollect and reflect on the experience and
how the experience impacted their lives after becoming an adult. Hence, recruiting
occurred outside the school setting, using former students who were over the age of
majority; no students who were currently in school were included in the study. Another
assumption was that there would not be a substantial difference in responses between
former students who had been suspended and those who have been expelled. The study
included former students who had both experiences. It was also assumed that there was
not a substantial difference in the perceptions of experience with suspension and
expulsion based on grade level in high school when the discipline occurred. I included
former students whose discipline occurred at all high school grades. These assumptions
were necessary to ensure the feasibility of the study.
Scope and Delimitations
A crucial delimitation to this research was that the study only included African
American female former high school students. The scope of this research was limited to
African American female students because their experience of suspension and expulsion
occurred more often and for more reasons than male students (Woods, 2020). Another
delimitation to this research was that the study focused on African American female
students suspended or expelled because of zero tolerance policies. This delimitation was
critical because it reduced the study to focus on a single rationale for suspension or
expulsion. Another delimitation was that the study focused only on exclusionary
disciplinary actions. These disciplines were the strictest that students could experience
associated with introducing the criminal justice system. Therefore, the need to explore the
experience with exclusionary disciplinary actions was the greatest.
Limitations
This research also included multiple limitations. A key limitation of this research
was that access to participants was limited to students who had returned to school
following a suspension or expulsion. Recruiting occurred through social media. Hence,
only students available for recruiting through social media were considered for the study.
Another limitation was associated with possible bias in this research. The bias was
associated with the research involving participants of the same gender and race as the
primary investigator and bias against apparent discriminatory actions by school
administrators against African American female students. Prior to the study, I worked
with children who had been expelled from school. Therefore, my knowledge of expulsion
could have created bias. This bias was checked by maintaining a reflexivity journal.
Significance
In this qualitative study, I explored the effects of zero tolerance policies on
African American girls, focusing on their lived experiences after being expelled or
suspended. The study provides valuable information that stakeholders, policy makers, and
school administration could use to better understand the unintended consequences of zero
tolerance policies on African American girls. Considering African American girls’
experiences when deciding how or whether to implement suspension or expulsion may
make possible different formulation and enforcement of such policies. The current study
also revealed the need to better understand universal definitions. According to Daley et
al. (2016), zero tolerance policies are defined in various ways. Furthermore, policies
define weapons differently, with some nonlethal objects defined as guns. Zero tolerance
policies were enacted to provide safety for students and faculty.
The original intention for these policies was not to be used as an easy fix for
children to be exiled from school for certain behaviors that could be handled with
inschool suspension (Miller, 2017). In some cases, alternative reasons are at the forefront
for imposing harsh penalties for suspension. Public school leaders depend on federal
funds and thus consider academic scores. When children are expelled or suspended, they
miss certain qualifying tests needed to secure funding. As a result, low-scoring students
are targeted and eliminated from the equation. African American girls with low academic
ability may be affected by being suspended or expelled instead of receiving in-school
suspension (Miller, 2017). This study may promote positive social change in how public
school leaders in Texas apply zero tolerance policies to African American girls. These
changes may have a positive social change globally, starting at the local level.
Summary
In Chapter 1, I introduced the research problem, which was a lack of adequate
knowledge on the impact of zero tolerance policy use on African American female
students (Hines-Datiri & Carter Andrews, 2020; Woods, 2020). Such policies are
associated with a greater likelihood of suspension, expulsion, and entry into the juvenile
justice system (Hines-Datiri & Carter Andrews, 2020; Woods, 2020). The purpose of this
qualitative phenomenological study was to describe the impact that zero tolerance
policies had on African American girls. The chapter continued with a description of the
theoretical framework, which consisted of critical race theory and the theory of change. I
also presented the research question and described the nature of the study. The chapter
concluded with the assumptions, delimitations, scope, limitations, and significance of the
research.
Chapter 2 includes an exhaustive review of the extant literature associated with
using zero tolerance policies in schools and the impact that zero tolerance policies have
on African American female students. The chapter begins with a description of the
methods used to complete the literature search. I also further discuss the theoretical
framework. The theoretical framework includes both the critical race theory and theory of
change. In the literature review that follows, I survey the literature on zero tolerance
policy use in schools to address student behavior.
Chapter 2: Literature Review
Introduction
The initial implementation of zero tolerance policies began in the 1980s and 1990s
as a response to social problems in U.S. schools concerning gang violence, drugs, and
guns. Zero tolerance policies have evolved over time to become a social control
mechanism, according to researchers. School official and policy makers initially designed
zero tolerance policies to act as a deterrent to disruptive students acting out violently and
to curb drug use (Skiba et al., 2016). As Skiba et al. (2016) noted, the body of research
related to zero tolerance policies shows that students are punished more severely for less
serious and more subjective infractions than others. This problem impacts African
American girls moreso than other student populations because it affects their academic
futures and because zero tolerance policies have a high probability of ending in arrests
(Mallet, 2016). Currently, the use of resource officers by schools in Texas has the
propensity to lead to arrests of students for behavioral problems that are not criminal and
that could be addressed with in-school-suspensions.
Several possible factors have contributed to this problem, among which are policy
makers, school administration, and faculty members losing sight of zero tolerance
policies not being an overall fix for normal adolescent misbehavior. The policies are
intended to provide a safe environment from criminal activities, such as guns, drugs, and
gang violence in schools. Furthermore, Marx (1981) wrote that authorities often
contributed to the deviance of kindergarten to Grade 12 (K-12) students they sought to
control by subconsciously creating environments that reinforce inequality. According to
Skiba et al. (2016), zero tolerance policies presume that strong enforcement can act as a
deterrent to other potentially disruptive students. The literature synthesized in this study
supports a relationship between individual behavior and the way zero tolerance policies
are enforced (Bell, 2015; Hoffman, 2014; Miller 2017). The literature reviewed does not
address the impact of exclusionary discipline practices on African American girls
following suspension or expulsion. This study addresses this gap by providing
information to decision makers to formulate and or change policies on zero tolerance in
Texas public schools.
The purpose of this phenomenological qualitative research was to describe the
impact that zero tolerance policies had on African American girls. Specifically, I used
phenomenological methods to explore the effects zero tolerance policies had on African
American girls after suspension or expulsion from school. The results of the research
provide information that stakeholders, school administrators, and policy makers could use
when determining guidelines for zero tolerance policies and the use of expulsion and
suspension as punishment. The current literature addresses the impact of zero tolerance
policies on African American girls and how the misuse or overuse of the policies impacts
their lives. However, rarely does the literature address a firsthand account of how their
lives are impacted (Hines-Datiri & Carter Andrews, 2020; Woods, 2020). This study is
important because it explores how zero tolerance policies have unintended consequences
and reach beyond its original purpose. Furthermore, the lived experiences of African
American girls will humanize the phenomenon beyond statistical data.
This exhaustive review of extant literature on the topic of zero tolerance policy
implementation in K-12 schools in the United States supports the existence of substantial
differences in the treatment of students associated with student gender and race (Hassan
& Carter, 2020; Johnson, 2017; Thompson, 2016; Young & Butler, 2018). The findings
of current research on the use of zero tolerance policies show more significant
punishment and a higher frequency of exclusionary disciplinary actions, such as
suspensions and expulsions (Aldridge, 2018; McNeal, 2016; Ruiz, 2017). These findings
demonstrate the existence of some differences between the treatment of African
American students and non-African American (Hassan & Carter, 2020; Johnson, 2017;
Thompson, 2016; Young & Butler, 2018), as well as differences in the treatment of
African American female students and White female students. The findings of the
research in this literature review support the importance of research aimed at a greater
understanding of how the exclusionary disciplines that African American female students
receive affect their educative development and preparation to be good citizens.
The literature review includes several sections that provide justification for this
study. The literature review begins with a description of the theoretical framework of this
study. The theoretical framework of this study included both the critical race theory and
theory of change. The critical race theory is closely related to critical theory; it also
evolved in tandem with critical legal studies. Hence, in the Theoretical Foundation
subsection I discuss critical theory and critical legal studies to establish a robust
understanding of critical race theory. The theory of change also shares some association
with critical theory. Following the theoretical framework of the study is the literature
review. I discuss zero tolerance policy in schools, zero tolerance policy and race,
criticism of zero tolerance policy application in schools, and criticism of zero tolerance
policy use on African American female students. The chapter concludes with a summary
of key points and a transition to Chapter 3.
Literature Search Strategy
This review of scholarly literature was an exhaustive review including the extant
literature on the topic of zero tolerance policy use and African American female students.
I used several different scholarly search engines and academic databases to find pertinent
literature. The multiple search engines and databases in the literature search included
Google Scholar, JSTOR, and the Directory of Open Access Journals. Aside from the
theoretical framework portion of the literature search, the search was constrained to
include only scholarly journal articles from the 2016 to 2020 period. The search for the
theoretical framework included the removal of this constraint to include the seminal
research on the topic. In the case of the critical race theory, the theory emerged from
work involving critical theory and critical legal studies, which are theories that have
existed for several decades. Hence, removal of the constraints was necessary.
The literature search included several search terms and Boolean operators. The
search terms were closely associated with critical theory, critical legal studies, critical
race theory, theory of change, the application of zero tolerance policies in schools, and
the differences in outcomes of zero tolerance policies associated with gender and race.
The search terms included in the study were critical theory, critical legal studies, critical
race theory, theory of change, zero tolerance policy AND education, zero tolerance
policy AND education AND race, zero tolerance policy AND education AND gender,
zero tolerance policy AND education AND critical theory, zero tolerance policy AND
education AND critical race theory, and zero tolerance policy AND education AND
theory of change. These search terms were used consistently across the search engines
and databases in the study. The number of studies on the topic became apparent during
the first few searches. Therefore, the decision was made to include all search terms to
ensure that an exhaustive review would be possible. Once a grouping of scholarly
literature was obtained through the literature search, the fitness of studies was determined
following a review of abstracts of studies. At the conclusion, the studies in the study were
annotated. The annotations were used to support the synthesis of the literature and the
write-up of the literature review.
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework included two theories: the critical race theory and
theory of change. These theories are related, to an extent, as the theory of change is a
product of critical race theory (Moodie, 2017). The background for these theories extends
even further, as the underlying concepts remain tied to critical theory (Dejours et al.,
2018; How, 2017). In discussing the theoretical framework, I discuss the lineage of these
two theories, including their connection to critical theory The section also includes
detailed information on each theory and how it provided a theoretical framework for this
study.
Development of Critical Race Theory and the Theory of Change
The critical race theory and theory of change are two theories that are quite similar
in their development. However, there are distinctive qualities that support the delineation
of one theory from another. The critical race theory and theory of change share a similar
lineage in that both are connected to critical theory (Johnson, 2017). Although they have
the same parent, they differ in certain ways. The theory of change is aimed at achieving
transformation through the implementation of a novel intervention (Brest, 2010). The
critical race theory remains consistent with the aims of critical theory to propose some
form of critique of how structures impact society (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). By using
a theoretical framework that involved theory of change and critical race theory, I wanted
to engender the possibility of developing thoughtful solutions to the social problem under
investigation. The application of both theories, I surmised, might make significant
transformations in political, social, and economic structures possible.
Critical Theory
Although the critical theory was not a theory included in the theoretical
framework of the current research, the theory was the starting point from which the
critical race theory and theory of change arose (Moodie, 2017; Sharp, 2019). The unique
structure of critical theory delineates it from traditional theory (Brincat, 2016; Stoetzle,
2020). Understanding the critical theory and its contributions to the critical race theory
and theory of change could support understanding how these theories worked together to
comprise the theoretical framework for this study.
The critical theory remains distinctive from traditional scholastic theories.
Whereas traditional theory supports understanding how phenomena occur in society, the
critical theory is based on the critique and transformation of society (Thompson, 2017).
The critique of social phenomena shall then support determining the assumptions with
which individuals socially agree to develop a robust understanding of society (Celikates,
2018). The history of the critical theory is traced to Marx (1981) and Horkheimer (1937).
Marx’s contribution involved critiquing economy and society to establish the theoretical
relationship between economy and the ideological superstructure of society (Sim, 2004).
Marx identified the economy, society, and social superstructure as the elements that
would support the power and domination that individuals experienced because of the
control held by individuals that control the mode of production (see also Sim, 2004). The
critical theory supports identifying the power structures that support the domination and
exploitation of individuals as units of labor and the establishment of how power
structures could be challenged (Honneth, 1991). Critical theorists established several
subsequent theories that can support the critique and transformation of society, including
the critical race theory and theory of change.
Several other theories were born from the critical theory. Perhaps the first to
follow Marx (1972) and Horkheimer (1937) was Lukács (1974; Lunn, 1984) and Gramsci
(2000). Their works were instrumental in developing the critical theory; they relied on the
work of Marx (1972, 1981), specifically the critical theory, to explore forces in society.
Both researchers used it to understand how such forces acted as barriers to individuals
understanding the way that power influenced their lives. The delineation between
traditional theories and critical theory hinges, in part, on the logical positivist nature of
traditional theories encumbering the extent to which critique can occur and how it may
serve to transform society. Additionally, Horkheimer (1937), contributed further support
for the need to utilize the critical theory as a means of understanding and challenging
structures within society. Later theories, such as the critical race theory and theory of
change, would follow these traditions of critical theory.
The contemporaries of Lukács (1974) and Gramsci (2000) also relied on
understanding the role of culture and ideological forces as elements that would support
the exploitation of individuals. For example, some influential research in the Institute for
Social Research was founded on the work completed on the critical theory at the
University of Frankfurt (Feenberg, 2014). The scholarly work completed at the Frankfurt
school was crucial toward the evolution of how critical theory would function in the
future (Jay, 1984). The researchers followed the norm of critical theory that was initially
established by Lukács (1974) and Gramsci (2000), where there was focus on the role of
culture and ideological factors as influencing the exploitation of individuals through the
superstructure of society by reducing humanity to economic units (Jay, 1984).
The work completed by the Frankfurt school utilized the critical theory to
understand contemporary structure and problems to understand the role of structure as a
factor influencing problems in society (Jay, 1984). The work included critique of the rise
to power of the Nazi regime and the role of industrialism as an influencer of how
individuals viewed politics, economy, and society (Neumann et al., 2013). Lindlof and
Taylor (2002) discussed modern approaches to the application of the critical theory,
noting that it must situate within both cultural and historical contexts, but the researcher
implicated themselves in the data collection and analysis processes. The pattern of the
critical theory exploring problems because of social structures and culture rather than as
individual problems remained a crucial theme as the critical theory continued to evolve.
The development of critical theory continued through the 20th century, with the
theorists of the Frankfurt School continuing to influence researchers to utilize critical
theory as a means of understanding societal problems. Through the latter part of the
century, Horkheimer (1982) became a leader in the continued efforts to establish critical
theory and define it to support the work of subsequent scholars, as well as to enhance the
purpose of the critical theory to hold a significant role in society. Horkheimer (1982)
described noted that the definition of critical theory required the theory be normative,
explanatory, and practical. In addition, the theory must explain the problems that exist in
society, the solutions to these problems, and satisfy the critical norms in a field. The ends
of the work in the critical theory must then serve to “liberate human beings from the
circumstances that enslave” (Horkheimer, 1982, p. 244). The critical theory in this
research supported the theoretical framework as it was the parent theory to the theories
used in the study. Hence, these elements of critical theory were used to support the
research, as well as the discussion and conclusion of the findings.
Critical Legal Studies
Critical legal studies served as an element of establishing the critical race theory
(Kelman, 1987). The seminal work on the critical race theory emerged from scholarly
work based on a dispute involving faculty at Harvard Law school in the 1980s (Unger,
1983). The theory emerged from the dispute as a measure to address the conflict to
articulate how racial diversity was violated by the actions of the school (Tushnet, 1991).
Critical legal studies supported establishing the critical race theory through its relation to
legal studies (Cole, 2017). Critical legal studies are law-relative approaches to
understanding how the law is used as a tool to support the power structures in society and
the nature of how law supports bias against marginalized groups in society (Hunt, 1986).
Hence, the theory remains an important element in the description of the critical race
theory and is an instrumental link to describing the influence of the critical theory on
establishing the critical race theory.
Critical legal studies function similar to the critical theory. Although the critical
theory is associated with understanding how the structure of society impacts individuals,
critical legal studies remain focused on understanding how the legal system functions as a
tool to achieve the goals of power and domination through codification in the legal
system (Tushnet, 1986). Critique serves as the opportunity to challenge and propose
possible alternatives to problems (Tushnet, 1986). Critical legal studies remain focused
on understanding how preferential outcomes occur in the legal system when legal
doctrine is often drafted to be rigid and support transparency and understanding of the
legal system that undergird the system. Therefore, the abolition of the influence that class
domination holds over legal outcomes, and the function of the legal system are crucial
objectives of critical legal theory scholarship.
In some ways, critical legal studies can be understood as precursors to developing
the critical race theory. Chronologically, critical legal studies emerged as a field of study
in the 1970s in the United States, in a period that followed movements toward racial and
gender equality. Sparer (1984) noted that critical legal studies scholars engaged in
research based on objectives aligned with the traditional critical theory, where social
structures were explored to understand how they related to the law, as well as how the
structure of law supported power structures that maintained a status quo of domination by
the ruling class.
The field of critical legal studies is essentially defunct, as the work of scholars
engaged in the field stopped in the 1980s, approximately at the time that the critical race
theory began to form. Unger (2015), a leading scholar in critical legal studies, noted that
the movement toward critical legal studies only lasted until the late 1980s and that “its
life as a movement lasted for barely more than a decade” (p. 24). This element of critical
legal studies is consistent with the critical race theory, where there is interest in how the
law works to maintain control over minorities who largely lack the power to gain access
to the power and influence of the ruling class.
The propositions made by critical legal studies ‘scholars are also applicable when
understanding the critical race theory. One is that statute and case law are not the only
legal materials responsible for the outcome of legal disputes. Although legal materials,
such as statutes and case laws, create boundaries within which decisions can be made, the
final decision in a case can be influenced by factors within these boundaries and still have
a significant impact on legal decisions (Douzinas et al., 1994).
In addition, critical legal studies challenge the assumption that individuals are
entirely autonomous, as people have several characteristics that create difficulty with
exercising complete agency (Douzinas et al., 1994). Race is one of the characteristics that
bind individuals to communities where their autonomy is constrained. Another
proposition involves the link between law and politics, where there is an inextricable link
between the law and politics that shall have a substantial impact on how society is
influenced (Douzinas et al., 1994).
The critical race theory involves the critique of the way in which social structure
supports the exploitation and domination of people based on such characteristics as race
(Delgado, 1988). These propositions involving critical legal studies are consistent with
the critical race theory and illustrate the support that critical legal studies granted to
critical race theory. As the critical legal studies movement began to slow in the late 1980s
(Unger, 2015), the critical race theory began to grow.
Critical Race Theory
The critical race theory delineates from critical theory due to a specific application
of the theory to problems concerning race, most often, those in the venue of law and
public policy (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). The emergence of the critical race theory
began in the United States in the early 1980s. The direction of the critical race theory
toward law and public policy research is influenced by the initial work on the topic.
The seminal work on the critical race theory began in the 1980s in response to
problematic activities restricting racial diversity in college curriculum at Harvard Law
School (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Students at the school observed a gap in faculty
racial diversity crucial for some curriculum at the time (Brayboy, 2005). The conflict
focused on instruction of a course that focused on race relations, where the course
instructor would be a White civil rights attorney rather than an African American civil
rights attorney (Martinez, 2014). Students believed that the failure of the school to add
African American faculty would influencing learning and the focus of the course, as the
previous instructor of the course was an African American professor who left his position
at Harvard Law School to become the dean of the University of Oregon’s School of Law
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). As the school continued to ignore student requests that
African American faculty be hired, the critical race theory was developed as a method of
understanding, explaining, and critiquing Harvard Law School’s failure to hire African
American faculty (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007).
In previous studies, researchers used the critical race theory to understand zero
tolerance policies and advocate for their elimination. Thompson (2016) considered the
case of zero tolerance policy application in the Miami-Dade County public school
district. The researcher noted that the application of zero tolerance policy in schools
resulted in higher suspension and expulsion rates among students. However, African
American students were more likely to experience suspension or expulsion as the
structure of the system was such that minority students were disproportionately impacted
by zero tolerance policies (Thompson, 2016). Scott et al. (2017) also explored the
problem of linking school discipline to policing policies, noting that by doing so, there
was specific harm done to students of color. Scott et al. utilized the critical race theory to
determine the current approach taken by educators to engage in productive discourse with
student about social context, violence, and discipline in schools while supporting law and
order. The researchers noted the persistence of the difficulty that student of color
experienced based on systemic violence. Scott et al. suggested a shift from federal zero
tolerance requirements to state and local actions to support the civil rights of students,
particularly students of color.
Still, the current problem is that a pipeline exists, where the student is then placed
on a trajectory where they are more likely to end up in the criminal justice system. J.
Thompson (2016) described this issue as a function of systemic racism unequally
influencing African American students. The researcher proposed that alternatives to zero
tolerance policy should used, noting that restorative justice would be more appropriate
than a zero tolerance policy.
Yosso (2005) described critical race theory as existing at the intersection of race,
power, and law, supporting a critical assessment of how these factors relate and are
responsible for the continued impact of racism through society’s structure. Particularly,
the core of critical race theory is understanding how racism continues to permeate
through social institutions. Critical race theory continues to remain closely associated
with law and public policy, as its initial construction was based on emphasizing the racial
elements of critical legal theory (Cole, 2017), as well as the prominence of Bell (1984,
1987, 1988) as a preeminent scholar associated with the theoretical framework. The
emergence of critical race theory began in the U.S. in the early 1980s through Derrick
Bell’s work as a professor at Harvard Law and his subsequent exit for a position at the
University of Oregon. The topic’s initial work influenced the direction of critical race
theory toward law and public policy research.
The seminal work on critical race theory began in the 1980s in response to
problematic activities restricting racial diversity in college curriculum at Harvard Law
School (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007) and Bell’s (1984, 1987) writings following his exit
from Harvard Law. Bell’s (1984) role as a preeminent scholar supporting the emergence
of critical race theory involved academic writing that involved his introspection on his
own experience and the experience of other African American individuals in society,
where their feelings of exploitation through the power of race was at the core of the
discussion. This was the theme of Bell (1984), where Bell reflected on the lack of
advancement for African American individuals and that those in power use symbols to
assert the existence of African American advancement. Bell (1987) has also addressed the
issue of a lack of advancement for African American individuals by addressing African
Americans’ status, how Whites benefit from civil rights litigation, and how racial
limitations on African American individuals exist. Bell (1987) is a text that describes the
way that litigation fails to prevent continued exploitation of African American people,
supports individuals in power and privilege exploiting African American individuals by
acting closely within the law, and the continued disadvantages of African Americanness
in the eyes of the law. The text supports the importance of critical race theory to
understand how race results in different treatment of individuals under the law.
Bell also supported the importance of critical race theory through discussing the
benefits of being White. Bell (1988) discussed White superiority in the U.S., where social
structures such as the law and economy became the focus of the discussion. He also
described racism in the U.S. as existing from the creation of the nation to the present.
Bell (1988) discussed the conclusion of slavery, a critical point in history, where
the interest of Whites was maintained in the concessions made to the previously enslaved
African American individuals, and the economic status quo was maintained. He noted the
lack of interest in maintaining other conventions and promises made as evidence of a lack
of interest by individuals holding power in improving the conditions of the previously
enslaved as an example.
These assertions are also supported by Bell et al. (1989) in their discussion of
racial justice at the close of the 20th century. Bell et al. discussed the continued existence
of differences between African American and White individuals where there is a lack of
integration between African American and White culture, and that Whites continue to
enforce a lack of equality, but that they are encouraged to because of the structure of law.
Still, Bell (1988) contended that racial discrimination continues because of a lack of
interest in challenging legal artifacts such as the U.S. Constitution, which he contends is
used as a method of supporting the wealth, power, and property of those in power. The
assertions made by Bell are further support for continued research using critical race
theory as a theoretical framework because, as he contends, power is still used to exploit
African American individuals and to mitigate their stake in economic prosperity in the
United States.
Bell also used a narrative-style voice to engage in critical race discussion. Bell
(1984) reflected Bell on symbols of African American freedom and the lack of
advancement that remains common among African American individuals. The reflection
took the form of a conversation between Bell and a taxicab driver. In his reflection, he
noted that power insists that racism is not used to reduce African American individuals'
control over their life any longer because some African American individuals are now
able to obtain success. However, the point is made that by the success of a few African
American individuals, most experience because of their race is ignored because of the
success obtained by others. Bell (1984) contended that holidays such as Dr. Martin
Luther King, Jr. Day are symbols of what is given to African American individuals, but
that the structure of society still prevents African American individuals from holding
freedom.
Students at the school observed a gap that emerged in faculty racial diversity that
was crucial for some of the curricula at the time (Brayboy, 2005). The conflict focused on
the instruction of a course focused on race relations, where the course instructor would be
a White civil rights attorney, rather than an African American civil rights attorney
(Martinez, 2014). Students believed that the failure of the school to add African
American faculty would have an impact on learning and the focus of the course, as the
previous instructor of the course was an African American professor who left his position
at Harvard Law School to become the dean of the University of Oregon’s School of Law
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). As the school continued to ignore student requests that
African American faculty be hired, critical race theory was developed to understand,
explain, and critique problems such as Harvard Law School’s failure to hire African
American faculty (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Thus, critical race theory is the
consequence of scholars' experience with race, power, and law that the theory is designed
to describe as a theoretical framework.
Previous researchers have used critical race theory to understand zero tolerance
policies and advocate for their elimination. Thompson (2016) considered the case of zero
tolerance policy application in the Miami-Dade County public school district. He noted
that a zero tolerance policy in schools should result in higher suspension and expulsion
rates among students. However, African American students are more likely to experience
suspension or expulsion as the system's structure is such that minority students are
disproportionately impacted by zero tolerance policies (Thompson, 2016).
Scott et al. (2017) also explored the problem of linking school discipline to
policing policies, noting that there is specific harm done to students of color by doing so.
Scott et al. (2017) utilized critical race theory to determine the current approach taken by
educators to engage in productive discourse with students about social context, violence,
and discipline in schools, while support law and order. They noted the persistence of the
difficulty that students of color experienced based on systemic violence. Scott et al.
(2017) suggested a shift from federal zero tolerance requirements to state and local
actions to support students' civil rights, particularly students of color.
Still, the problem in this current research is that a pipeline exists where the student
is then placed on a trajectory where they are more likely to end up in the criminal justice
system. Thompson (2016) described this as a function of systemic racism that is
unequally impactful to African American students. He proposed that alternatives to zero
tolerance policy should be put in place, noting that restorative justice would be more
appropriate than zero tolerance policy. This research supports applying the critical race
theory in the current research because it highlights the damage that zero tolerance policy
does to African American students. However, it does not address the damage it poses for
African American female students.
Theory of Change
The theory of change is a theory that supports establishing a strategy to support
social change. Through the theory of change, nonprofit and government organization
leaders can design and implement changes through interventions that support positive
outcomes for stakeholders (Brest, 2010). The history of the theory of change began in the
field of management and organizational studies, with establishing management through
objectives and goals satisfied by meeting objectives (Weiss, 1995). The theory of change
continued to evolve over time to become associated with developing programs and
program theory. Still, the theory of change remained associated with the establishment
and successful completion of positive social change (Weiss, 1995). Over the course of
time, the theory of change has grown to be associated with several different disciplines,
escaping the domain of business and organizational studies to involve other social
sciences.
The theory of change functions as a means of establishing new programs that can
be implemented for positive benefits, particularly positive social change. The theory of
change functions through establishing a series of small steps that shall culminate in
achieving a higher order goal, with there being several checkpoints on the path to the
accomplishment of goals (Kubisch et al., 1997). The theory of change also includes
3point quality control criteria designed to consider how well the organization shall
accomplish goals. The criteria include the plausibility, feasibility, and testability of
elements proposed for a change initiative (Kubisch et al., 1997). The theory of change
functions along a pathway mapped out to achieve long-term goal. The quality criteria
designed for the theory of change guides examining whether a strategy shall be
implemented. Plausibility is associated with the logic undergirding the objectives and
long-term goals where the steps associated with the roadmap will accomplish success.
Feasibility is associated with whether the plan will achieve what the designers propose
that the plan will achieve. Testability is associated with whether the plan is testable and
measurable (Kubisch et al., 1997). Once implemented, the strategy must be monitored
and evaluated to determine whether the strategy has worked as designed. Once
completed, the implemented plan must then be evaluated to determine whether it
accomplished what it was designed to accomplish.
Literature Review Related to Key Variables and Concepts
The literature review herein involves a review of zero tolerance policies in U.S.
schools and how they have disproportionately impacted African American female
students. Several studies indicate that African American students continue to experience
marginalization and unequal discipline, including suspensions, expulsions, and the
criminal justice system (Hassan & Carter, 2020; Johnson, 2017; Thompson, 2016; Young
& Butler, 2018). The experience of African American students becomes even more
severe in terms of the experience that African American females experience, as they are
more likely to be subjected to exclusionary disciplinary actions (Hassan & Carter, 2020).
The literature review concludes by synthesizing studies critical to applying zero tolerance
policies, especially for African American female students. The literature review supports
further study focused on the application of zero tolerance policies in schools and how
these policies impact female students.
Zero Tolerance Policies in Schools
Zero tolerance policies continue to grow as their impact continues to grow in
depth. Zero tolerance policies began in the United States in the 1980s in response to the
war on drugs (Stahl, 2016). At the time, school campuses were a crucial element of the
war on drugs because of the prevalence of drug use among students in the K-12 system
and the impact that early drug use would have on students if their drug use remained
unchecked (Stahl, 2016). The application of zero tolerance policies continued to grow
from drugs to school violence. One of the first major federal policies to take an approach
aligned with the purpose of zero tolerance policies and violence was the Gun Free
Schools Act of 1994. The Act was designed to support the security of K-12 school
campuses. According to the act, a school is compelled to subject a student to immediate
expulsion if the student is found to possess a firearm within 1,000 feet of campus
(Aldridge, 2018). Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act supported the
Gun Free Schools Act (Aldridge, 2018). The nature of the zero tolerance policy continued
to change as time passed.
Ruiz (2017) noted that the expansion of zero tolerance policies substantially
impacted students over time, especially students of color. Further, findings from zero
tolerance policy research noted that in 95% of cases, suspensions were applied to
nonviolent behaviors where alternative discipline could be applied. These include truancy
problems, tardiness, and leaving class, as well as boisterous behavior toward teachers and
dress code violations (Aldridge, 2018; Ruiz, 2017), and 48% of suspensions involved
disobedience rather than behaviors that would be violent toward students or faculty
(Aldridge, 2018; McNeal, 2016). Sellers and Arrigo (2018) explained the impact of the
zero tolerance policy on marginalized youth in the United States, noting that the
neoliberal construction of the economy and society had a substantial impact; there was
the belief that intervention with marginalized individuals could have a benefit. However,
zero tolerance policies are often damaging to the lifestyle of individuals. The prevalence
of schools or districts that enforce zero tolerance discipline policies in their documented
policies is relatively infrequent. Curran (2019) noted that an explicit zero tolerance policy
existed in less than 14% of schools. However, mandatory expulsion policies are in effect
in many schools and districts, as well as charter schools.
Some characteristics delineate mandatory expulsion policies from zero tolerance
policies worthy of supporting the rationale for including only zero tolerance policies in
this research rather than zero tolerance policies and mandatory expulsion policies
(Curran, 2016a). One critical difference involves the nature of the rules under these two
approaches to discipline. In the case of mandatory expulsion policies, the district or
school shall develop their approaches to school discipline, especially regarding the
application of suspension and expulsion (Curran, 2016a). These were applied in the case
of certain offenses.
Zero tolerance policies were aligned with the law and applied to a broad set of
federal statutes while remaining consistent with state law (Curran, 2016b). Sellers and
Arrigo (2018) discussed how the application of zero tolerance policies relates to social
control, particularly in the case of marginalized youth, noting that the application of zero
tolerance policies remains inconsistent. Curran (2016a) noted that mandatory expulsion
was more frequent in urban areas and charter schools, with mandatory expulsion more
frequent for minority students than for Caucasian students. These findings indicate that
zero tolerance and mandatory expulsion policies impact students. However, the nature of
the experience is different in terms of the impact and types of rules applied.
Attitudes toward zero tolerance policies continue to sour. Stahl (2016) discussed
the application of zero tolerance policies as mandates that required specific punishments,
focusing on the transformation that zero tolerance policies had experienced, where they
encompassed more offenses and are used with greater frequency. Although adults do not
support students taking drugs or guns to school, the vision of zero tolerance policies is
that the changes applied over time require that school faculty and administrators apply
harsh, one-size-fits-all punishments. Stahl proposed that significant events, such as the
Columbine High School shooting, motivated increased severity and greater restrictions on
students.
Zero tolerance policies are detrimental to student development, research shows.
Although they were originally constructed with the safety and security of learners in
mind, the nature of the policies has grown robust enough that they are detrimental to all
students' intellectual growth and development. Marginalized students shall experience
substantially greater impacts because of applying zero tolerance policies (Alnaim, 2018).
Alnaim (2018) noted that zero tolerance policies had originally been developed to support
teachers with the discipline of students in the classroom and the removal of students from
the school who posed a threat or danger to other students. The goal of the policy was to
establish safe learning environments. However, as time progressed, applying the zero
tolerance policy became more frequent and more subjective (Aldridge, 2018). Alnaim
(2018) noted that because of the application of zero tolerance policies according to
several different activities that had not been applied before, students who should not
receive disciplinary action would be suspended or expelled. Students with learning or
emotional disabilities and those with behavioral disorders became predisposed to
expulsions and suspensions. These findings are further evidence of the damage that a zero
tolerance policy can hold in the development of students.
Zero Tolerance Policies and Race
Zero tolerance policies represent a form of exclusionary school discipline that
functions in such a manner that the outcomes are racially disproportionate (Young &
Butler, 2018) and place a student on the trajectory toward the criminal justice system
(Hassan & Carter, 2020; Rodriguez, 2015; Thompson, 2016). The impact of race on the
likelihood of disciplinary actions being taken toward a student is 2.58 times greater for
African American students than White students, with the disproportionate impact
remaining constant throughout the K-12 system. (Young & Butler, 2018). These findings
coincide with a prior study by researchers utilizing the critical race theory in education
focused on understanding the barriers that prevent moving toward racial equity. The
researchers found White fragility and color-blind culture silencing racial talk, contesting
definitions obscuring the racialized nature of the problem and the impact of zero
tolerance policies where restorative justice could be successful (Wilson et al., 2020). The
failure to address these factors has supported the continued problem of disproportionate
use of exclusionary discipline in K-12 schools.
Zero tolerance policies continue to grow in size and scope as attitudes toward
discipline continue to shift in the direction of discipline. Aldridge (2018) discussed the
issues of criminalization and discrimination in schools, focusing on the experience of
African American girls. The researchers noted that U.S. African American girls faced
greater punishment and discipline in school settings, reflecting on statistics reported for
the 2011 to 2012 school year. African American males were three times as likely to
receive a suspension as White peers; African American females were six times as likely
to receive a suspension in New York City schools, and African American females were
found to be expelled 53 times more frequently (Aldridge, 2018). These findings were
supported by Young and Butler (2018), who found that African American students are
more likely to be disciplined than White students. Johnson (2017) also discussed using
zero tolerance policies in schools, noting several differences between African American
and White students. Johnson found that although African American students are only
19% of preschool students, they were 47% of out-of-school suspensions and had a three
times greater risk of receiving an out-of-school suspension than their White peers. These
statistics describe the problem of African American girls receiving discipline under zero
tolerance policies as occurring substantially more frequently than their White peers or
even their African American male cohorts. Hence, the frequency supports the urgency of
investigating the problem.
A critical element of the impact of zero tolerance school discipline on females is
how it can impact low-income mothers of students in disciplinary alternative education
programs. Dunning-Lozano (2018) described how the fallout of zero tolerance programs
could also negatively impact the parents of children experiencing discipline under zero
tolerance policies. Dunning-Lozano discovered that African American and Latina
mothers experienced a form of discipline, as they faced disciplinary practices along with
their children. These practices included participating in requests for parent-staff meetings,
parents attending mandatory orientation sessions, and addressing the logistics of their
children attending night classes (Dunning-Lozano, 2018). These findings were especially
applicable to understanding the current research because White parents did not have these
secondary disciplines applied. Rather, the zero tolerance policy impact was related to the
parents' races, classes, and genders and was not neutrally applied to all parents. These
findings were important because they exposed the degree to which zero tolerance
programs could influence children and their families.
The problem of a difference in zero tolerance policy application may be linked to
differences in zero tolerance laws. Curran (2019) examined the application of zero
tolerance discipline policies, focusing on differences in racial discipline gaps. Curran
found that while zero tolerance laws can result in a difference in the percentage of
frequency at which zero tolerance discipline is applied, principal perceptions of problem
behaviors appear to remain consistent. In addition, Curran discovered that laws are a
significant predictor of increased suspension rates for African Americans than Whites.
These findings illustrate a significant difference in the treatment of African American
students over White students where a zero tolerance policy is applied. Hence,
understanding the impact of the zero tolerance policy on African American students,
especially African American female students, can support understanding the problem
with greater specificity.
The problem of systemic racism in school discipline practices is not constrained to
schools that are primarily White or where there is a mix of student races. Camacho and
Krezmien (2020) examined the implementation of school discipline policies concerning
the suspension practices of schools. The researchers found that schools with higher
percentages of African American students had a greater risk of student suspension. As the
number of African American students in a school increase, so does the proportion of
students that will be suspended from school. Thus, researchers posited using some
theoretical frameworks as a successful means of transforming the problem from one
where the problem would continue to gain momentum to one where there was a lower
likelihood in which students were disciplined using exclusionary measures, such as
suspension or expulsion (Okilwa & Robert, 2017).
A common theme in zero tolerance application in schools is that minorities are
more likely to be disciplined under a zero tolerance policy than White students. Curran
(2016a, 2016b) discussed this difference as one of racial disproportionality in discipline.
He found that zero tolerance policies are responsible for a significant difference in the
application of punishment, where racial disparities play a role in the difference in the use
of discipline, particularly in the case of expulsions. Curran (2016a, 2016b) is supported
by Ramsay-Smith (2016), who found differences in application and outcomes for students
in schools where zero tolerance policies are applied and not applied. Race is a crucial
factor in applying zero tolerance policy and must be included in further research
exploring zero tolerance policy outcomes and application.
Criticism of Zero Tolerance Policy Application in Schools
The current body of research between 2016 to 2020 is abundant, with studies that
challenge using zero tolerance policies. A crucial problem with zero tolerance policy
application in schools is associated with the inconsistent nature. The zero tolerance policy
can result in harsh and unfair punishment for students, especially minority students
(Ramsay-Smith, 2016). Ramsay-Smith (2016) noted that zero tolerance policies were
often vague and inconsistent in the application. However, they can result in harsh
outcomes for students when subjectivity is involved, and the policies are partly
responsible for poor relationships between students and teachers.
Just as damaging to students can be applying a zero tolerance policy in the
classroom strictly, entirely consistently. DeMitchell and Hambacher (2016) explored zero
tolerance policies and their approach to threats, even those that are not genuine. The
researchers noted that the application of the zero tolerance policy was used in cases of
innocuous behavior such as students mimicking the shooting of a gun with their fingers
and making laser noises as being grounds for discipline. The disproportionate response to
incidents creates a scenario where a zero tolerance policy becomes detrimental to the
classroom because of the disruptions that could be possible for students whose infractions
were minor (DeMitchell & Hambacher, 2016).
Ramsay-Smith (2016) examined the difference in student perceptions of
discrimination, student-teacher relationships, and student aspirations between schools
where there was the application of zero tolerance school policies and those where there
was no zero tolerance policy in place. The findings supported a difference in the three
factors of student perceptions of discrimination, student-teacher relationships, and student
aspirations, where zero tolerance schools were significantly lower. These differences
were further magnified and stronger in cases where respondents were LGBPQ, students
of color, or in special education. These findings contribute to the evidence that zero
tolerance policies can have a detrimental impact on several aspects of student education
and support this research focusing on students of color in zero tolerance schools.
Attitudes toward zero tolerance policies continue to move in the direction of
limited or constraining their application in some form. One way to reduce the application
of zero tolerance policies is to increase educators' role in preventing student suspension or
expulsion. Moreno and Scaletta (2018) noted the importance of moving away from zero
tolerance policies through educator preparedness. The case was based on the outcome of
Illinois Senate Bill 100. The bill restricted the application of zero tolerance discipline to
the point where it would not be possible to address student behavior. The solution was
based on greater professional development for faculty to achieve greater classroom
management. Moreno and Scaletta (2018) supported the approach taken by the Illinois
State Senate because the rationale for suspension and expulsion was more frequently
based on subjectivity rather than because students were found with contraband. This
finding was consistent with Ruiz (2017), who noted that most expulsions were not
because of violence, but because of other issues that could be addressed with alternative
disciplinary methods. These findings support a critical approach to exploring the problem
of zero tolerance policy application. However, some research has supported focusing on
female minorities.
Other research also supports reducing the application of zero tolerance policies in
schools to improve student outcomes. Lacoe and Steinberg (2018) noted that many
districts have concluded that applying zero tolerance policies has been too extreme and
have committed to actions such as rolling back zero tolerance discipline. Like Aldridge
(2018) and Ruiz (2017), Lacoe and Steinberg (2018) found that using zero tolerance
discipline in nonviolent scenarios was unproductive. Reducing the zero tolerance policy
not to include nonviolent offenses would decrease suspensions (Lacoe & Steinberg,
2018). However, Lacoe and Steinberg (2018) also found that truancy increased while
Math and English achievement declined. Based on these findings, care should be taken
when transforming the code for disciplinary action to reduce the role of zero tolerance
policies.
The problem of zero tolerance policies appears to disproportionately impact
minorities, especially female minorities (Aldridge, 2018). Therefore, research should be
critical of the application of zero tolerance policies and the intersectional nature of how
they impact racialized minorities and female students. The frequency of zero tolerance
policy application in the U.S. K-12 school system continues to rise. Students are arrested,
suspended, restrained by police, and arrested by police in growing proportions (Rambo,
2020). However, the proportion of students is not balanced. Rambo (2020) noted
significant disproportionality in the increase, where minorities would experience
outcomes of greater severity than Caucasian peers, supporting the existence of the school-
to-prison pipeline. Rodriguez (2015) also discussed the issue of the preschool-toprison
pipeline, where early interaction with police officers can support the establishment of a
longer-term relationship with police and eventually prison. The reason is that the students
become accustomed to the criminal justice system based on their interactions.
Some research supports alternatives to discipline that could be useful in reducing
the frequency at which African American students are subject to discipline under zero
tolerance rules to break the pattern observed in the school-to-prison pipeline. The
schoolto-prison pipeline is a trend in which students who receive exclusionary discipline
in schools will subsequently be subject to interaction with the criminal justice system
(Hassan & Carter, 2020; Rodriguez, 2015; Thompson, 2016). Woods (2020) examined
the use of a juvenile detention alternative, noting the high frequency of student arrests
and referrals for arrest. Woods noted a disproportionate number of in-school arrests and
referrals for African American students, further establishing the school-to-prison pipeline
among the northwest Georgia middle schools included in the research. Woods found that
African American students represented 89.4% of the students arrested or referred to
juvenile proceedings, but that by applying an alternative discipline model, only 6.8% of
students occurred following the implementation of the model (Woods, 2020). These
findings support the importance of implementing alternatives to zero tolerance discipline
in schools to reduce the frequency in which students are subjected to exclusion from the
school system and that they would be subject to criminal proceedings. Woods (2020) also
supported implementing restorative practices as a discipline and behavior correction
method in the school system.
Skrzypek et al. (2020) explored restorative practices from students' perspectives.
They noted that using restorative practices was a promising alternative to zero tolerance
policies because of their non-punitive nature. There are some limitations to the
application of restorative practices. Skrzypek et al. found significant differences in the
feelings toward restorative practices between male and female students, where African
American male students believed that restorative practices supported the use of
nonviolent problem-solving skills. In contrast, African American female students did not
support restorative practices as a method of learning to solve problems without violence
or changing their behavior. Still, the use of restorative practices was important because it
would promote communication and the expression of thoughts and feelings among
African American male and female students (Skrzypek et al., 2020). In addition to
African American students supporting restorative justice practices, teachers preferred the
use of restorative justice in favor of using zero tolerance policies. Monell (2018)
examined the use of zero tolerance and restorative justice policies in the classroom. The
researcher found that teachers supported restorative justice practices. Teachers preferred a
humane means of dealing with disciplinary problems rather than methods that would
punitively discipline students or result in students experiencing discipline that was largely
detrimental to their development and growth. The inconsistency in how African
American girls are disciplined compared to peers or even how African American boys are
disciplined is a possible motivating factor.
The use of restorative justice instead of zero tolerance policies has been a
common theme of several studies where the negative impact of exclusionary discipline
was a motivating factor for the research. Wilson et al. (2020) explored the issue of
disproportionate discipline in an urban school district, reflecting on race's role in the
differences in disciplinary behaviors. Wilson et al. were critical of using zero tolerance
policies in urban schools, where there is racial disproportionality in suspensions and
expulsions. Students of color experienced most of these disciplinary actions. They noted
that there was an alternative restorative justice program present in the school. However,
administrators and faculty remained dependent on exclusionary discipline methods. In
related research, Kyere et al. (2020) explored the implementation of alternatives to zero
tolerance policies and the use of suspensions as a disciplinary measure. Kyere et al. noted
that zero tolerance policies were created to support safe school environments, but their
implementation had resulted in an uneven number of students being excluded from
school. Their findings support the impact of zero tolerance policies as being far-reaching
and robust, where students are not the only individuals impacted by the policies. Zero
tolerance policies negatively impact their families, social workers, and advocates. These
findings further support the implementation of restorative justice practices.
The application of restorative justice should be aimed at disrupting the current
paradigm where African American children are more likely to end up in the criminal
justice system. Schiff (2018) explored the use of restorative justice to break the current
trend with the school-to-prison pipeline. Schiff described zero tolerance policies and
related policies that result in harsh exclusionary discipline as having a detrimental impact
on the development of students, noting that there is an abundance of research that notes
that there is a significantly greater rate of African American and other racialized minority
students being suspended or expelled than White students. Schiff supported restorative
justice because it could reduce the number of African American and other racialized
minority students continuing to enter the school-to-prison pipeline. Schiff noted that
restorative justice could be used to break the trend of institutional racism and punitive
discipline while overcoming racial disciplinary inequity. There is some criticism of the
application of restorative justice. O’Brien and Nygreen (2020) noted that when viewing a
shift from zero tolerance to restorative justice in the school environment, the extent to
which it was disruptive would be relatively limited because the punitive nature of how
schools maintain control and order could persist—accepting restorative justice results in
an inadequate transformation to public policy regarding discipline in education.
The K-12 public school experience of African American girls is substantially
different from that of African American boys (Wun, 2016). Wun (2016) discussed the
experience of African American girls and non-African American girls of color as one
where their intersectional experience is one where they experience violence and
discipline that results in feelings of anger and resistance to violence. The intersectional
nature of the violence shapes their perceptions, and personal experiences lead to greater
anger (Wun, 2016). Hardaway et al. (2019) discussed the experience of African
American girls and women, reviewing their experiences in the P to 20 education system
(the preschool system through college). Hardaway et al. relied on an African American
feminist theoretical lens; thus, their discussion was consistent with the findings from Wun
(2016) and Skrzypek et al. (2020). Hardaway et al. (2019) noted substantial differences in
response to violence experienced by African American girls and women. The response to
violence performed by African American girls and women exposed inconsistencies that
revictimized African American girls and women at all levels of education. Hence,
Skrzypek et al. (2020) found differences in how restorative practices impacted African
American boys and girls from the lack of agency that African American girls experienced
and their perceptions that they must resist violence, resulting in their different views on
restorative practice.
Other alternative measures can result in students having a lower likelihood of
disciplinary outcomes. One such measure is the use of same-race teachers. Lindsay and
Hart (2017) discovered that exposure to same-race teachers positively impacts student
disciplinary outcomes among African American students. Their research, performed
using secondary data collected in North Carolina, involved examining whether African
American students were less likely to experience exclusionary discipline (Lindsay &
Hart, 2017). Exclusionary discipline in their study included out-of-school suspensions, in-
school suspensions, and expulsion (Lindsay & Hart, 2017). They found that by matching
teachers and students by race, there were reduced rates of exclusionary discipline for
African American students and that the outcome was consistent among students at the
elementary, middle school, and high school levels of public schools and was consistent
among male and female students (Lindsay & Hart, 2017).
Zero tolerance policies can have a detrimental impact on the health and wellness
of students; therefore, alternative solutions are necessary to support positive outcomes for
students with detrimental behaviors. Rambo (2020) was critical of applying zero
tolerance policies in public schools because of the detrimental impact they can have on an
individual’s future and because there are alternative methods of discipline that
successfully address the behavior. One method of addressing the problem is restorative
justice (Rambo, 2020). Restorative justice allows an offending student to correct their
behaviors and confront the victimization that may have occurred because of their
behaviors. In addition, restorative justice can support change that will reduce exclusion in
schools and the marginalization that students become subject, partly because of zero
tolerance policies (Rambo, 2020). The application of restorative justice can have negative
implications. Lustick (2017) discussed the use of restorative justice in small schools with
locked-down buildings. The researcher noted that the use of restorative practices is
responsible for replicating racial inequality, where discipline was partly dependent on an
association with zero tolerance policies.
Related is the use of alternative disciplinary features. Crosby et al. (2018)
discussed using an alternative disciplinary intervention called the Monarch Room (MR).
The MR is a method of discipline that involves the recognition of trauma among African
American female students. The program was found to have positive perceptions among
students and increased use. Lustick (2017) stated that these policies are responsible for
improving school climate; they function as a measure that further legitimizes the zero
tolerance policy. The use of restorative justice instead of a zero tolerance policy is also
supported as a strategy to reduce the number of African American girls suspended or
expelled from school (Clark-Louque & Sullivan, 2020). The following section shall
further discuss the use of zero tolerance policy in the discipline of African American
female students.
Criticism of Zero Tolerance Policy Use on African American Female Students
The effect of zero tolerance policies in the K-12 system remains the most
significant for African American girls. Camera (2017) noted that the problem extended to
preschool, where African American girls constituted 20% of students enrolled, but 54%
of the girls were suspended from preschool. Clark-Louque and Sullivan (2020) explored
the discipline that African American girls received in school, noting that the treatment of
African American girls was inequitable and exclusionary because of institutional and
systemic factors. Institutional racism, intersectionality, and the stereotypes attached to
African American femininity were noted as crucial factors that result in African
American females experiencing greater zero tolerance discipline than other peers.
Research supports the existence of a phenomenon where African American girl
students are subjected to a push-out from the school system where their retention is not a
priority. Poole (2019) described the existence of push-out in the school systems of
Pennsylvania through school disciplinary policies inextricably linked to the criminal
justice system. However, exclusionary disciplines, such as suspension and expulsion, are
prioritized (Morris, 2016). Martin and Smith (2017) discussed the discipline experienced
by African American girl students, finding that even when conditions such as family
factors, school quality, and teacher quality are controlled for, there are significant
differences between African American girls and their peers in terms of dropout rates.
Martin and Smith noted that subjective discipline and informal reports of discipline
problems substantially influenced African American girls to drop out of school. These
findings contribute further evidence that while not all students may become victims of the
school-to-prison pipeline, there are common outcomes that result in students leaving
school because of the difference in treatment they experience.
The problems of push-out and the school-to-prison pipeline remain significant as
they disparate impact African American girls. White (2017) examined the problem in
which African American girls remain more likely to experience interaction with the
criminal justice system or that they are more likely to be removed from school. White
discussed the problem as relating, in part, to the stigma that follows African American
girls. The researcher noted that African American girls are often perceived as defiant,
unruly, unsophisticated, and have poor attitudes. The stigma that African American girls
experience results in differential treatment in the classroom by teachers and harsh
judgment and punishment in the criminal justice system. White noted that these factors
place African American girls in a position distinct from African American boys, but the
repercussions were different regarding how they impacted the education and opportunity
of African American girls later in life. Although African American girls experience the
negative stigma that follows the intersection of their gender and race, they also
experience violence and criminalization because of how the classroom is structured.
Hines and Wilmot (2018) described the school as a dangerous, hyperviolent space for
African American students, especially African American girls, because of the impact of
racial microaggression and anti-African Americanness. Hines and Wilmot (2018)
described the experience of being an African American girl in school as one where they
“continue to be adultified, criminalized, and spirit-murdered by educators who enact
racially discriminatory school disciplinary policies” (p. 62). Hence, the experience that
African American girls experience in the public school system is one where their identity
is formed in a largely negative manner, and their social development is one where they
have been stigmatized and marginalized based on the school system's structure.
The problem is in-depth and multifaceted, with some differences according to the
nature of color. Blake et al. (2017) described colorism as a factor that impacts the
difference in exclusionary disciplinary action. The researchers noted that although the
differences between White girls and African American girls in the likelihood of
exclusionary discipline are significant, there was another level of how the system
reproduced racism. Blake et al. (2017) found that even when individual and school-level
characteristics, student-teacher relationships, discipline history, and school size and type
were controlled, African American females with darker complexions had two times the
likelihood of receiving out-of-school suspensions than White females. The difference
between light complexion African American females and White females was
insignificant.
The impact of zero tolerance policies is especially detrimental to African
American female students, not only because of the frequency at which the policy is
applied and the greater and more detrimental damage the policy has on African American
females but also how the policies work to reduce the personhood of African American
females systemically. Clark-Louque and Sullivan (2020) noted that factors such as
institutional racism, intersectionality, and stereotyping are each factor that holds a role in
the damage done by zero tolerance policies. Morris (2016) discussed the issue of cultural
belief, policy, and practices as factors contributing to the criminalization and
dehumanization of African American girls in U.S. schools. The researcher noted that
African American girls experienced a degrading by several institutions, such as the
judicial and education system, and African American girls were misunderstood and
highly judged by individuals who held power over the trajectory of their lives.
The impact of how this power is wielded is substantial. Morris (2016) noted a
crucial reason for the expeditious growth of the number of African American girls in the
juvenile justice system. Morris supported the existence of systemic problems unique to
African American girls’ experiences in education, as zero tolerance policies function in
such a way that they linked the possible trajectory of the lives of African American girls
to whether they would be subject to the experience of the juvenile justice system. The
discussion illustrates the importance of understanding the unique nature of how zero
tolerance policy relates to the education experience of African American girls. I sought to
address the gap in the literature by conducting this study, for which I used critical race
theory as part of the theoretical framework.
Prior research includes studies where the critical and derivative theories are
associated with critical theory to explore the effect of zero tolerance policies on African
American girls. Hines-Datiri and Carter Andrews (2020) explored the use of a zero
tolerance policy through the theoretical lens of critical race feminism to understand how
school discipline differs for African American girl students from other students. Although
African American girls are more likely to experience expulsion or suspension,
HinesDatiri and Carter Andrews described zero tolerance policies as an exclusionary
discipline that African American girls experienced with greater frequency than other
female peers. Hines-Datiri and Carter Andrews identified the difference in discipline
between African American girls and other females as detrimental to developing African
American girl students’ racial and gender identities while perpetuating the perception that
anti-African American discipline existed. Hassan and Carter (2020) supported the
findings of HinesDatiri and Carter Andrews (2020), noting the disproportionate discipline
of African American female students compared to White female students in the K-12
system.
Camera (2017) and Clark-Louque and Sullivan (2020) found that the discipline of
African American girl students in comparison with other peers occurred significantly
more frequently, even at the level of preschool education. Hence, the systemic nature of
the difference in treatment between African American girl students and peers appears to
begin at the earliest point of education, continuing throughout public school education.
U.S. African American girls’ experiences in K-12 public schools appear to contain
anti-African American racism and punitive punishment. Wun (2018) discussed the
problem of punishment in schools, noting that race and racism remain at the center of the
treatment that African American girl students experience. Wun noted uneven rates of
suspension, expulsion, and arrest, stating that these discrepancies remained frequent;
young African American girls experienced punishment in the school system. Although
Wun noted that African American girls were structurally vulnerable to punishment and
discipline, they were subject to these by adults and peers. Therefore, the social experience
of schooling for African American girls is one where their experience is anti-African
American, and how they are treated frequently involves punitive punishment measures.
Similarly, Wun et al. (2020) discussed the role of school, criminal justice system, and
school-to-prison pipeline in establishing anti-African American girlhoods. Critical race
feminism was utilized as the theoretical framework for the study, where the researchers
noted that the school system's structure resulted in an institution that marginalized
African American girls, especially those placed in alternative schools. According to
Hines and Young, alternative schools lacked academic and socioemotional support for
African American girls. Hence, their removal from traditional schools was supported by
the rules of schools and resulted in placement in a learning institution where they were
less likely to be successful and more likely to be marginalized than before.
The school-to-prison pipeline is the end-product of the current paradigm of school
discipline for several African American female students, where zero tolerance policies act
as a legal mechanism to support the systematic victimization of African American female
students. Hassan and Carter (2020) described the school-to-prison pipeline as the
phenomenon of students being pushed out of public schools and into the juvenile or adult
criminal justice system. Hassan and Carter noted that the rate at which this situation
occurred was significantly greater for African American female than White female
students in the K-12 public school system. African American female students were
disproportionately suspended compared to White female students and disproportionately
arrested (Hassan & Carter, 2020). Roberson (2019) supported these findings, defining
race and gender as significant predictors of whether a student would be found to have
violated zero tolerance policies. Clark-Louque and Sullivan (2020) noted that African
American girls experienced suspension and expulsion at higher rates than other peers,
contributing to the existence of the school-to-prison pipeline; however, alternatives (e.g.,
restorative practices) existed, but they were not implemented.
In addition to the school-to-prison pipeline impacting the development of African
American females, its frequency is disturbing as well. Poole (2019) discussed the role of
the school-to-prison pipeline and the criminalization of African American girl identity in
the structure of public schools in Pennsylvania. The result of policies is that African
American girls are pushed out of schools and into the criminal justice system (Poole,
2019). The school-to-prison pipeline problem is also important because African
American females shall be suspended or expelled with greater frequency than White
females (Hassan & Carter, 2020). Hill (2018) elaborated on the disparity in the frequency
of out-of-school suspensions between African American girls and White girls. Hill stated
that African American girls received out-of-school suspensions in seven times more
frequent cases than White girls, and African American girls were the fastest-growing
demographic in terms of arrest and incarceration. Johnson (2017) also supported the role
of the school-to-prison pipeline as a phenomenon more frequent among African
American female students than other students. The critical race theory was used to
support exploring this problem with greater depth while critiquing the system in which
the problem existed to determine possible solutions that could result in positive outcomes
for African American female students.
Summary and Conclusions
Chapter 2 included an exhaustive review of the extant literature on zero tolerance
policy application in the K-12 U.S. school system. The review focused on implementing
the policy on African American students, particularly African American female students.
The review began by describing the theoretical framework, where the theoretical
including the critical race theory and theory of change. The review of literature on the
theoretical foundation of the study also included some discussion of the critical theory
and critical legal studies because of their roles in the lineage of the critical race theory
(Bernal, 2002; Brayboy, 2005; Brincat, 2016; Cole, 2017). The literature review
continued with a review of research primarily from the 2016 to 2020 period involving the
zero tolerance policy and its impact on African American students (Aldridge, 2018;
Alnaim, 2018; Camacho & Krezmien, 2020; Camera, 2017), especially African American
female students (Blake et al., 2017; Crosby et al., 2018; Curran, 2016a, 2016b). The
findings from the reviewed literature supported further research on the topic of the zero
tolerance policy and its impact on African American female students.
Chapter 3 includes the methodology used for this qualitative phenomenological
study. The chapter commences with the research design and rationale for the study. The
chapter continues with a description of the role of the researcher. The role of the
researcher was critical, as this study was qualitative. Chapter 3 continues with a
description of the methodology, entailing the participant selection of the study, as well as
the instrumentation, recruitment, participation, and data collection procedures. The
chapter concludes with a description of the thematic analysis in the data analysis plan and
addresses the issues of trustworthiness and ethical procedures in the study.
Chapter 3: Research Method
Introduction
The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to describe the
impact that zero tolerance policies had on African American girls. I used
phenomenological research design conventions to explore the role of zero tolerance
policies in the discipline of African American girls after suspension or expulsion from
school. The research results provide information that stakeholders, school administrators,
and policy makers could use when determining guidelines for zero tolerance policies and
the use of expulsion and suspension as punishment. The current literature addresses the
impact of zero tolerance policies on African American girls and how the misuse or
overuse of the policies impacted their lives. However, the literature rarely includes a
firsthand account of how their lives were impacted. This study is important because it
explores how zero tolerance policies have unintended consequences and reach beyond
their original purposes. Furthermore, the lived experiences of African American girls
humanize the phenomenon beyond statistical data.
Chapter 3 includes a detailed description of this study's research method and
design. The chapter begins with a description of the research method and the role of the
researcher. It then continues with a description of the methodology. The methodology
includes the selection logic for participants; instrumentation; and procedures for
recruitment, participation, and data collection. In the chapter, I also present the plan for
thematic data analysis. The chapter concludes with discussion of issues of trustworthiness
and ethical procedures.
Research Design and Rationale
I sought to answer the following research question: How does suspension or
expulsion as a result of zero tolerance policies impact African American girls in Texas
schools? The phenomenon at the core of this study was the use of exclusionary
disciplinary action toward African American female students. In previous research on
exclusionary disciplinary action use, researchers found that African American female
students receive suspensions and expulsions from school in greater frequencies than male
students and students from other races/ethnicities (Hassan & Carter, 2020; Johnson, 2017;
Thompson, 2016; Young & Butler, 2018). The findings also indicate that African
American female students received disciplinary action in more cases than other students.
Therefore, the exclusionary disciplinary experiences of African American female students
differ from other students.
I used a qualitative phenomenological research method and design to explore the
study phenomenon. A qualitative phenomenological research method and design were
selected because of the focus on the lived experiences of people in a group (Paley, 2016).
Therefore, there was consistency between the purpose of the research, which involving
understanding African American female students’ lived experiences of receiving
exclusionary disciplinary action, and the research tradition of phenomenological research.
Role of the Researcher
My role as the researcher was to interview and personally interact with
participants. The participants engaged in semistructured interviews that I conducted.
Questions and follow-up questions that were previously unplanned might have resulted in
changes to the research reflected in the data analysis. Therefore, data collection was
influenced to some degree by my preconceived notions and unconscious bias.
I also explored both verbal and nonverbal communication to confirm that
participants remained capable of participating in the research. The topic might have
resulted in participants reflecting on traumatic events. Hence, as the researcher I needed
to observe participants’ reactions beyond the responses given in the study.
I did not have any personal or professional relationships that could threaten my
role as the researcher. I did not have a position of power over participants. Biases on my
part could have affected my conduct of the study and interpretation of findings, which
would have constituted critical limitations to the study. One such bias was the belief that
African American female students who received exclusionary discipline often did not
deserve the discipline. I also had experience working with young African American
women who had experienced suspension or expulsion because of zero tolerance policies.
This experience could be the cause of bias in this research. To manage the potential for
bias, I recorded my feelings in a reflexivity journal Using a reflexivity journal allowed
me to make conscious notes on my preconceived notions and biases and mitigate their
impact where possible. No other ethical issues appeared present.
Methodology
The Methodology section of this chapter includes a description of the research
strategy. The section covers the logic for participant selection; instrumentation;
procedures for recruitment, participation, and data collection; and the plan for data
analysis. Participant selection included using purposive sampling. Instrumentation
included using semistructured interviews and a journal for recording reflexivity. The
procedures for recruitment, participation, and data collection entailed recruiting African
American female former students through social media and using semistructured, face-
toface interviews to collect data. Thematic analysis in the tradition of Braun and Clarke
(2006) and relying on coding suggestions by Saldana (2016) was used to interpret the
gathered data.
Participant Selection Logic
The population for this research included African American females who attended
high school in the United States. This research included African American female
students from the local treatment organization and county probation department. The
sampling strategy utilized was purposive, convenience sampling. Individuals on
probation are not protected individuals. Thus, the inclusion of individuals on probation
for research, such as this study, is acceptable. The treatment organization and county
probation department was selected because these agencies served women who fit the
inclusion and exclusion criteria of this study. I was not involved with these agencies.
Leaders of both agencies provided consent for the completion of this project. I used a
purposive, convenience sampling approach to ensure that inclusion was restricted to
participants who were African American female former high school students who had
been expelled or suspended. Participant criteria were based on the focus of the study
remaining on African American female former students who had experienced suspension
or expulsion.
Prior researchers have found that African American female students have distinct
experiences from other students. They are more likely to experience exclusionary
disciplinary action such as in-school suspension, out-of-school suspension, or expulsion
(Aldridge, 2018; McNeal, 2016; Ruiz, 2017). Therefore, this research was focused on
understanding their lived experiences with these disciplinary actions. When potential
participants contacted me, I used social media to advertise the current study. Interested
students contacted me using the contact information on advertising materials. I had a brief
conversation with them to determine whether they fit the eligibility criteria for the study.
The number of participants was also decided by reaching the point of data saturation.
Instrumentation
The primary instrument used for data collection in this study was the interview
protocol. The interview protocol consisted of semistructured interview questions. I based
the semistructured interview questions on the study’s theoretical framework and research
question. The question was developed based on prior literature on exclusionary discipline
for African American female students and the utilization of the theoretical frameworks of
the critical race theory and theory of change. The instrument supported videotaped data
collection coded in the data analysis process.
A reflexivity journal was another form of instrumentation in the data collection
process. Reflexivity journals support data collection and analysis, especially when a
researcher is completing a qualitative, phenomenological study (Braun & Clarke, 2006). I
used the reflexivity journal notes to support coding and establish themes during thematic
analysis.
The interview protocol and the reflexivity journal were sufficient for collecting
data for this study’s research question. The research question involved understanding the
lived experiences of those interview participants with receiving exclusionary discipline.
According to Smith and Bowers-Brown (2010), other forms of data, such as archived data
or observation, could not sufficiently result in understanding their perceptions. Focus
groups might have possibly supported understanding their perceptions. However, an
individual interview using semistructured questions would have resulted in a greater
focus on individual experience. Further, focus groups would have resulted in less privacy,
and the topic was sensitive (Smith & Bowers-Brown, 2010).
Procedures for Recruitment, Participation, and Data Collection
I asked former students who fit the criteria and who were interested in
participating in the study to contact me. Selected participants took part in an interview.
Each participant participated in only one face-to-face interview, but each was contacted
following data analysis to complete member checking. The length of interviews was 1520
minutes. Data were recorded by using Open Broadcaster Software. Participants received a
$10 Walmart gift card for participation in the interview process.
Recruitment for interview participants began by posting information about the
study and sending flyers with a call for participants to the local treatment organization
and county probation department. My contact information was included in the post and in
the flyers. I arranged a meeting with interested students and their parent or guardian to
describe what was required. The interview dates and times were arranged if the former
student was selected for participation. The selection was based on whether the former
student fit the criteria for participation and the number of participants already selected for
the study.
I continued recruitment until the predefined number of participants was reached. If
the predefined number was not reached or additional participants were needed to reach
the point of data saturation, additional posts were made on social media. I thanked
participants exiting the study and provided them with my contact information and that of
a therapist, in case the participant required any further information or experienced
traumatic feelings as a result of their study participation.
Data Analysis Plan
The plan for data analysis involved thematic analysis. Braun and Clarke’s (2006)
method of thematic analysis were utilized in this research, and coding was performed
following the suggestions from Saldana (2016) regarding coding and analysis relying on
computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software (CAQDAS). Saldana described the
procedures and mechanics for coding and how coding should be supported through
CAQDAS. Hence, Saldana wrote a manual about how coding should supplement the
description of the thematic analysis associated with the research question. Although
coding in this research occurred by manual coding of interviews, further analysis of data
and codes occurred using a CAQDAS program designed specifically for qualitative
analysis. NVivo 12.0 was used to support data analysis. In cases where discrepant
findings were found, discrepancies were noted but not speculated upon in the write-up of
findings. However, speculation on reflection of any prior associated literature was used to
support greater understanding in discrepant cases.
The first phase of data analysis involved preliminary coding. Preliminary codes
were established by reading over the transcripts of interviews multiple times. Codes were
established based on the transcripts and recorded in the reflexivity journal. A description
of codes and their sources were recorded in the journal as well (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
Saldana (2016) supported researchers using personal judgment when coding but noted
that codes could be applied to just about any data found through the analysis process and
should be performed in conjunction with the angle through which the researcher sought to
understand the phenomenon. Therefore, the theoretical framework of the critical race
studies and theory of change functioned as the theoretical lens through which coding
occurred. Reflecting on the codes and the data at this point supported the affirmation that
the point of data saturation was reached.
The second phase of thematic analysis involved establishing a comprehensive list
of codes specifically related to the research question. Although coding was done in the
first phase, additional review to establish a concise list of codes occurred in the second
phase. In this phase, the initial codes related to thematic analysis in the study occurred,
where initial, similar codes were combined with extensive similarity. At this point,
greater definition and meaning were applied to codes, and the codes had greater
relationships with the research question rather than existing independent of them.
The third phase involved combining codes into themes. At this point, the codes
were collapsed into themes that encapsulated some elements of the phenomenon through
the lens of the theoretical framework and angle of the research question. Braun and
Clarke (2006) noted that themes must be described in terms of what they meant, how they
fit together, and what appeared missing. The reflexivity journal should include notes on
interpreting codes and how they were combined (see Braun & Clarke, 2006). Saldana
(2016) noted that collapsing codes into themes involved deep synthesizing codes and how
they fit together. Saldana noted that subthemes might also emerge. These subthemes were
recorded in the reflexivity journal.
The fourth phase involved reflecting on the themes and data fit to understand the
overarching theoretical perspective. Braun and Clarke (2006) noted that analysis at this
point involved understanding the patterns underlying themes and how they fit together
while understanding points at which themes were incomplete or inconsistent. The fourth
phase was, to an extent, a point at which quality checks occurred. Saldana (2016)
supported researchers going back through their data and recoding and recategorizing if
necessary to support thorough data analysis. This phase was recorded in the reflexivity
journal in terms of the notes needed for understanding themes and how themes fit with
codes (see Braun & Clarke, 2006). The entry in the reflexivity journal was used to
understand how themes fit together with codes and note how the themes supported a
datadriven response to research questions (see Braun & Clarke, 2006). After Phase 4, I
was prepared to describe the patterns underlying how themes in the data fit together (see
Braun & Clarke, 2006).
Phase 5 involved defining themes and showing how themes were salient. Braun
and Clarke (2006) pointed to Phase 5 as the point where comprehensive analysis
occurred, involving the analysis of themes and how they supported understanding the
description of the phenomenon by interview participants. Themes in the data were
described in the reflexivity journal with greater specificity at this point (see Braun &
Clarke, 2006). The product was a comprehensive analysis of the data.
The final phase was the point at which the findings were prepared for a write-up,
and the interpretation of the data was reviewed by member checking. Braun and Clarke
(2006) suggested that member checking must be performed after analysis to confirm that
interpretations of data by the primary investigator are consistent with the meaning
described by interview participants. Saldana (2016) supported using member checking to
support the validity of findings. Thus, interview participants were contacted and asked to
participate in member checking to confirm an accurate representation of what they meant
to say. If not, changes might have occurred through recoding and recategorizing (Braun
& Clarke, 2006). Following member checking, I prepared the findings of the research. A
description of theme decisions and contributions follows.
Issues of Trustworthiness
The issues of credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability
remained especially critical in this qualitative research. They were used to support the
internal and external validity of research and the nature of reliability and objectivity.
There were several strategies used to support addressing these issues of trustworthiness.
Some strategies were connected across different trustworthiness issues, but they were
each crucial to the qualitative research process.
Credibility
Multiple strategies supported achieving credibility in this research. The study's
internal validity was accomplished by using strategies, such as member checking,
saturation, and peer review. This qualitative phenomenological research involved
interviewing participants who had experienced a similar phenomenon, but their responses
to questions associated with understanding their perceptions of their experience could
have differed. The objective was to reach the point where further data collection would
likely result in redundant responses, which was the point of data saturation (see Guest et
al., 2020). Predicting the saturation point was difficult and could never be done with
complete precision. However, qualitative research experts suggested a range for
qualitative data collection (Guest et al., 2020). Therefore, the predetermined number of
interviews was 14, but an iterative review of responses was used to support changing the
number of interviews to meet the point of data saturation.
This phenomenological research used Braun and Clarke’s (2006) strategy for
thematic analysis. I completed the analysis using member checking. Member checking
was performed to support the credibility of the research by establishing the findings from
the analysis as consistent with the meaning of responses by participants. The dissertation
chair and committee reviewed the write-up of this research. This review supported the
research receiving peer review.
Transferability
The issue of transferability was associated with external validity in the research.
Transferability was limited in this study because of the precise nature of the population
and sample being bound by race and gender. This research did not intentionally bind
transferability based on participant variation of geographic location and the former grade
level of participants. However, these binds resulted from data collection, including
participants no longer in school. Therefore, there was a low level of external validity in
this study.
Dependability
This qualitative phenomenological research did not include triangulation.
Triangulation in field work associated with exclusionary discipline for individuals in
schools would have presented significant barriers that could threaten the feasibility of the
research. Obtaining permission to observe any activities associated with exclusionary
disciplines, such as in-school suspensions, would likely be impossible because it would
involve participants in observation who did not agree to participate in the research.
Document access might have violated students' privacy in ways that could not be
accounted for before document receipts. Therefore, the establishment of dependability
depended on an external audit of the research findings. Outside research consulting firm
was contacted to use for an external audit of the data analysis and findings.
Confirmability
The confirmability of this research is related to the issue of objectivity.
Confirmability in this research was supported by reflexivity. Reflexivity involves the
attitude of the primary investigator while collecting and analyzing data (Thurairajah,
2018). As the investigator, I was responsible for reflecting on how my background
affected the way that I conducted the research (Thurairajah, 2018). Reflexivity in this
study was supported using a reflexive journal. Using the journal, I recorded my thoughts
throughout the data collection and analysis process.
Ethical Procedures
The ethical procedures related to the issues of trustworthiness must be noted. A
critical ethical procedure to note was the agreement to gain access to participants. The
treatment of human subjects in this research was especially critical to review as the
research included human subjects reflecting on disciplinary actions. The topic was one
with the potential to create a mental strain because of the potential line of questioning. I
obtained approval from Walden University’s Institutional Review Board (approval no.
07-16-21-0671376) before undertaking the field work for this research. Informed consent
was received from the former students before beginning an interview by obtaining their
signatures.
Research must do the least harm possible, and exceptional care must be taken to
reduce the risk of harm (Al Tajir, 2018). Therefore, participants in this research were
protected in several ways. One method was to remind participants multiple times that
they were not responsible for answering each question or continuing participation in the
interview; if they wanted to stop their participation, they were allowed to at any time. I
also maintained constant review of the verbal and nonverbal cues given by the participant
that suggested discomfort. Another method of protection involved a review of the
openended questions. The questions must be tightly related to the research and not
provoke negative emotions. However, the research was associated with a negative
experience. Questions and questioning had to remain sensitive to these factors. I was
prepared to support the participant by connecting the participant with a counselor if the
line of questioning caused mental distress.
Ethical procedures related to the treatment of data were considered. The data
collected in this research were associated with participants who had experienced
discipline. Therefore, care was taken to protect the anonymity of participants. Participants
remained anonymous through data collection only involving the collection of names on
informed consent forms and notations made on data collection files. The need for strict
anonymity needs to be balanced with an acknowledgement of the importance of member
checking, which requires knowledge of participants’ identities. I used the contact
information that I collected to contact participants to confirm that the findings conformed
with what they meant during the interviews. These responses were labeled by number
(e.g., “Participant 1,” “Participant 2,” and “Participant 3”). A separate document was used
to connect the participants’ number to contact information. Participants were contacted to
member check. Once member checking was concluded, the document was destroyed. The
analysis and reporting of these findings continued to follow a pattern of anonymity from
data collection to the write-up of findings and reporting in the completed dissertation
manuscript.
The protection of data was used to support the confidentiality of data. The audio
recordings from participants were the critical form of data collected in this study. The
audio recordings were transcribed, and the audio recordings were saved on an encrypted
thumb drive. Any other copies of the recordings were deleted from any other drives. The
transcriptions were saved on the same drive. The transcriptions were used for analysis,
with data and codes explored through the NVivo 12.0 CAQDAS program.
For analysis, data were stored on a secured computer. Files from the analysis were
saved on the encrypted thumb drive. Once the analysis was complete and member
checking confirmed that the reporting of findings conformed with interpretations of their
responses, the data loaded into the CAQDAS were destroyed, as was the document
containing participant contact information. The data and analysis files will then be stored
on the encrypted thumb drive for 5 years. The stored data may support possible future
research associated with my research agenda. The goal was also to grant Walden
University the ability to audit the data collection and analysis process if the dissertation
chair, committee, or school administration decided that the research must be audited. The
only other party who had access to the data was an external auditor supporting the
dependability of the results. The encrypted thumb drive shall be stored in a locked filing
cabinet. The encrypted thumb drive will then be destroyed once 5 years pass, using fire to
melt the drive and placing the drive in the trash.
Summary
Chapter 3 began with a discussion of the purpose of this qualitative
phenomenological research. African American females’ lived experiences of being
suspended or expelled from high school were explored to understand how zero tolerance
discipline led to experiences with the juvenile and criminal justice system. The research
design was then supported because of the consistency in phenomenological research (see
Paley, 2016). African American female students’ experiences were described as unique
from students at other gender and racial intersections because of the greater frequency
and breadth of zero tolerance policies (Hassan & Carter, 2020; Johnson, 2017;
Thompson, 2016; Young & Butler, 2018).
In Chapter 3, I also described my role as the researcher. I was responsible for
reflexivity while interviewing. I noted the potential for because I held a job position that
included African American females who had been suspended and expelled in the past.
The chapter included a description of the methodology, including the use of purposive
sampling. Instrumentation consisted of semistructured interviews and a reflexivity
journal. Procedures for recruitment, participation, and data collection entailed recruiting
African American female former students through social media and using semistructured,
face-to-face interviews to collect data. I used thematic analysis to interpret the data that I
gathered. Chapters 4 and 5 include the findings of data analysis and the discussion and
conclusions of this research.
Chapter 4: Results
Introduction
In this chapter, I present the study results with the aim of providing insights about
the problem of African American female students’ experiences with zero tolerance
policies in schools that result in a greater likelihood of suspension, expulsion, and
entering the juvenile justice system. The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological
study was to describe the impact that zero tolerance policies had on African American
girls. The research question for this study was, How does suspension or expulsion as a
result of zero tolerance policies impact African American girls in Texas schools?
The presentation of the results includes a brief description of the sample of 14
African American females who attended high school in the United States and were
recruited from the local treatment organization and county probation department. I also
describe the data collection method, data analysis procedures, and trustworthiness
techniques applied to the data. The results are presented in the form of themes that answer
the research question.
Demographics
The sample of the study consisted of 14 purposively selected African American
females who attended high school in the United States. The participants were from a local
organization providing substance abuse treatment for women and the county probation
department. All of the participants experience expulsion, suspension, or both while they
were in high school as a result of the zero tolerance policy. Consequently, the participants
experienced disruptions in their education from missing classes while expelled or
suspended. Only four of the 14 participants were current college students, two of whom
were expected to graduate in the next 2 years. Of the four college students, one
participant obtained a general equivalency diploma (GED) while three participants had a
high school diploma. Two other participants had a GED with one of them having
graduated from a vocational course and the other one not yet having pursued further
education. One participant had plans of getting a GED in 2022. The other seven
participants did not have a high school diploma or GED. At least two of the seven
participants were confirmed to be homeless at the time of the interview, while one was
suspected as homeless.
When describing themselves, several participants stated that they were good
students in that they got good grades and did not get into trouble. Some participants
believed that they were implicated and accused of breaking school rules when they were
not involved. Some participants stated that they got involved in altercations for defending
themselves from bullies. They shared that they were not given a chance to explain
themselves and that school authorities did not take the time to investigate what really
happened.
Data Collection
I conducted individual semistructured interviews to gather data on the impact of
suspension or expulsion as a result of zero tolerance policies on African American girls.
The target participants were African American female former high school students who
had been expelled or suspended in Texas schools. Recruitment of the target participants
of this involved advertising on social media and posting information about the study and
a call for participants on flyers sent to the local treatment organization and the county
probation department. Former students in schools from Texas who expressed their
willingness and interest to participate in the study had a brief conversation with me to
ensure that they met the inclusion criteria of the study. I thanked those who showed an
interest in participating but later decided against it. They were also provided with my
contact information and that of a therapist in case they needed any more information or
experienced traumatic feelings as a result of their study participation.
Using the purposive convenience sampling technique, I recruited 14 participants
for individual semistructured interviews to be conducted in a face-to-face setting. Before
the start of the interview, I made sure to seek the approval of the participants by having
them sign the informed consent form. Participants were also assured of strict
confidentiality and privacy wherein the information gathered from them would be treated
as privileged and confidential. They were informed that only I as the researcher would
have access to the collected data and that no other individuals would have access to it
without the participant's express written agreement.
I used a self-developed interview protocol based on the study's review of related
literature and research questions. Each individual face-to-face interview lasted for about
30 to 45 minutes. With the consent and approval of the participant, I audio-recorded the
interviews using the Open Broadcaster Software. I also engaged in reflexive journaling to
process my reactions to the questions and, likewise, to support the coding process and
establishment of themes during data analysis. Upon reaching the final participant’s
interview, data saturation was achieved since the information provided had already been
mentioned by all participants in the previous interviews. The participants received a $10
Walmart gift card from me after participating in the interview process.
After all the interviews were done, I immediately verified the audio recordings
and produced verbatim transcripts of the interviews. I conducted member checking by
contacting the participants to review their responses in the interview transcript to ensure
the accuracy of the gathered data. After checking, no concerns were raised with
transcriptions, and these were prepared for data analysis.
Data Analysis
I processed the data gathered during the semistructured interviews for analysis.
Thematic analysis was performed to examine the responses of African American female
students on the impact of suspension or expulsion because of zero tolerance policies. I
used Braun and Clarke’s (2006) approach to generate the themes for the study, and
coding was done according to Saldana’s (2016) recommendations using CAQDAS. The
data analysis was also completed with the support of NVivo software in organizing and
categorizing the data to facilitate the coding process.
The first phase of data analysis was preliminary coding. During this phase, I
connected with the data from data gathering to repeated reading of each of the 14
interview transcripts. By reading and rereading the interview transcripts, I was able to
gain general information about the full data set from which the preliminary codes were
taken and noted in the reflexivity journal. In the journal, I recorded my insights about the
participants’ education, career, and housing. As the interviews were conducted face-
toface, I was also able to observe and document the participants’ expressions and
appearance. Participant 9 was the most well spoken and somber, based on my
observation. A recurring pattern among the responses of older participants was that the
punishment they received as a result of the zero tolerance policy was harsher than they
deserved. This recurring pattern was one of the 61 preliminary codes that were generated
from the data. Generating the codes involved the use of NVivo. All 14 transcripts were
imported to NVivo. I read and reread each line of the transcripts and highlighted texts
relevant to expulsion, suspension, and their impacts on the participants. The highlighted
texts were assigned with short descriptive phrases to serve as the preliminary codes. A list
of all the codes is provided in the appendix.
The second phase of the data analysis process was to develop a comprehensive list
of codes related to the research question. I examined the preliminary codes in search of
similarities and differences. Similarities and differences among the codes were observed
through the development of definitions of what each secondary code entailed. The 61
preliminary codes were merged into 13 secondary codes, as shown in Table 1 and
in the appendix.
Table 1
Secondary Codes, Their Definitions, and Preliminary Codes
Secondary code Definition Preliminary code
Automatically assumed
to be at fault because
of racial stereotypes
Perceptions that African American
students were blamed and
punished for any trouble
Immediately suspended them, no investigation,
believe in stories, they did not start the fight or
been in trouble prior to fight, punished despite
video evidence.
No tolerance only for
African American
students
Perceived other racial groups would
have been punished lightly for
the same offenses
School with predominantly White students
Harsh punishment Heaviness of punishment was not
aligned with the severity of the
offense.
Does not see how the school could have punished
them differently, immediately punished heavily,
arrested because of being 18, not a favorite,
perceived they were only one punished.
Experience of expulsion
or suspension
motivated to work
harder
Desire to prove themselves after
expulsion or suspension
Moved to a different school for a new start,
persisted to finish high school
Perceived that they could
not improve their
situation
Negative outlook on their future Believed that racism was adamant, could not get a
professional job or go to college, got pregnant,
few job choices, homeless, low self-esteem, sent
to juvenile detention, forever on their record,
6years of youth spent locked up
Perceived that they
deserved the
punishments
Negative perceptions of
themselves
Not because of race, perceived adverse events as
the cause of their attitude problem, heavier
punishment than necessary
Fell behind, got delayed,
or fully dropped out
Missed schoolwork after expulsion
or suspension which impacted
graduation from high school
Behind schoolwork, fully dropped out of school,
did not want to go to school, missed classes,
delayed graduation, GED and military,
vocational studies, minimal impact
No impact on education
and career
Continued schoolwork while
expelled or suspended
Doing schoolwork while suspended, no impact on
education, continued while in detention
Got into more trouble Caused trouble after being expelled
or suspended
No supervision at home, reduced patience and
attention span
Improved behavior Avoided altercations Did not get involved in fights anymore
Involvement in the
criminal justice
system
Violations and offenses after being
expelled or suspended
Arrested once or multiple times, cases dismissed,
fighting, implicated as a student or adult, jailed,
none, traffic violation, was on probation
Fair approach Recommendations for inquisitive
approach
Fairness for all races, investigate before accusing
students, talk to the students first
No disturbance in Recommendations for setting the After school program
education time for punishment outside of
class hours
Note. GED = general equivalency diploma.
Next, the third phase of the analysis involved combining the secondary codes into
themes. The initial themes derived in this phase were identified by their strong link to the
reviewed sources of literature specifically through the lens of the theoretical framework
of this study. I used the reflexivity journal to draw a thematic map to show the links
among the themes and the research question. The thematic map is shown in Figure 1. Six
themes regarding the impact of zero tolerance policies on African American girls
emerged upon interpreting and analyzing the comprehensive list of codes.
Figure 1
Thematic Map
I reflected on the initial themes and raw data to understand the overarching
theoretical perspective. Quality checking was done at this phase of data analysis to
identify and understand the patterns underlying the themes and how they fit together as
well as to understand the points at which themes were incomplete or inconsistent. As
suggested by Braun and Clarke (2006), the researcher utilized the reflexivity journal to
understand how themes fit together with the codes generated and to note how the themes
supported a data-driven response to the research questions.
To guarantee that no themes overlapped with one another, the finalized themes
were given a name and a short description for every theme. The researcher also
conducted member checking as recommended by Braun and Clarke (2006) and supported
by Saldana (2016) to support the validity of the findings. Participants confirmed the
accuracy of the themes generated from their gathered responses; hence, no changes were
made. A report on the themes is provided in the next subsections, while Table 2 provides
an overview of the themes, their definitions, the number of contributing individuals, and
the number of coded texts.
Table 2
Overview of Themes
Theme Definition No. of
contributing
participants
No. of
coded
text
items
Perception that the issue
with the policy was
related to race
Critiques about the racial disparities impacting
African American women when implementing
zero tolerance (Aldridge, 2018)
12 30
Perception that
punishment was
not fair
Critiques about the harsh and inconsistent nature
of the zero tolerance policy (Ramsay-Smith,
2016)
9 12
Poor perceptions about
themselves and
prospects about their
futures
The zero tolerance policy having detrimental
impacts on student outcomes (Lacoe &
Steinberg, 2018)
10 28
Impacts of being out of
school on education
The zero tolerance policy having detrimental
impacts on education (DeMitchell &
Hambacher, 2016)
11 28
Involvement in trouble
and the criminal
justice system
The zero tolerance policy having impacts on the
school-to-prison trend among African American
women (Hassan & Carter, 2020; Rodriguez,
2015; Thompson, 2016)
12 21
Recommendations for
policies that are fair
and do not interfere
with education
Perceptions of alternative policies that could result
in better outcomes for African American
women (Weiss, 1995)
5 7
Evidence of Trustworthiness
I made sure to address the issues of credibility, transferability, dependability, and
confirmability in this study by establishing the internal and external validity of the
research study as well as the nature of reliability and \ through various strategies and
techniques. The credibility of this study, which refers to the degree of accuracy and
truthfulness of the findings of the study (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), was demonstrated
and supported by conducting member checking, saturation, and peer review. Member
checking was conducted by providing the interview transcripts to the participants by
sending them to their emails for validation and correction of their responses during the
interviews, and transcription. None of the participants made changes to the data gathered;
thus, the member-checked transcripts were utilized for data analysis. The participants also
confirmed and agreed on the themes that I identified and later reported after receiving this
validation. On the other hand, data saturation was also addressed during the conductance
of the study, notably during data collection, to ensure that extensive and comprehensive
data was obtained for data analysis. Furthermore, the dissertation chair and committee
assessed the research write-up gaining peer review for the study.
Issues on transferability in this study were addressed by demonstrating the
external validity of the research study and focusing on the extent to which the findings of
a research are valuable to other academics in related subjects and areas of expertise
(Connelly, 2016). I explained and offered a detailed explanation of the methodology
utilized in the study specifically the inclusion criteria, participant selection, sampling,
instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis to guarantee the transferability of this
study. However, I noted that the transferability of this study was limited due to the race
and gender of the target participants.
The dependability of this study was also established to ensure that the research
findings have a high degree of consistency throughout time (Pandey & Patnaik, 2014). I
sought the help of independent research consulting firm to conduct an external audit of
the data analysis and findings to strengthen the study’s dependability. Moreover, thick
explanations of the complete research technique and a clear justification for the actions
used in the methodology have been provided in this study to improve the reliability of the
findings. This was done by offering detailed explanations of how the data was obtained
and analyzed to maximize the possibility that other future researchers would find the
same themes in their study.
Confirmability describes the objectivity and reliability of the research study
(Noble & Smith, 2015). In this study, I engaged in reflexivity by using a reflexive journal
in which I recorded my thoughts throughout the data collection and analysis process.
Also, a detailed description of the procedures and processes involved during data
gathering and analysis was documented and provided in every phase of conducting the
study to address issues of confirmability.
Results
This section contains the presentation of the themes that resulted from the
thematic analysis process. The themes were derived from the 14 interview transcripts
collected from purposively sample African American females who attended high school
in the United States, who experienced expulsion or suspension as a result of the zero
tolerance policy, and who were from the local substance abuse treatment organization or
county probation department. Six themes emerged from the analysis, which were (a)
perception that the policy was related to race, (b) perception that punishment was not fair,
(c) poor perceptions about themselves and prospects about their futures, (d) impacts of
being out-of-school on education, (e) involvement in trouble and the criminal justice
system, and (f) recommendations for policies that were fair and did not interfere with
education.
Perception That the Zero Tolerance Policy Was Related to Race
One of the participants’ critiques about the zero tolerance policy was the issue of
marginalizing African American students. Specifically, eight participants perceived that
the people of authority automatically assumed that they, as African American individuals,
were automatically at fault. Participant Nine shared, “As soon as they see us, they think
that we are already doing wrong…They automatically think we're doing wrong, We're not
smart.”
Seven participants disclosed that they were suspended or expelled despite not
being the ones to start the fight. Participant 10 shared that her peers were “kinda on the
rude side,” but that she did not engage and “stayed out of trouble.” Participant 10 still got
suspended for being implicated in a fight. The participant stated, “I had been suspended
from altercation that I did not start with a non-African American female…But I've never
been in trouble before this.” Participant 8 was suspended when she got involved in a fight
after defending herself from a bully, “Most [of the] time I was being bullied or picked on
and talked about so I never was the aggressor.”
However, Participant 7 shared that people of authority did not care to investigate
the cause of the fight. Participant 7 perceived that people of authority only listened to one
side of the story. The participant described:
They wouldn't really research to see what was going on. Really, they go by what
they hear too much, instead of knowing what actually happens…I just felt like
they don't…treat us how we're supposed to be treated as far as when it concerns of
how individuals doing or if they do unwell or something they want to bother
somebody that's not doing wrong instead of getting the people that that are doing
stuff that they're not supposed to be doing.
Five participants shared that when individuals from other racial groups, not
necessarily Whites, got involved in a similar trouble they were involved in, they received
a lighter punishment despite the zero tolerance policy. Participant 1 attended a
predominantly Hispanic school where the majority of Mexicans “looked out for each
other.” Participant 1 believed, “I felt like because there were like their own race.”
Participants 4 and 14 experienced being suspended while the other people involved in the
same fight received lighter punishments. Participant 4 believed that because the people of
authority were often Whites or Hispanics, they did not want to heavily punish White and
Hispanic students. Participant 4 elaborated:
Caucasians [and] Hispanics…they didn’t get sent to jail or expelled from school
where they can't demonstrate education or, you know, they don't want to see they
don't want to see their race not having an education. It's always a melanin skin,
that they don't want [us] to succeed in the world today.
On the contrary, Participant 12 attended a predominantly White school with the
former principal being White and the more recent principal being African American.
Regardless of the principal’s race, Participant 12 disclosed that the majority of the
students who were expelled were African American students. Participant 12 described the
phenomenon as “crazy.”
Participant 6 perceived that African American girls received harsher punishments
immediately after being involved in trouble because of the stereotype that African
American individuals were aggressive. Participant 6 stated:
I think that might have played a part just because, you know, as a female that as
African American, females were deemed as, oh, she has an attitude that you
know, African American females are aggressive. So we need to give them you
know, harsher terms or harsh, harsher punishments or, you know, anything that
matters.
Perception That the Punishment Was Not Fair
Another critique about the implementation of the zero tolerance policy was that
the punishments were not fair. This theme was somewhat related to race in which the
participants perceived that they were given harsh punishments for being African
American. However, to distinguish from the first theme, this theme was defined as the
inconsistent and misaligned implementation of the zero tolerance policy. The participants
perceived that people of authority did not have a written basis of the appropriate
punishments for the severity of the offenses. Nine participants perceived that they were
harshly punished for offenses that were not severe. Participant 4 was involved in a fight
shortly after she turned 18. As a legal adult, she was arrested for her offense. Participant 4
expressed, “Considering I'm a Black female, they always wanna send us straight to the
big house instead of giving us a chance. Considering that I had just barely turned 18.”
A common experience among three participants was that they thought a harsh
punishment was not necessary for the offense they committed. Participant 2 shared her
experience of being involved in a fight. In addition to being suspended along with all the
other participants of the riot, they were also sent to juvenile detention, which the
participant perceived was “too much” considering that they were young and that the riot
did not cause severe harm to anyone. Participant 2 stated:
They took us to juvenile [detention]. I felt like we're kids you know. You know
we've got suspended and got written up. The juvenile was kind of extra. Nobody
was like seriously hurt to the point where they should just like throw us all in
juvenile. You know, we were kids. I felt like that was too much.
Participant 6 also perceived that sending African American high school girls to
“court” and do community service was “extra.” The participant believed that the
punishment was unfair because people of authority did not have a standard basis for
dictating the punishment. The punishment was based on what the people of authority felt
about them. Participant 6 explained:
I do know a little extra as far as me like having to go to court and do community
service. Like I said, just because they feel like oh, you know you need to learn
how to do this, control yourself or…just to you know, because we already being
like we have an attitude. Or we're aggressive So, let's just make it a harsher, you
know, give her a harsher punishment.
Participants 1, 9, 10, and 12 perceived that the implementation of the zero
tolerance was not fair because several students were committing the same offenses, but
they were the only ones who were punished with suspension or expulsion. Participant 10
explicitly stated, “Unfair because I was the only one that got suspended.” Participant 1
disclosed, “I felt like I was singled out because everybody else was skipping and not
going to class and even fighting.” Participant 9 perceived that people of authority had
“favorites” and that she got punished because she was not a favorite. Participant 9 stated,
“They had certain favorites that they gave more time with…For me, I guess they felt like
I wasn't one of the special ones.”
Poor Perceptions About Themselves and Prospects About Their Futures
Ten participants shared their experiences of the impacts of their suspension or
expulsion on their perceptions on themselves and their future prospects. Five participants
stated that they perceived themselves to have undesirable attitudes and behaviors, and
that they deserved the punishments. Participant 14 stated, “I was getting suspended every
week or so. My attitude. I don't get along with a lot of people.” Participant 5 believed
herself to be “rowdy.” Participant 10 displayed low self-esteem when she perceived that
she was not capable of what other people were doing. Participant 10 stated, “It will just
have me like realize that I can't do certain things other people do or I'll have to like think
before I act.”
Seven participants believed that after experiencing suspension or expulsion under
the zero tolerance policy, they were bound to experience adverse situations. The
participants’ narratives involved either having their suspension or expulsion lead to
juvenile detention which was on their record permanently or that they were arrested
multiple times. Either way, the participants generally experienced disruption in their high
school education. Eight participants did not finish high school and had no GED at the
time of this study. As a result, five participants shared that they had difficulty finding a
stable job with a decent income. Participant 9 explained how the lack of education
resulted in unemployment and homelessness, “I don't have no GED. I don't have no
diploma and it is hard for me to get a job… I’m homeless. You have no education to get a
job.” Participant 9 and three other participants perceived that the disruption to their high
school education hindered them from attending college and from achieving their dream
professions. Participant 12 shared:
[Suspension] has impacted [my life] lot because I’m here because of the theft
charges and my criminal history. It really ain't too many jobs I can get so I got to
settle for fast food at 39…Because I had a lot of stuff I wanted to do in my future.
I wanted to you know, do computer tech and all that and now that I have like theft
charges on me a lot of companies ain't gonna let you do nothing dealing with
computers or anybody's information and all that stuff. Like I was lucky to get a
job here for cashier knowing I got a felony theft case.
Participant 4 perceived that she has less opportunities than girls who were not
suspended or expelled. Participant 4 shared, “I would say because if I had got an
opportunity to continue education and not become a felon, I probably would have been an
orthodontist somewhere or a doctor.” However, Participant 4 also believed that her career
path was merely diverted and that her experiences did not mean that she could not strive
in her current job. Participant 4 stated, “It just made me choose a different field and go
harder in that field, even though it's not my passion.”
Impacts of Being Out of School on Education
Eight participants disclosed that their experiences of suspension or expulsion led
to missing classes, lessons, and assignments. The participants generally experienced
falling behind on their school work. Participant 13 shared, “I missed like a week or two…
I had to catch up in school and then I had to get back on track with the missing days and
then extra homework.”
For Participants 2, 6, and 9, their suspension had minimal impact on their
education, as they were able to catch up on the assignments they missed. They did their
school work while they were suspended. Participant 6 stated, “I was able to graduate.
Well, that honestly didn't do any harm to that, but I was able to like catch up on my
schoolwork while I was suspended.”
Five participants reported that falling behind school work resulted in delayed
graduation. However, the participants perceived that their experiences had minimal
impact on their education and career. Participant 5 stated, “I'm doing okay. I still got a
job.” Participants 1, 12, and 13 shared that they got a GED while Participant 3 was
working on getting a GED. Participant 1 perceived her experiences as a “setback.”
Participant 1 stated, “It just set me back as far as timeline and when I finished
graduating… I was still able to go on and have a successful college career.”
Four participants revealed that they fully dropped out from high school.
Participants 11 shared that she felt demotivated to go to school after being suspended and
missing several classes. Participant 11 stated, “It made me like not want to go to school.”
Involvement In Trouble and the Criminal Justice System
The majority of the participants were involved in trouble and the criminal justice
system after their experience of expulsion or suspension. Participant 1 shared that during
suspension, she was out of school, had nothing to do, and had no adults to supervise her
which was the reasons she “ran the streets” and got into more trouble. Participant 8
perceived that her experience of being suspended in accordance with the zero tolerance
policy, she also became non-tolerant of “ignorance.” However, Participant 8 also
perceived that she was merely implicated in trouble when she was a student but got
punished for it. As an adult, she suffered from “abuse” and had been arrested multiple
times for offenses she did not commit. Participant 8 stated, “I've been arrested... And not
my fault and not by far…I've been used I’ve been abused and right now I’m going
through it right now at the age of 48.” Participants 9, 12, and 13 also experienced being
arrested more than once as adults. Participant 13 stated, “It was a long-term impact going
back and forth to jail.” One of the reasons Participant 13 was arrested was due to being
involved in a fight with family members. Participant 9 was similarly charged with assault
of a family member. Participant 12 was on probation following an arrest, “I ended up
going to state jail for 6 months and I just got off a 3-year probation last month.”
Participant 1 was charged with assault and possession of an illegal substance, but
the cases were dismissed. Participant 1 shared, “I have an assault charge and a marijuana
possession of marijuana arrest. Both were dismissed.” Participant 14 was held in jail, but
also had the case dismissed. She later on had a traffic violation and had no other records
within the criminal justice system.
Five of the participants emphasized that they did not get into trouble after their
experience of suspension or expulsion. Participant 10 disclosed tending to keep to herself,
while Participant 6 “stayed out of trouble” after learning from her mistakes. Participant 6
shared, “I definitely learned my lesson…remember my mistakes. Stay out of trouble
basically.” Participant 2 also learned from her experience and reported improving her
behavior following her suspension. Participant 2 narrated:
I went back to school I wasn't fighting anymore like I used to have fights like
every week, but after I got in trouble with the law, that's whenever it just
completely stopped. That was my last time ever getting suspended for fighting
again.
Recommendations for Policies That Are Fair and Do Not Interfere With Education
After the experience of suspension or expulsion as a result of the zero tolerance
policy, five participants voiced out their recommendations for implementation changes
that would remove the disadvantage for any racial group. The participants suggested a
consistent and fair approach which should involve talking to the students and conducting
an investigation of the situation. Participant 7 stated:
I just feel that people need to do their research and like I was saying, like, be able
to know the real facts and what's going on. Instead of just pointing fingers at
people about stuff that they don't know.
Participant 4 perceived that an investigation should involve examining both sides of the
story instead of automatically blaming on person because of their skin color. Participant 4
shared, “When you look at the situation, look at it from both sides. Don't look at it one
way because you see a color.”
The second recommendation for change was developing an alternative to the
expulsion and suspension policy. The participants generally perceived that suspension
and expulsion resulted in missing lessons and assignments that make students fall behind
in their classes. Some students have difficulty catching up while some students
completely lose interest in education. Participants 9 and 14 suggested an after-school
program to prevent students in trouble from missing classes. Participant 14 specified:
After-school instead of actually being kicked out…I feel like they shouldn't even have
ISS or suspension if they have after school suspension. Why we couldn't be able to do it
after school and keep up with classes and keep up with my classes and my grades.
Participant 9 further recommended to have one-on-one counseling during
afterschool programs to help students in trouble. Participant 9 relayed her own
experience, and thought, “Maybe they should have tried to work with me a little bit more
than what they did.” Participant 1 had similar perceptions, “I feel like they should have
just sat us [down] and told us not to fight.”
Summary
This chapter contained the results that addressed the purpose of describing the
impact that zero tolerance policies had on African American girls. The results were
developed from the thematic analysis of the individual interview transcripts collected
from 14 purposively sample African American females who attended high school in the
United States, who experienced expulsion or suspension as a result of the zero tolerance
policy, and who were from the local substance abuse treatment organization or county
probation department. The analysis revealed six themes, which were (a) perception that
the policy was related to race, (b) perception that punishment was not fair, (c) poor
perceptions about themselves and prospects about their futures, (d) impacts of being
outof-school on education, (e) involvement in trouble and the criminal justice system, and
(f) recommendations for policies that were fair and non-interfering with education.
The participants’ lived experiences of the expulsion or suspension as a result of
the zero tolerance policy revealed the essence that African American females in Texas
high schools may generally be unfairly and harshly punished for involvement or
implication in altercations or other school offenses. Consequently, the African American
females’ high school education is disrupted, causing missed assignments and lessons.
Some students lost their drive to catch up to their school work and perceived that they, as
African American individuals, had little hope of experiencing life without getting into
trouble. Some participants fully dropped out of school and could not find a stable job and
stable income. Some participants got repeatedly involved in trouble and experienced
being arrested at least once after their expulsion or suspension. Some participants
experienced an increase in their motivation to do well to prove themselves to the people
of authority who punished them unfairly. Several participants perceived that changes to
the implementation of the zero tolerance policy was needed and recommended fairer
approach to punishments.
The study findings were interpreted and discussed in the next chapter. The
discussion involved the interpretation of the results through the lenses of the critical race
theory and the theory of change. The implications, limitations, recommendations, and
conclusions of the study are also provided in the next chapter.
Chapter 5: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations
Introduction
The findings of current research on the use of zero tolerance policies support the
existence of more significant punishment and a higher frequency of the use of
exclusionary disciplinary actions, such as suspensions and expulsions, among African
American female students (Aldridge, 2018; McNeal, 2016; Ruiz, 2017). African
American female students also enter the school-to-prison pipeline (i.e., being arrested and
entering the criminal justice system because of activities occurring in school) more than
any other group of students (Aldridge, 2018). Therefore, there is a need for more research
aimed at better understanding how the exclusionary disciplines that African American
female students receive have negatively impacted their educative development and
preparation to be good citizens.
The purpose of this phenomenological qualitative study was to contribute the
empirical literature to better understand the negative impact that zero tolerance policies
have on African American girls. Specifically, I used phenomenological methods to
explore the effects zero tolerance policies have on these students after suspension or
expulsion from school. The participants were all African American female former Texas
high school students who had been expelled or suspended. I interviewed participants
using semistructured questions that I based on the research question, How does
suspension or expulsion as a result of zero tolerance policies impact African American
girls in Texas schools? Key findings from this study indicate that the lived experiences of
the participants of expulsion or suspension as a result of the zero tolerance policy may
generally be unfair and that they were harshly punished for involvement or implication in
altercations or other school offenses, also causing their high school education to be
disrupted. The findings of this study further revealed six underlying themes of the
participants’ lived experiences, which were (a) perception that the policy was related to
race, (b) perception that punishment was not fair, (c) poor perceptions about themselves
and prospects about their futures, (d) impacts of being out-of-school on education, (e)
involvement in trouble and the criminal justice system, and (f) recommendations for
policies that were fair and non-interfering with education.
Interpretation of the Findings
In this section, I will compare the key findings of this study and discuss to the
extent that these findings confirm, disconfirm, or extend the knowledge in the
peerreviewed literature. In the process, the six underlying themes will be compared and
contrasted with the main concepts in the literature review. These concepts include zero
tolerance policy in schools, zero tolerance policy and race, criticism toward zero
tolerance policy, and direct impacts of zero tolerance policies on African American
female students. Then, an analysis of these findings will be provided in the context of the
theoretical framework, which was comprised of critical race theory and theory of change.
Perception That the Zero Tolerance Policy Was Related to Race
One critique among study participants about the zero tolerance policy was the
marginalization of African American students. Eight of the 14 participants perceived that
the people in authority assumed that they, as African American individuals, were
automatically at fault. These findings confirm previous findings in the literature involving
the zero tolerance policy and its impact on African American students (Alnaim, 2018;
Camacho & Krezmien, 2020; Curran, 2019, 2016a, 2016b; Ruiz, 2017; Wilson et al.,
2020), especially African American female students (Aldridge, 2018; Camera, 2017; Hill,
2018; Hines-Datiri & Carter Andrews, 2020).
Specifically, Alnaim (2018) determined that marginalized students experienced
substantially greater impacts due to zero tolerance policies, while Camacho and Krezmien
(2020) further determined that as the number of African American students in a school
increased, so did the proportion of students who be suspended from school. Wilson et al.
(2020) was critical of using zero tolerance policies in urban schools and determined that
there was racial disproportionality in suspensions and expulsions because students of
color experienced most of these disciplinary actions. Ruiz (2017) also found that the
expansion of zero tolerance policies substantially impacted students over time, especially
students of color, with Curran (2019) specifically concurring that zero tolerance policies
were a significant predictor of greater suspension rates for African Americans than
Whites. The additional findings of Curran (2016a, 2016b) further support that zero
tolerance policies are responsible for a significant difference in the application of
punishment, where racial disparities did play a role in the difference in the use of
discipline, particularly in the case of expulsions.
Regarding a focus on African American female students, Aldridge (2018) noted
that U.S. African American girls faced greater punishment and discipline in school
settings, and African American females were 6 times more likely to receive a suspension
in New York City schools and 53 times more likely to be expelled than other students.
Hill (2018) elaborated on this disparity in the frequency of out-of-school suspensions
between African American girls and White girls by finding that African American girls
received out-of-school suspensions seven times more frequently than White girls, and
African American girls were the fastest-growing demographic in terms of arrest and
incarceration. Camera (2017) further determined that this problem extended to preschool,
where African American girls constituted 20% of students enrolled, but 54% of the girls
who were suspended from preschool. The effect of zero tolerance policies in the K-12
system remains the most significant for African American girls, this research shows.
Hines-Datiri and Carter Andrews (2020) concurred that African American girls
experienced exclusionary zero tolerance policies that resulted in suspension or expulsion
with greater frequency than other female peers. Therefore, the existing literature concurs
with the findings of this study that race is a significant factor in zero tolerance policy
implementation that negatively impacts African American students, especially female
students.
Perception That the Punishment Was Not Fair
Another critique participants had about the implementation of the zero tolerance
policy was that the punishments were not fair. This theme was somewhat related to the
previous theme of race. However, this theme was defined as the inconsistent and
misaligned implementation of the zero tolerance policy, with participants perceiving that
people of authority did not have a written basis to determine appropriate punishments for
the severity of the offenses. Specifically, nine participants perceived that they were
harshly punished for offenses that were not severe. These findings also confirm previous
findings in the literature pertaining to zero tolerance policies that the implementation of
these policies is not based on clear written guidelines and is therefore subjective and
inconsistent (Aldridge, 2018; Curran, 2019; Ramsay-Smith, 2016; Sellers & Arrigo,
2018). Curran (2019) determined that an explicit zero tolerance policy existed in less than
14% of schools. Sellers and Arrigo (2018) discussed how the application of zero
tolerance policies related to social control, particularly in the case of marginalized youth,
and determined that the application of zero tolerance policies remained inconsistent, with
Ramsay-Smith (2016) concurring that zero tolerance policies were often vague and
inconsistent in their application. Aldridge (2018) further concurred that as time
progressed, applying the zero tolerance policy became more frequent and more
subjective. The perception of the participants of this study that zero tolerance policies
were unfair is therefore also supported in the literature.
Poor Perceptions of Themselves and Prospects About Their Futures
Ten participants shared their experiences of the impacts of their suspension or
expulsion on their perceptions of themselves and their future prospects. Five participants
sharing they perceived themselves to have undesirable attitudes and behaviors, and that
they deserved the punishments. These same five participants also believed that after
experiencing suspension or expulsion under the zero tolerance policy, they were bound to
experience adverse situations such as juvenile detention, involvement with the criminal
justice system, disruption in their high school education, noncompletion of their high
school education, and difficulty finding a job with a stable income.
Multiple studies in the literature confirm these specific findings of the negative
impacts of zero tolerance policies among African American female students pertaining to
poor perceptions of themselves and their future prospects of being involved with the
criminal justice system (Hines & Wilmot, 2018; Hines & Young, 2020; Morris, 2016;
White, 2017; Wun, 2018). White (2017) found that African American girls were more
likely to be removed from school and experience interaction with the criminal justice
system. These outcomes were related to the stigma that African American girls are
defiant, unruly, unsophisticated, and have poor attitudes that result in differential
treatment by teachers and harsh punishment in the criminal justice system. Hines and
Wilmot (2018) also found that the public school environment is a dangerous,
hyperviolent space for African American students, especially African American girls,
because of the impact of racial microaggression and anti-African American attitudes.
Their identity is formed in a largely negative manner as a result, and their social
development is one where they have been stigmatized and marginalized based on the
school system's structure and policies. Wun (2018) also concurred that the social
experience of schooling for African American girls is one where they experience
antiAfrican American and punitive punishment measures.
Morris (2016) discussed the issue of cultural belief, policy, and practices as
factors contributing to the criminalization and dehumanization of African American girls
in U.S. schools. Morris found that African American girls experienced being stigmatized
and degraded by the education and criminal justice system, and they were often
misunderstood and unfairly judged by individuals who held power over the trajectory of
their lives. Hines and Young (2020) further concurred that school system structures
resulted in the marginalization of African American girls, especially those placed in
alternative schools, due to a lack of academic and socioemotional support. Their removal
from traditional schools was due to the policies of schools. In the alternative schools
where they were placed, they were less likely to be successful and more likely to be
marginalized than before. The literature clearly establishes that African American female
students are often stigmatized and marginalized in the public school environment. The
literature also supports that school policies such as the zero tolerance policy also often
lead to involvement and unfair treatment within the criminal justice system. The poor
perceptions that study participants shared about themselves and their prospects for their
futures therefore resonated with the literature. .
Impacts of Being Out of School on Education
Eight participants disclosed that their experiences of suspension or expulsion led
to missing classes, lessons, and assignments, and they generally experienced falling
behind on their schoolwork. One study was noted in the literature that focused research
on the impacts of being out-of-school on education among African American female
students that confirmed these specific findings among the participants of this study.
Martin and Smith (2017) discussed the discipline experienced by African American
female students and found that even when conditions such as family factors, school
quality, and teacher quality were controlled for, there were significant differences
between African American girls and their peers in terms of disruption in their high school
education, and the subjective discipline and informal reports of discipline problems also
substantially influenced African American girls to drop out of school. The limited focus
of research in the current literature on this specific topic of the impacts of being out-
ofschool on education also indicates that this study has extended the existing literature in
this area as related to the specific findings of this study regarding the impacts of being
out-of-school on education among African American female students and as also related
to the poor perceptions of their future outcomes as previously noted of the disruption and
non-completion of their high school education and difficulty finding a job with a stable
income.
Involvement in Trouble and the Criminal Justice System
The majority of the participants of this study shared that they were involved in
trouble and the criminal justice system after their experience of expulsion or suspension.
These findings were confirmed in the literature, with discussion of this phenomenon also
referred to as the “school-to-prison-pipeline” (Johnson, 2017; Poole, 2019; Rambo, 2020;
Rodriguez, 2015). Rambo (2020) found that there was a significant disproportionality in
the increase of arrests by police, where minorities would experience outcomes of greater
severity than Caucasian peers that supported the existence of the school-to-prison
pipeline. Rodriguez (2015) also discussed the issue of the preschool-to-prison pipeline
and determined that early interaction with police officers can result in the establishment
of a longer-term relationship with police and eventually prison because students became
accustomed to the criminal justice system based on their earlier interactions. Poole (2019)
discussed the role of the school-to-prison pipeline and the criminalization of African
American girl identity in the structure of public schools in Pennsylvania and determined
that existing policies pushed African American female students out of schools and into
the criminal justice system. Johnson (2017) further determined that the school-to-prison
pipeline was a phenomenon more frequent among African American female students than
other students. Therefore, the literature also supports the finding of this study that current
school policies such as the zero tolerance policy led to involvement in the criminal justice
system, particularly among African American female students.
Recommendations for Policies That Are Fair and Do Not Interfere With Education
After the experience of suspension or expulsion as a result of the zero tolerance
policy, five participants voiced their recommendations for implementation changes that
would remove the disadvantage for any racial group, with these participants suggesting a
consistent and fair approach which should involve talking to the students and conducting
an investigation of the situation. The concept of the need to move away from zero
tolerance policies to facilitate approaches that were more fair and non-interfering with
education was confirmed with great consensus in the literature overall (Aldridge, 2018;
Clark-Louque & Sullivan, 2020; Crosby et al., 2018; Lacoe & Steinberg, 2018; Moreno
& Scaletta, 2018; Ruiz, 2017; Schiff, 2018; Skrzypek et al., 2020; Woods, 2020). Moreno
and Scaletta (2018) determined that there was an important need to move away from zero
tolerance policies through educator preparedness and further determined that the solution
was based on greater professional development for faculty to achieve greater classroom
management. Ruiz (2017) and Aldridge (2018) determined that most expulsions were not
because of violence, but because of other issues that could be addressed with alternative
disciplinary methods, with Lacoe and Steinberg (2018) further concurring that many
public school districts have concluded that applying zero tolerance policies has been too
extreme and have committed to rolling back zero tolerance discipline because using zero
tolerance discipline, particularly in nonviolent scenarios, was unproductive.
Specific to African American students, Woods (2020) found that this population
represented 89.4% of the students arrested or referred to juvenile proceedings under zero
tolerance policy, but that by applying an alternative discipline model such as the
restorative justice model, only 6.8% of students were negatively impacted. Schiff (2018)
further supported the use of the restorative justice model because it could reduce the
number of African American and other racialized minority students from continuing to
enter the school-to-prison pipeline. Clark-Louque and Sullivan (2020) also concurred
specific to African American female students that the use of restorative justice instead of
a zero tolerance policy reduced the number of suspensions or expulsions from school.
Crosby et al. (2018) also explored the use of an alternative disciplinary intervention
called the Monarch Room (MR) among African American female students that
recognized the personal trauma of their lived experiences and found that this program had
a positive impact and was increasingly being utilized.
By contrast, although Skrzypek et al. (2020) found that restorative justice
practices were a promising alternative to zero tolerance policies because of their
nonpunitive nature by promoting the expression of thoughts and feelings instead, there
were some limitations that were noted of significant differences in the feelings toward
restorative practices between African American male and female students, with male
students who believed that restorative practices supported the use of nonviolent
problemsolving skills and female students who did not support restorative practices as a
method of learning to solve problems without violence or changing their behavior.
Lustick (2017) also did not concur that the use of restorative justice was always a better
alternative approach, particularly in small schools with locked-down buildings, by finding
that the use of restorative practices was responsible for replicating racial inequality when
discipline was still partly dependent on an association with zero tolerance policies. These
limitations specific to the alternative approach of the restorative justice model versus zero
tolerance discipline, while not disconfirming the finding of this study of the need to find
more fair and non-interfering policies to education, do suggest a need for further research
on this particular alternative approach to discipline, especially among African American
female students. However, whether the alternative approach to discipline is the restorative
justice model or other approaches, the overall consensus in the literature clearly confirms
that there is a need for such reform that does support the findings of this study.
Theoretical Framework
Yosso (2005) described critical race theory as existing at the intersection of race,
power, and law that supports a critical assessment of how these factors relate and are
responsible for the continued impact of racism through society's structure, and
particularly, how racism continues to permeate through social institutions. The critical
race theory delineates from critical theory due to a specific application of the theory to
problems concerning race, most often, those in the venue of law and public policy, and
has been utilized in previous research to understand zero tolerance policy and advocate
for its elimination (Scott et. al, 2017; Thompson, 2016). Thompson (2016) specifically
determined that African American students were more likely to experience suspension or
expulsion because the structure of the system was such that minority students were
disproportionately impacted by zero tolerance policies and proposed that alternatives to
zero tolerance policy should be implemented instead such as the restorative justice model.
Scott et al. (2017) concurred that a shift from federal zero tolerance policy requirements
to state and local actions was needed to better uphold the civil rights of students,
particularly students of color.
The theory of change is a theory that supports establishing a strategy for social
change such as the previously described shift from zero tolerance policies in public
schools to alternative discipline approaches. Through the theory of change, nonprofit and
government organization leaders can design and implement changes through
interventions that support positive outcomes for all stakeholders (Brest, 2010). The theory
of change functions through establishing a series of small steps that culminate into
achieving a higher order goal, with there being several checkpoints on the path to the
accomplishment of this goal with criteria that includes plausibility, feasibility, and
testability of the elements proposed for a change initiative (Kubisch et al., 1997).
The key findings of this study within the themes of perceiving the issue of the
policy was related to race and poor perceptions about themselves and prospects about
their futures as also directly related to the negative impacts of involvement in trouble and
the criminal justice system and being out-of-school on education clearly fit within the
construct of critical race theory that examines the intersection of race, power, and law and
provides a critical assessment of how these factors are ultimately responsible for the
continued impact of racism through society's structure and social institutions (Yosso,
2005), with Thompson (2016) and Scott et al. (2017) specifically being noted in the
literature as utilizing critical race theory to examine the negative impact of zero tolerance
policies on African American students. Further support was also found in the literature
that race is a significant factor in the implementation of zero tolerance policy (Alnaim,
2018; Camacho & Krezmien, 2020; Curran, 2019, 2016a, 2016b; Ruiz, 2017; Wilson et
al., 2020), especially among African American female students (Aldridge, 2018; Camera,
2017; Hill, 2018; Hines-Datiri & Carter Andrews, 2020), that negatively impacts their
perceptions of themselves through marginalization and stigmatization and through
adverse future outcomes such as becoming involved in the criminal justice system (Hines
& Wilmot, 2018; Hines & Young, 2020; Morris, 2016; White, 2017; Wun, 2018), as a
part of the school-to-prison pipeline (Johnson, 2017; Poole, 2019; Rambo, 2020;
Rodriguez, 2015), and or as a disruption in their high school education that may cause
these students to drop out of school (Martin & Smith, 2017). Therefore, critical race
theory is also appropriate and useful to interpret and analyze these specific findings in the
literature to better understand the intersection of race, power, and law and how these
factors are ultimately responsible for the continued impact of racism through society's
structure and social institutions.
Key findings of this study specific to perceiving that the zero tolerance policy was
not fair and recommendations for policies that were fair and non-interfering with
education directly link to the theory of change as an appropriate and useful theory for
analyzing and fostering the implementation of changes through interventions that support
positive outcomes for all stakeholders within nonprofit and government organizations
(Brest, 2010), such as alternative discipline approaches to zero tolerance policies within
public schools. Further support was found in the literature with great consensus overall
that there was a definite need to move away from zero tolerance policies in order to foster
change with alternative discipline approaches that were more fair and non-interfering
with education (Aldridge, 2018; Clark-Louque & Sullivan, 2020; Crosby et al., 2018;
Lacoe & Steinberg, 2018; Moreno & Scaletta, 2018; Ruiz, 2017; Schiff, 2018; Skrzypek
et al., 2020; Woods, 2020). Therefore, the theory of change is also appropriate and useful
for interpreting these specific findings in the literature, and along with critical race
theory, provides an appropriate and useful theoretical framework to effectively analyze
and facilitate the changes that are needed to reform zero tolerance policies, particularly
for African American female students.
Limitations of the Study
A significant limitation of this study was the small sample size of fourteen
participants and the specific nature of the sample based on race, gender, geographic
location, and the characteristic of the participants already being out of school that could
impact trustworthiness in the area of transferability and external validity. Multiple
strategies supported achieving credibility and internal validity in this study though such
as member checking, data saturation, and peer review. Another limitation that may
impact trustworthiness was associated with possible bias in the research due to the
primary researcher being of the same race and gender as the participants. However, the
objective confirmability of this research was supported by the primary researcher
maintaining a reflexivity journal.
Recommendations
Although the strengths of the existing literature included a great amount of
research with consensus on the finding that race is a significant factor in the
implementation of zero tolerance policy (Alnaim, 2018; Camacho & Krezmien, 2020;
Curran, 2019, 2016a, 2016b; Ruiz, 2017; Wilson et al., 2020), especially among African
American female students (Aldridge, 2018; Camera, 2017; Hill, 2018; Hines-Datiri &
Carter Andrews, 2020), and of the need to move away from zero tolerance policies in
order to foster change with alternative discipline approaches that were more fair and
noninterfering with education (Aldridge, 2018; Clark-Louque & Sullivan, 2020; Crosby
et al., 2018; Lacoe & Steinberg, 2018; Moreno & Scaletta, 2018; Ruiz, 2017; Schiff,
2018; Skrzypek et al., 2020; Woods, 2020) that all confirmed the findings of this study,
there were some limitations to the current literature of a focus of research on the topics of
being out-of-school on education and difficulty finding a job with a stable income that
were specific findings of this study, with the literature mostly focusing only on
involvement with the criminal justice system (Hines & Wilmot, 2018; Hines & Young,
2020; Morris, 2016; White, 2017; Wun, 2018) and as the school-to-prison-pipeline
(Johnson, 2017; Poole, 2019; Rambo, 2020; Rodriguez, 2015).
It is therefore recommended that further research be conducted on these specific
topics of the impact of zero tolerance policies on being out-of-school on education and
vocational options among African American female students and across a broader
spectrum of students as well. A second limitation in the literature pertained to the
restorative justice model and the need to confirm or disconfirm specific criticisms of this
model, particularly as they pertained to African American female students (Lustick, 2017;
Skrzypek et al. 2020). Therefore, further research is also recommended to explore the
nuances of the restorative justice model in more depth as this model may interact with
specific groups of students and across different types of school settings.
Implications
The implications of this study offer many opportunities to promote positive social
change on the individual, family, and organizational levels. On an individual level, other
African American females who have also experienced the negative impact of zero
tolerance policies may benefit from the recognition that they are not alone and may
become more empowered in the process of sharing their own lived experiences with
others to facilitate positive social change on this issue. In turn, their families may be
strengthened through a greater understanding that they were not always to blame or
always at fault for this negative impact, and there are other systematic factors that
unfairly worked against them that could be changed by also becoming empowered to be a
part of a broader conversation of the need to move away from zero tolerance discipline
policies.
This study has the propensity to promote positive social change on an
organizational level as well for how public school leaders in Texas apply zero tolerance
policies to African American girls by providing valuable information that stakeholders,
policy makers, and school administration could use to better understand the unintended
consequences of zero tolerance policies on African American girls. The findings of this
study also have implications for a deeper understanding of critical race theory by adding
further support and extending the existing literature on how the intersection of race,
power, and law are ultimately responsible for the continued impact of racism through
society's structure and social institutions specific to the lived experiences of African
American female students who were negatively impacted by zero tolerance policies in
schools.
Conclusion
This study on the lived experiences of African American female students who
were impacted by zero tolerance discipline policy shared important insights that
contributed to the gap in existing literature and provided a better understanding of the
difficulties they experienced from being marginalized, stigmatized, and treated unfairly
from this policy, causing many to have poor perceptions of themselves and their future
life outcomes, and also often led to a disruption in their education and involvement in the
criminal justice system that inhibited their ability to find a job with a steady income.
Significant findings from this study included greater recognition in the literature that zero
tolerance policies disproportionately impacted African American girls in these negative
ways that could ultimately lead to the unintended consequence of causing much more
harm than good. Significant findings also included further recognition in the literature
that alternative discipline approaches must therefore be implemented to stop this cycle of
harm from being allowed to continue.
