Labor Discussion

IIII,II,IIIIII!I'II• 1THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATESWhatAreClasses?IfirstlearnedaboutclassgrowingupinDetroitanditssuburbs.LongbeforeIknewwhatclasseswere,Iexperiencedthem.BeforeIhadthewordsandcon-cepts)Isawformyselfprofounddifferencesindifferentpartsoftown.IwenttogradeschoolandjuniorhighinDetroitwiththechildrenofautowork-ers.Forhighschool,myclassmateswerechildrenoftopautoexecutivesinsubur-banBloomfieldHills.Myparentshadfoundahouseinoneofthefirstsubdivisionsinthearea,acornerofoneofthefinestpublicschooldistrictsinMichigan)wherehugeestatesstoodinsharpcontrasttothehousingIhadknownbefore.Otherdif-ferencessoonemerged.Theautoplantsclosedonthefirstdayofdeerhuntingsea-sonsothousandsofworkerscouldheadintothewoodsofnorthernMichigan,butfathersinBloomfieldHillstooktheirkidshuntingformooseinuorthernCanadaoronsafaritoAfrica.AhighschoolboyIknewinDetroitwhokilledanoldwomanwasputaway,butasmallgroupofmynewclassmateswhobeatatruckdrivertodeathbythesideoftheroadonalarkreceivedbarelytwoweeks'socialprobationatschool.Whetherweareawareofitornot,evenwhenwedon'thavethewordstoexplainit,theAmericanexperienceisanexperienceofintenseclassdifference.Apopulationaslargeanddiverseasourscontainsmanydivides.Inrecentdecades,wehavearrivedatbetterunderstandingsofrace,ethnicity,gender,andsexualorientation,helpingustomakeprogresstowardovercomingdiscrimina-tion.Butaspublicawarenessoftheseissueshasdeveloped,knowledgeofclassdifferenceshasallbutdisappeared.7 THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES9isdifferentfromlookingatincomeorstatusorlifestyle.WhenAmericansdotalkaboutclass,thesearethemeasuresthatusuallycomeup,andforgoodreason.Theworkingclassdoeshavedifferentincome,status,andlifestylesfromthoseofthemiddleclassandcapitalistclass.Butifweleavethematterthere,wemissthebasicreasonthatclassesexistinthefirstplace.Classesaregroupsofpeopleconnectedtooneanother,andmadedifferentfromoneanother,bythewaystheyinteractwhenproducinggoodsandservices.Thisproductionprocessisbasedintheworkplace,butextendsintothepoliti-calandculturaldynamicsofsocietyaswell,wheretherulesandexpectationsthatguidetheeconomyarelaiddown,largelyinaccordwiththeneedsoftheeconomicallypowerful.Classisnotaboxthatwefitinto,ornot,dependingonourpersonalattributes.Classesarenotisolatedandself-contained.Whatclassweareindependsupontheroleweplay,asitrelatestowhatothersdo,inthecomplicatedprocessinwhichgoodsandservicesaremade.Theserolescarrywiththemdifferentdegreesofincomeandstatus,buttheirmostfundamentalfeatureisthedifferentdegreesofpowereachhas.Theheartofclassisnotaboutlifestyle.Itisabouteconomics.Clearlyitmakesadifferencewhetheryouownthefactoryorareahiredhand.ItmakesadifferencewhetheryouaretheCEOatthebankorthetechnicianwhorepairstheATMs.Thechiefdifferenceisadifferenceofpower:powertodetermineandcontroltheprocessesthatgooninthefactoryandthebank,andbeyondthat,powerinthelargersociety,especiallypoliticalpower.Poweriscomplicated;ithasmanysourcesandisexercisedinmanyways.Somepeoplehavethepowertodeterminewhichgoodsandserviceswillbemade,how,andbywhom.Somesetgovernmentpolicyandusethegovernmenttocontrolothers,throughthepolice,throughregulations,throughthemilitary.Othershaveculturalpowertoshapetheideasandvaluesthattendtodominateourthinking.Electionsinvolvestillanothertypeofpower.Apersonwithpowerinoneofthesepartsoflifedoesn'tnecessarilyhavepowerinanother.Butpowerisn'trandom.Wecanfindpatternsintheexerciseofpower,spilloverfromoneareaofsocietytoanother.Economicpowerandpoliticalpowerarerelatedandreinforceoneanother.Thepowertoaffectourcul-turecomesfromcontrolovereconomicandpoliticalresources,butinfluencingtheculturetendstostrengthenone'seconomicandpoliticalpoweraswell.Somepowerisobviousandsomeisinvisible.Thepowerthatwecanseewetendtoidentifywithindividuals.Mysupervisorhaspower.ThepresidentoftheUnitedStateshaspower.AmediacriticfortheNewYorkTimesandaprogramofficerattheNationalEndowmentfortheArtshavepower.Ihavepower,andyoudotoo,intheaspectsofourlivesthatwecancontrolorinfluence.Mostofusareacutelyawareofpowerinitsvisible)individualforms. 10CHAPTER1Butotherkindsofpowerareeasytomiss.Thepowerofinertiatendstoper-petuateexistingwaysofdoingthingsandexistingrelationships.Wearen'tnee-essarilyaware,daytoday,ofthepowerthatlimitsalternatives,thepowerofakindofsocialautomaticpilot,invisibleaslongaseveryonegoesalongwiththeprogram.Invisibleforcefieldsofpowerarebuiltintothestructuresthatholdsocietytogether,givingitshape,settingthepathsforouropportunity,andsettingthelimitsaswell.Wetendtotakethesecontoursforgranted,internalizethem,andthinkofthemasthenaturalorder.Butwhensomegroupofpeopleseriouslychallengesthiskindofpower,inpolitics,intheculture,inassertionsofnewwaystoorganizetheeconomy,whathadbeeninvisibleroarsintofullview:the"pow-ersthatbe"stepouttodemolishthethreat.Classesariseintheserelationshipsofsocialpower,visibleandinvisible.Classisfirstandforemostaproductofpowerassertedintheproductionprocess.Thismeanspoweroverwhatgoesonatwork:whowilldowhichtasksatwhatpaceforwhatpay,andthepowertodecidewhattoproduce,howtoproduceit,andwheretosellit.Butbeyondthat,productionpowerinvolvessettingtherulesforhowmarketsworkandthelawsgoverningpropertyrights.Productionpowerincludesorganizinganeducationalsystemthatwillgenerateaworkforcewiththeskillsandworkhabitsrequiredtokeepproductiongoing.Productionpowerextendsintomanyaspectsofourlivesbeyondthejob.WewillseeshortlythatthemajorityofthepopulationintheUnitedStatesbelongstotheworkingclass.Theworkingclassdoesnotexistinisolation,ofcourse;itdrawsitsexistencefromitsrelationshiptootherclasses,otherpeoplealsoengagedinmakinganddistributinggoodsandservices.Firstandforemostamongtheseotherclassesisthecapitalistclass,thosewhoownandoperatethemajorcorpora-tions.Whatisimportantaboutcapitalistsisnotsimplythattheyhavethepowertodisposeofallthatismadeintheirfactoriesandoffices.Theyhavethepowertocontroltheworklivesoftheiremployees,mostofwhomareworkingclasspeople.Theireconomicpowerfindsitswayintoenormousinfluenceinpoliticsaswell.Inacapitalistsociety,the"powersthatbe"arelargelythecapitalists,thecorpo-rateeliteatthetopofrelativelylargeU.S.businesses.Forthemostpart,capitalistssetthetermsofproduction,inallthesensesjustdescribed,andmore.Theyownorcontrolthebusinessessoofcoursetheyhavethepowertomaketherules.Owningorcontrollingthebusinesses,theyhavethemoneyandsocialstatusand,withthese,powertoinfluencethepoliticalandculturallifeofthecountry.Theirinfluencetendstodefineeveryone'sopportunitiesandlimitsaccordingtowhatwillbegoodforcapitalists,whatwillcontinue,broaden,anddeepentheirpower.Sometimesthispowerisvisible;whenitisnot,itjustis,bakedinthecake.WhenItalkabouttheworkingclass,ontheotherhand,Iamtalkingaboutpeo-plewhoshareacommonsituationinthesesocialstructures,onewithoutmuch• L_----------_THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES11power.Tobeintheworkingclassistobeinaplaceofrelativevulnerability-onthejob,inthemarket,inpoliticsandculture.Onthejob,mostworkershavelittlecontroloverthepaceandcontentoftheirwork.Theyshowup,asupervisorshowsthemthejob,andtheydoit.Thejobmaybeskilledorunskilled,white-collarorblue-collar,inanyoneofthousandsofoccupations.Whatevertheparticulars,mostjobsshareabasicpowerlessnessinrelationtotheauthorityoftheownerandtheowner'srepresentativeswhoaretheretosuperviseandcontroltheworkforce.Evenwhenworkersdohavesomeinfluenceatwork,thebasicpowerrelationsareunchangedbecausethecapitalistretainstheultimateauthority.AttheSaturnplantinSpringHill,Tennessee,GeneralMotorsandtheUnitedAutoWorkersestablishedalabor-managementcooperationprocessthatmanyobservershavetakenasanewkindofworkerpower.Beforethefirstcarwasbuiltin1990,teamsofworkersandsupervisorstogetherdesignedthefactoryandthelaborrelationssystem.Workershelpedmakehiringdecisionsandwerepartoftheproductdesignteams.AunionofficersatontheSaturnpolicycommittee.Noneofthis,however,madetheworkersanythingotherthanworkers.Theydidnotbecomecapitalistexecutives.Whateverpowertheyhadcamefromtwosources:1)thepoweroftheiruniontonegotiateacontractthatgavetheworkerspowerundertherulesofcooperation,and2)theagreementofthecompany,theboss,toallowtheworkersthesepowers.Infact,tensionsexistedatSaturnbetweenGeneralMotorsandtheworkforce,despitetheformsofcooperation.InJune1998,whenworkersinFlint,Michigan,struckGMpartsplantstolimitoutsourcing,theworkersatSaturnalmostjoinedin,becausethesameissueswereatplaythere,despitecooperation.'Theimmedi-ateproblemwasonlyoneofmanyinayears-longpatternofconflictsofinterestbetweenthecompanyandthosewhoworkedtheline.Workteamsandarespect-fulsupervisorcouldoffersomerelieffromthetypicalburdensofcapitalistworkrules(orteamscouldcreateawholenewsetofproblems).Buttheseimprovementshardlymakeworkersintononworkers.Nordidcooperationsavetheworkers'jobsattheplantwhenGeneralMotorstopmanagementdecidedtodiscontinuetheSaturnbrandandclosetheplantaltogetherin2009,withanannouncementthatmadenomentionoftheirpartnerunionnorproductionworkers.'Thesameconflictscontinueevenincompanieswhereworkershaveemployeestockownershipplans(ESOPs).Inthefirstdecadeofthenewcentury,about11,500businessesintheUnitedStates,withtenmillionemployees,hadESOPs.sStocksinsuchplanstypicallyhavevariousvotingrestrictionsthatmakeitimpos-sibleforworkerstoexercisecontrolofthecompany.Instead,theplansareusuallyaformofpensionprogramorsometimesaprofit-sharingplanimposedincon-nectionwithwageconcessionsforcedupontheworkers." THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES13positionoftheirworkingmate.Childrensharetheclasspositionoftheirparents,andretiredpeopletypicallyretaintheclassstandingtheyhadintheirworkinglife.Therelativesizesofdifferentclassesinthelaborforcecloselyreflecttheclasscompositionofsocietyasawhole.Beforelookingattheworkingclass,let'slookatthecapitalists,theclasswithwhomworkersaremostdirectlyengaged.TheCapitalistClassCapitalistsandtheirtopmanagersownandcontrolbusinessesofallsizes.Inastrictsense,anyonewhomakesalivingbyowningabusinessisacapitalist,evenifsheemploysonlyacoupleofpeople,orevenifheisself-employedandhasnooneworkingforhim.Butitmakessensetodistinguishbetweenbigandsmallcapitalists,torecognizethedifferenceinpowertheyhaveovertheirworkers,inthemarket,andinthepoliticalarena.BillGatesandDonaldTrumpdon'tbelonginthesameclassastheguywhohasasmallplumbingbusinessandemploysanoccasionalhelperwhenworkissteady.In2006(thelatestyearforwhichthesedataareavailable),twenty-sixmillionbusinessesexistedintheUnitedStates.Mostweresmall,eventiny.Almosttwenty-onemillion,81percent,involvedtheproprietoralonewithnoemployees.Ofthe4.9millionfirmswithemployeesin2005,morethanhalfemployedjustonetofourpeople,accountingintotalforjust5.2percentofallemploymentthatyear.Bycontrast,justtwenty-onethou-sandcompaniesemployedfivehundredormorepeopleeach.These,0.4percentofallbusinessesinthecountry,employed44percentofallpeopleworkingthatyear."TheInternalRevenueServicereportsthatin2006,thelatestdataavailable,58percentofbusinesseshadlessthan$25,000ingrossreceipts,andalltheseverysmallbusinessesputtogether,17.8millionofthem,tookinjust0.4percentofallbusinessrevenue."Theoverwhelmingmajorityofthesesmallbusinessesaresoleproprietor-ships,whichthebusinessownerdoesnotincorporate.Anybusinessprofitsaremixedinwiththeowner'sotherincomeandreportedonhisorherfederalincometaxformusingScheduleC.Millionsoftheseself-employed"smallbusi-nesspeople"haveworkingclassjobsastheirmainsourceofsupport;theirbusi-nessactivityisjustanothersourceofpersonalincome,oftenmuchsmallerthantheirjobincome.Sometimesaworkingclasspersonwillbeforcedtoconnecttoanemployerasanindependentcontractor,aswhenahairdresserrentsachairinasalonwhoseownerhascompletecontroloverworkhoursandpay.Fortaxpurposes,the"independent"hairdresserisasmallbusinessowner,buttherealityisquitedifferent.• 14CHAPTER1Ontheotherendofthescalearetheincorporatedbusinesses,orcorporations.Evenmostoftheseareonthesmallside.Ofthenearly5.4millioncorporationsoperatingin2006,only19percent,1.1millioncompanies,hadgrossreceiptsaboveamilliondollars.Butthereceiptsgoingtothis19percentaddedupto96percentofallcorporatereceiptsthatyear.10Clearlyitisappropriatetomakedistinctionsamongcapitalists,separatingbigbusinessfromsmallentrepreneurs.Noclear,brightlineseparatesthesmallbusinessofthemiddleclassentrepreneurandthebigbusinessofthecapitalistclass.Acompanyemployingfifteenpeoplemightbebiginatownoffivehundredresidents;itsownermighthavearespectedroleinthelocalcommunityanditspoliticalandsociallife.Butinalargercity,suchabusinesswoulddisappearintheschemeofthings,fromthepointofviewofthosewhoholdseriouspower.Sothereisnosimpleruletodifferentiatebigfromsmallbusiness.Anyattempthastotakeintoaccounttheoverallsocialsettingofthebusiness.Still,thedis-tinctionisworthpursuingtogetaclearerpictureofthediverseinterestsofthe"businesscommunity."Tobegin,Icallanybusiness"small"ifitsownerworkssidebysidewiththeemployeesandsupervisesthemdirectly.Thisownerisinthemiddleclass.Thebusi-nessbecomes"big"andtheowneramemberofthecapitalistclassonlywhentheownernolongerworksdirectlywiththeworkers,exercisescontroloverthework-forcethroughatleastonelayerofmiddlemanagement,andbecomesoccupiedfull-timewithrunningthebusinessasaseniorstrategistandsourceofauthority,largelyremovedfromtheproductionprocessitself.Again,thereisnohard-and-fastruletoseparatethesetypesofbusinesses,butexperiencesuggeststhattwentyemployeesisareasonablecutoff,beyondwhichasmallbusinessbecomesbig.Bythismeasure,therewere'639,000bigbusinessesintheUnitedStatesin2005,eachemployingtwentyormorepeople.Thesewereonly13percentofallbusinessesthathadanyemployeesbeyondtheowner,butin2006theyhad81percentofallemployeesandaccountedfor85percentofthecountry'snongov-ernmentpayroll."Theboardsofdirectors,principalowners,andtopexecutivesofthesecompaniesformthecapitalistclass.Theyarenomorethan2percentofthelaborforce.Mostofthesebusinessesarebigfishinsmallponds,holdingswayinalocalareabutwieldinglittlemarketorpoliticalpoweronanationalorevenregionalscale.Togetahandleonthescopeofbigbusinessandthecapitalistclassonanationalscale,wecanlearnfromhowthebusinesscommunityitselfapproachesthequestion.OnewayistolookattheSmallBusinessAdministration,apartoftheU.S.DepartmentofCommercethatprovidestechnicalandfinancialassistancetosmallbusinesses.AccordingtotherulesoftheSBA,establishedbyCongress,anybusinesswithfewerthanfivehundredemployeesisasmallbusiness.This7 THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES15numberindicatesthatthegovernmentviews"bigbusiness"asarelativelytinynumberofcorporations.In2005,bythestandardsoftheSBA,therewereonlytwenty-onethousandbigbusinessesintheUnitedStates,0.4percentofallbusi-nesseswithanyemployees,and0.08percentofallbusinessesinthecountry.Yettheyemployedover44percentofallbusinessemployees."In2006,thistinypercentofallbusinessesintheUnitedStatespaidout56percentofthecountry'sprivatepayroll(notcountingsoleproprietorships)."Wecanreasonablyconsiderthesetwenty-onethousandbigbusinessestobethenationaleconomicelite.Theirdirectorsandseniorofficersexerciseconsid-erablepower,notonlywithinthecompaniestheycontrolbutalsointhelargersociety,whichisaffectedbytheirdecisionsandopinionsonstrategiesforinvest-ment,collectivebargaining,andforeignaffairs.Evenwithinthiselite,powerisconcentratedintheverylargestfinancial,manufacturing,service,andtransportationcompanies.AttheendofJune2010,therewere7,830banksintheUnitedStates(notcountingtheseparatebranchesmanybankshave):6,676commercialbanksand1,154savingsbanks(notcount-ingcreditunions)."Banksaretypicallyrankedinsizebytheamountofassetseachcontrols.Thousandsofbanksaresmallbusinessesinsmalltowns,importanttherebutnowhereelse.Butthetwenty-fivelargestcommercialbankshadassetsrangingfrom$66.6billion(NorthernTrust)to$1.6trillion(JPMorganChase).Theywereonly0.4percentofallcommercialbanks,butthistinyfractioncon-trolled68percentofallcommercialbankassetsinthecountry,$8.I7trillion.Evenamongtheseveryrichestandmostpowerfulinstitutions,powerisconcentratedintheuppermosttier:thefivebiggestbankscontrolled56percentoftheassetsofthetoptwenty-five.ISSimilarconcentrationsoccurinfarming.Whenwethinkofagriculture,mostofusthinkofthefamilyfarm,thebackboneofruralAmerica.In2007,ofthe2.2millionfarmsoperatingintheUnitedStates,28percentwereunderfiftyacres,buttheyaccountedforjust1.8percentofallfarmland.Bycontrast,fewerthan4percentoffarmswerelargerthantwothousandacres,buttheycovered54percentofthefarmlandintheUnitedStates."In2007,almost60percentoffarmsinthecountrysoldcropsworthlessthan$10,000fortheentireyear,takinginatotaloflessthanIpercentofallfarmsales.Thebiggestoperations,with2007salesofamilliondollarsormore,werefewerthan3percentofallfarms,buttheytookinalmost60percentofallfarmrevenue.I?Theselopsidedholdingsaremorethanmatchedinmanufacturing.In2006,286,000firmswereengagedinmanufacturingintheUnitedStates.Almostthree-quartersofthesefirmsweresmallbusinessesemployingfewerthantwentypeo-ple;togethertheyemployedjustunder9percentofthemanufacturingworkforce.Attheotherendofthescale,therewerefourthousandmanufacturing 1116CHAPTER1companiesthateachemployedmorethanfivehundredworkers.Thesebigbusi-nesseswerejust1.3percentofthetotal,buttheyemployed55percentofthemanufacturingworkforce.ISNinety-fourpercentofmanufacturingcorpora-tionshadunder$10millioninassetsin2006,andtogethertheytookinonly7percentofallcorporatemanufacturingrevenue.Butthe1,760largestmanufac-turingcorporationshadassetsinexcessof$250millionapiece.Theywereonly0.6percentofallmanufacturingcorporations,buttheytookin81percentofallmanufacturingcorporations'revenues,and91percentoftheprofit."Theseconcentrationsofpowerdominateindustriesweencounterineverydaylife.Thetopthreesoft-drinkmakers,Coke,Pepsi,andDr.Pepper/Snapple,havenearly90percentoftheirmarket."Atthecloseofthelastcentury,thetopfivemusicalbumproducershad84percentoftheirmarket.Ninetypercentofthecig-arettessoldinthiscountryweremadebythreecompanies,whilefourcompaniesdominatedresidentialtelephoneservice,andsoon."Overtime,corporateassetshavebecomeincreasinglyconcentrated,atrendthatcontinues.Inbanking,forexample,whilethenumberofcommercialbanksdroppedfrom12,500attheendof1990to7,100in2009,theshareofbankassetscontrolledbythehundredlargestbanksincreasedfrom50percentto82percent.Thesharecontrolledbythetenbiggestbanksinthecountryalmosttripled,goingfrom20to54percent."Concentrationofbankingassetsamongthelargestbanksincreasedstillmoreafterthe2008financialcrisisdespiteconcernsthatbankshadalreadybecome"toobigtofail"andthreatenedthestabilityoftheentireeconomy.Giventhestarkpatternofconcentrationofbusinessassetsintherelativelyfewlargestcorporations,itmakessensetoconsiderbigbusinessasadistinctforceintheeconomy,andtoconsiderthepeoplewhorunthesebigbusinessesasadistinctclasswithmoreeconomicandpoliticalpowerthanothers.Theaverageboardofdirectorsofabigbusinessoperatingonanationalscaleincludesaboutfifteenpeople."Thereare,then,atotalofabout315,000positionsontheboardsofdirectorsofthetwenty-onethousandnational-scalebigbusinessesintheUnitedStates.Thesearetheseniorcorporateofficersandtheoutsidedirectorswhorepresentmajorsuppliers,customers,sourcesofcredit,andotherlinkstotherestofthecorporateworld.Mostdirectorssitonlyononecompany'sboard,butsomesitontheboardsoftwoorfiveorevenmorecorporationsatthesametime,formingintricatepat-,ternsofinterlockingdirectorshipsamongthemajorcorporations.OnedetailedstudyofthedirectorsoftheeighthundredlargestcorporationsintheUnitedStatesfoundthat15percentofdirectorssatonmorethanonecompany'sboard."Takingthesemultipledirectorpositionsintoaccount,wecanidentify245,000orsoindividualswhotogetherconstitutethegoverningboardsofnational-scalecorporations.Theyarethe"captainsofindustry"whodominatetheU.S.= THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES17economy,thetwo-tenthsof1percentoftheprivatesectorworkforcewhoarethecoreofthecapitalistclassonanationalscale.TheRulingClassFromamongthesedirectors,thefewtensofthousandswhositontwoormoreboardsformapatternofinterlockingdirectorshipsamongthemajorbanksandnonfinancialcorporations.Thisnetwork,togetherwiththetop-levelpoliticalandculturalleadersalignedwithit,canfairlybecalledtherulingclass."Classesarenotsimplythesumofmanyindividualswhosharecertainchar-acteristicsorpositionsofrelativeeconomicpower.Therulingclassisboundtogetherintoacoherentsocialforcebycommonnetworksandinstitutionsthatallowtherulingclasstorule-togivestrategicguidancetosociety.Thinktanks,eliteuniversityresearchandpolicycenters,exclusivesocialandpoliticalorgani-zations,mediaandculturalinstitutions,andthephilanthropicfoundationsandwealthyindividualswhofinancetheseinstitutions,allinteracttocreateanenvi-ronmentinwhichdebatesleadtopolicyformulationandpoliticalprocessesthatbroadlyreflectthecorporateinterestsatthecenterofthenetwork.Itsmembershavesubstantialpowerbut,likeallclasses,therulingclassisnotamonolithicunitanditisnotall-powerful.BothwithintheUnitedStatesandinternationally,itsmembershavefactionaldisputesamongthemselves,regionaldifferences,anddifferencesbasedontheinterestsofspecificindustries.Therul-ingclassislimitedbycompetitionamongcorporationsandbytheorganizedpowerofotherclasses,butitsmembershaveenoughsimilarityandcoherenceofinterestandoutlooktodifferentiatethemfromtherestofsociety.Wecanidentifytherulingclassasasmalleliteamongthecapitalistsandtheirtopalliesinpoliticsandculture.TheentireU.S.rulingclasscouldeasilybeseatedinYankeeStadium,whichholdsfifiy-twothousandpeople.HowClassesPersistEconomicrelationshipsarethefoundationofclasses.Butclassisnotjustaneconomicmatter.Whileeconomicrelationshipsmayremainmoreorlessstableovergenerations,theindividualswhomakeupthedifferentclassescomeandgo,andmustbecontinuouslyproducedanewineverygeneration.Thismeansthatclassesarenotjustthesumofthepeopleinthematagiventime.Classesareproducedwholeovertime,inacomplicatedsetofprocessesinvolvingalmostallaspectsofsociety:culturalrepresentationsandnorms,so 18CHAPTER1importantinshapingourunderstandingsofwhoweareandhowwearerelatedtoothers;education;religion;politics;academicresearch;andsoon."Classesshouldbeunderstoodinpart,then,asdynamicprocessesbywhichtheyreproduceovertime.Thecapitalistclass,forexample,hascreatedinstitu-tionsvitaltoitsreproductionasaclassandthestabilityofitsrulingclass,includ-ingeliteeducationalinstitutions,socialclubs,andbusiness,trade,andlobbyinggroups.Overtime,theseinstitutionsshapeyoungpeopleandequipthemwiththeknowledge,skills,andsocialnetworksessentialforthecontinuedexistenceofthecapitalistclassasamore-or-lesscoherentsocialforcecapableofgivingstrategicdirectiontobusinessandthecountryasawhole.Asblacksandwomenhaveenteredintothecapitalistandrulingsclasses,theyhavebeenabsorbedintothesenetworks,butwithresidualracistandsexistbarriers.Inresponse,theyhavedevelopedtheirowninstitutionstoacclimateandguidepeopleintothehigherreachesofeconomic,political,andculturalpower."Theworkingclassisalsoreproducedacrossgenerationsthroughtheinstitu-tionsandmediarepresentationsthatworkingpeopleencounter,someoftheirownmaking,mostnot.Theworkingclass,likethecapitalistandrulingclasses,isnotjustacollectionofindividuals.Itisacoherentsocialforce,principallytrainedandbroughttogetherbyeducationalandculturalinstitutionsandtheiremploy-erstoproducegoodsandservices.But,unlikethecapitalistandrulingclasses,theworkingclasshasnoinstitutionsdesignedtoforgeitintoasocialforcereadytogivestrategicguidancetosociety.TheMiddleClassUnderstandingthestructureandsizeofthecapitalistclasshelpsustounder-standthemiddleclass.ThemiddleclassisunderconstantdiscussioninAmeri-canpoliticallife.Astheworkingclasshasdisappearedfrompoliteconversation,themiddleclasshascometobeacceptedasthesocialpositionmostAmericansarein.Politiciansappealtothemiddleclass.Taxcutsaredesignedforthemiddleclass.Downsizingafflictsthemiddleclass.Evenunionleadersalmostalwaysrefertotheirmembersasmiddleclass.Mostpeoplethinkofthemiddleclassintermsofincomeandlifestyle.Inshort,themiddleclasshasamiddlingincome.Itsmembersarenottherich,whoareafringegroupofcelebritiesandbusinessmillionaires,noraretheythePOOf,thefringeatthebottomofsocietywhoarechronicallyunemployed,onwel-fare,outsidethemainstream,the"underclass."Themiddleclassarethosepeoplewho,inBillClinton'sphrase,"workhardandplaybytherules,"goingtoworkeverydayjusttogetby.Thecommonman,everywoman.7 THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES19Justwheretodrawthelinebetweenthepoor,themiddleclass,andtherichisarbitraryinthiswayofthinking.Themiddleclassitselfoftengetsdividedintoan"uppermiddleclass;'a"lowermiddle;'andevena"middlemiddle."Ratherthangetsidetrackedbythemanypossibleincomedividinglinesthatareused,wewillgetabetterunderstandingofclassesifwedefinetheminaverydifferentway.Let'sask:Whatisthemiddleclassinthemiddleof?Ifweanswerthisquestionintermsofpowerinsteadofincome,weseethatthemiddleclassisinbetweenthetwogreatsocialforcesinmodernsociety,theworkingclassandthecapitalistclass.Thesetwoclassesareconnectedatwork,intheproductionofgoodsandservices.Buttheyhavesharplyopposinginterests,inproductionandinpolitics.Themiddleclassiscaughtinthemiddleoftheseconflictingrolesandinterests.Inthecontextofthesharpconflictsthatarisebetweenlaborandcapital,themiddleclassiscaughtinthecrossfire.Alookatthelivesofsmallbusinessowners,super-visors,andprofessionalpeoplewillhelpmakethepointclear.SmallBusinessOwnersFirst,let'sreturntosmallbusinessowners.Theyarecaughtbetweenbigbusi-nessesontheonehand,whichimposeintenserestrictionsontheirabilitytocompete,grow,andmakemoney,andworkersontheother,whopressforwages,workingconditions,andsocialpoliciesthatareoftenbeyondthecapacityofasmallbusinesstofinance.Asistypicalofthemiddleclassingeneral,smallbusinessownerssharecom-mongroundwithbigbusinessinthedefenseofpropertyinterestsandhostilitytoorganizedlabor,buttheyalsohavecommongroundwithworkersintheirdesiretofindrelieffromthedisciplineofthemarketplacedominatedbybigbusiness.Smallentrepreneursarenotintheworkingclass,eventhoughtheyworkhardandmanyhavethemselvesbeenintheworkingclassinthepast,especiallyinthebuildingtrades.Entrepreneurshavemoreindependencethanworkers-that'sthewholepointofbeingyourownboss.Andtotheirworkerstheyaretheboss.Oneexampleofthecomplexityofrelationsamongworking,capitalist,andmiddleclassescomesfromtheworldofthefamilyfarm.Backinthe1970s,smallfarmsinsouthernMichiganandnorthernOhioweregrowingtomatoesdes-tinedforsaletotheCampbellSoupCorporation.Thesefarmersemployedfarmlaborers,mostlyMexicansandMexicanAmericans.Thefarmworkers,undertheleadershipofBaldemarVelazquezandtheFarmLaborOrganizingCommittee(FLOC),begantoorganizethemselvesintoaunionandsoughthigherwagesandbetterworkingconditionsinthefields,demanding,forexample,accesstocleandrinkingwaterandtoiletfacilities.7 II20CHAPTER1Thesmallfarmerssaidtheycouldn'taffordtheworkers'demands,andpointedtothetermsofthecontractstheyhadsignedwithCampbellthatsetlowpricesfortheproduce.Theworkers'demandsthreatenedthemwithruin,theysaid.Theworkerswereunmoved.Butaftertheimpassecontinued,FLOCchangeditsapproach.Insteadofgoingtoetotoewiththesmallfarmerswhoemployedthem,thefarmworkerswenttoCampbellanddemandedabetterdealforthesmallfarmers.FLOCwenttothefarmers,too,andultimatelywonthemovertogotogethertochallengeCampbell,andtosharewiththeworkersthebettertermsthat,workingtogether,theywereabletoextractfromCampbell,thebigbusinessthathadbeenlimitingthemall.In1985,afteralongandbitterfight,Campbellfinallywasforcedtoimprovethetermsoftheirpurchasesfromthesmallfarmers)whointurnimprovedthewagesandworkingconditionsofthefarrnworkers.ItwasnolovefestonthepartofthefarmersinOhio.Manyhadhatedtheunionanditsorganizersforyears.Itwasonlyaftertheybeganbargainingcon-tractsandfoundoutthattheydidinfacthavemoreincommonwiththework-ersthanthecorporateprocessorsthattheywarmeduptoFLOC.AsoneFLOCstaffmemberputitin1999,"Thisisn'ttrueofthemall,butthesedayssomeofourbiggestboostersarethosesamefarmerswhousedtorunBaldemarofftheirfarms."Thesesmallfarmers'interestswerebestservedbysidingwiththeirownworkers,developingacommonstrategyagainstacommonenemy,andmakingconcessionsandaccommodationstotheworkersalongtheway.Noteverysmallbusinessiscaughtsodirectlyandobviouslybetweenlaborandbigbusiness.Butinthelargerplayofforcesinsociety,that'swheretheyare.Manysmallbusinessessharewithworkingpeopleacommonvulnerabilitytomarketforcesdominatedbylargecorporations.Smallbusinessownershavenohealthinsuranceexceptwhattheyprovideforthemselves,asistrueformil-lionsofworkers.Smallbusinessesandworkersalikehavedifficultygettingcredit,andbothgroupsarevulnerabletothedisruptioncausedwhenabigcorporationdecidestomoveoutofacommunity.Ofcourse,smallbusinessOwnerspartcompanywithworkersinatleastasmanyways.Workers'wagesarebusinesscosts,asarethecostsofcomplyingwithhealth,safety,andenvironmentalstandardsoftenchampionedbyworkers.Onthesequestions,andinthegeneraldefenseofprivatepropertyinterests,themiddleclassofsmallbusinessownersisdrawntothesideofbigbusiness.Butitcanalsohappenthatbigbusinesswillpromotecertaingovernmentregulationsknowingthattheyalonecanaffordtoabidebythem,usingregulationonpur-posetoputsmallercompetitorsatadisadvantage.Inshort,smallbusinessownersarecaughtinthemiddle.Theysharewithworkingpeopleacommonvulnerabilitytomarketforcesdominatedbylarge= THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES21corporations,buttheysharewiththosesamebigbusinessesaninterestinkeepingthepowerofworkingpeopletoaminimum.SupervisorsandManagersSupervisorsandmiddlemanagersmakeupanotherlargepartofthemiddleclass.Thinkaboutaforemanorsupervisor.Thispersonisthecompany'sfrontlineofmanagement,theretomakesuretheworkgetsdone,responsibleforpushingtheworkforcetoperform.Foremenandsupervisorsareoftenpromotedfromtheranksoftheworkersthemselves,oftenhaveadetailedknowledgeofthework,andsometimesevencontinuetoworkalongsidethosetheyaresupervising.Buttheyareanextensionofmanagement,althoughatthelowestlevel,withlayersofmanagementabovepushingthemtoperform,justastheypushthework-forcebelow.Theforemanhasanotoriouslynastyjob.Heorshetakesgriefbothfromtheworkersbeingsupervisedandalsofromthoseinhighermanagementwhoaresuspiciousofanylaxnessintheperformanceofmanagerialduties.Thisiswhatsupervisorsatalllevelsareinthemiddleof.Thisdistinctionhaslongbeenrecognizedinlaborlaw,whichusuallyrequiressupervisorstobeinadifferentbargainingunitfromnonsupervisoryemployees,andinthewaytheDepartmentofLaborreportswagesandotherinformationseparatelyfor"supervisory"and"nonsupervisory"employees.Ofcourse,classpositionisbasedontherealityoftheworksituation,notthejobtitle.Ihadastudentwhowasan"assistantmanager"atashoestoreinalocalmall.Allthismeantwasthatshehadakeytoopenthestoreinthemorning(sothebossdidn'thavetocomeinearly),andshehadtheauthoritytocountthemoney.Theseextradutiesbroughtheraslightlyhigherwagethanhercowork-ers,butshedidn'tmanageanything.Shewasintheworkingclassdespitehermanagerialtitle.Someworkersdotakeonwhatmayseemlikesupervisoryduties."Leadwork-ers;'forexample,givedirectiontocoworkerswithlessexperienceorskillandoftengetpremiumpayfortheirabilities.Thesemoreseniorworkersarenotmiddleclassmanagers,however.Theydon'tdisciplinefellowworkersoractinotherwaysasdirectrepresentativesofmanagementauthority,dutiesthatarecentralpartsofanysupervisor'sworklife.Overtime,courtrulingshavereducedthelegaldefinitionofwhoisanemployeewithrightstounionorganizationandmembershipprotectedbylaw.Inprivateuniversitiesandcolleges,forexample,theSupremeCourtruledintheYeshivadecisionin1980thatfacultyshouldbeconsideredonaparwithuppermanagementbecausetheyparticipateinhiringandfiringdecisions,even= II22CHAPTER1ifonlybyadvisinguppermanagementinpeer-reviewtenuredeliberations.28Eversince,lackingtheprotectionoflaw,ithasbeenalmostimpossibleforfac-ultyinprivatecollegesanduniversitiestoorganizeintounionsexceptinrareinstanceswhenthecollegepresidentvoluntarilyacceptsaunionforthefaculty.Facultyatpubliccollegesanduniversities,ontheotherhand,arecoveredbystatelawsthatsometimesallowfacultyunions(andsometimesprohibitthem),unlikefederallaws,whichcoveronlyprivatesectoremployees.Publicuniversityandcollegefacultyhaveorganizedthemselvesintounionsforcollectivebargain-inginmanystates.ProfessionalsAthirdsectionofthemiddleclassismadeupofthemillionsofprofessionalpeo-plesuchasdoctors,lawyers,collegeprofessors,andaccountants.Thesepeopletendtohaveconsiderableauthorityandflexibilityintheirjobs,whethertheyareself-employedorworkinacorporatedepartment.Theyoftenputinlonghours,andtheydotheirworkinaccordancewithrulesthatguidetheiractions.Butonthewholetheyfunctionwithinprofessionalassociationsthatexertconsiderableinfluenceinsettingtherulesandstandardstowhichthemembersoftheprofes-sionaresubject.Inthisway,thedisciplineprofessionalsfaceisnotthesameasthatexperiencedbyworkers.Youngprofessionalsjuststartingtheircareerscanbesubjecttointensesuper-visionandlonghoursandhavenocontrolovertheirwork.Medicalresidentsorfirst-yearassociatesinalawfirmmayexperiencetheseconditions.Atuniversi-ties,youngadjunctsfaceconditionsmuchclosertothoseoftheskilledworkingclassthantothoseoftenuredprofessors.Butworker-likeconditionsdonotputyoungprofessionalsintotheworkingclass.Rather,theconditionsarepartofanapprenticeshiporevenhazing.Thehopeandexpectationarethatfullprofes-sionalstatuswillcome.One'ssenseofclass,andtherealityofclass,isthereforenotjustaquestionofone'scurrentworksetting.Itisrelatedtothetrajectoryoffutureprospectsconnectedtothecurrentwork.Ifamedicalresidentweretoldthatshewouldhavetolivethatharriedlifeforthenextfortyyears,shewouldthinkdifferentlyabouthersituationandhersupervisorsandemployers.PeoplewithnewPhDdegreesmaybewillingtoputupwithtemporaryemploymentforayearortwobeforesettlingintoatenuretrackjobwithanacademicfuture.Butinrecentyears,asithasbecomeapparentthattensofthousandsofadjunctswillneverfindaregularplaceintheprofes-sionallifeoftheuniversity,theirattitudesasadjunctshavebeenchanging.Theirmilitancyandinterestinunionprotectionshaveincreased,andtheirfeelingsofestrangementfromtheregularprofessoratehavegrownaswell.= THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES23Ascorporatemanagementpracticespenetratedeeperintoprofessionallife,professionalsareincreasinglyfindingthemselvesinthemiddleofsocialforcestheyhavelittleexperiencewith.Ihaveidentifiedclassesaccordingtothedegreesofpowerandauthoritypeoplehaveatwork.Butpowerrelationshipsarenotfixedovertime.Theycanchange,andastheychange,people'sclasspositioncanchange,too.Wesawevidenceofthisespeciallyamongmiddleclassprofessionalandmanagerialpeoplecaughtinthechangingstructuresofworkthatbeganinthe1990sandhavecontinuedintothe20lOs.Therecanbenobetterexampleofthetraditionalmiddleclassprofessionalthanthefamilydoctor.Traditionallyapersonofauthorityandindependence,thedoctoratworkisclearlyremovedfromtheworklifeofthesecretaryormillhand.Thedoctor'sclassstandingisnotdirectlyaresultoftheyearsoftrainingrequired.Askilledmachinistorautomechaniccantakeyearstotrain,too.Thedoctorisdifferentfromthemachinistbecausenoonetellsthedoctorwhattodo.Thedoctorisincontrolofhertimeandeffortaswellasthetreatmentofherpatients.Thatis,untilrecently.NowthatHMOshavebroughtcostcontrol,reengineering,andcorporatemanagementpracticestothemedicalsector,doctorsareincreasinglysubjecttoadisciplineandcontrolunknownintheirranksintheentirehistoryoftheprofession.Managedcarewassupposedtobeawayto"bringcompetitiontothehealthindustry."Whatthishasactuallymeantisthepenetrationofbigbusinessandcapitalistmethodsintothemedicalworkprocess,inthedoc-tor'sofficeaswellasthehospital.Underthisregime,doctorsareincreasinglybeingchangedinto-manywouldsay,"reducedto"-employees,morelikeskilledartisans,lesslikeindependentagents.Inresponse,somedoctorsareturningtounionsforprotection-,Tosomeextenttheyareconcernedabouttheirincomes.Butinmostoftheseunionizationefforts,therealspurdrivingdoctorstounionsisthequestionofpowerandautonomyintheirworklife.Asdoctorshavecomeunderthesemanagementpractices,theirpoliticalviewshavechangedaswell.29Beginninglawyersnowoftenfindthemselvesinlargefirmswheretheyworkinbullpenconditionsonrepetitive,routinematters.Theyareassignedcasesandintenselysupervisedforefficientuseoftime,andsharemoreincommonwithskilledworkersthanwiththeindependentlawyersofthetraditionalprofessionalmiddleclass.Inrecentyears,evenmanagershavebeensubjecttothedisciplineofcapi-talistlaborrelations.WhentheNewYorkTimesranaweeklongseriescalled"DownsizinginAmerica"in1996,30thestorieswereofmiddlemanagersaswellasskilledworkers.Duringthecorporaterestructuringoftheearlynine-ties,millionsofworkerslosttheirjobs.Butinfactproductionworkerswere IIII24CHAPTER1notlosingjobsanyfasterthaninthe1980s.Whathadchangedwastheincreaseinlayoffsformanagersandsupervisors,longcushionedfromthedisciplineofthelabormarket."Thefervorthemediahadforthisstoryremindedmeofthe1968garbagestrikeinNewYorkCity.Aftermanydaysofgrowingpilesofgarbageontheside-walks,aTVreportertriedtoconveytheseriousnessofthesituation:therats,hesaid,hadbeenseenleavingHarlem,crossingovertheTriboroughBridgeintolargelywhiteareasofQueens.Ratsshouldn'tgointoQueens.ButneithershouldtheyhavebeeninHarleminthefirstplace,anditwasn'tnewswhentheywere.Itisaseriousmatterthatmiddlemanagersandprofessionalpeoplearetreatedbadly,strippedoftheirdig-nityatwork,andsubjecttotherawpowerofcapitalistauthority.Butforworkingclasspeople,suchtreatmentisnonewsatall.Thefactthatmiddleclassprofessionalsareincreasinglyexposedtocapitalistpowerdoesnotimmediatelyputthemintotheworkingclass.Thiscanoccur,however,ifthebasicnatureoftheworkandworkrelationsinaprofessionchangesdrasticallyenough.Thatiswhathappenedtoskilledcraftsmenasmassproductiondrewthemintocapitalistworksettingsinthelastpartofthenine-teenthcentury.Itwasthisproletarianizationofskilledcraftworkthatledthoseworkerstoformthefirstlong-lastingtradeunions,thebasisoftheAmericanFederationofLabor.Intheopeningyearsofthetwenty-firstcentury,publicschoolteachershavebeentheprimaryexampleofthisprocess.Fightingforauthority,theyarecaughtbetweenpressuresfromschoolboardswantingtoapplycorporatemanagementstrategiestocontroltheirwork,ontheonehand,andreluctanceamongmanytoidentifytoocloselywithunionsandtheworkingclass)whichcanbeseenasunprofessional.Atthesametime,teachersfaceincreasinglyimpatientdemandsfromworkingclassparentsthattheirchildrengetabettereducation.Thecorporateattackonteachersdemandsthatteachersgiveup"specialprivi-leges"thatprofessionalpeoplesharebutworkingclasspeoplelack.Highonthelististenure.Withtenure,teachershavegreaterjobsecuritythanmostworkers,eventhoughtenuredoesnotreallyguaranteeajobforlife.Teacherscanstillbefiredorlaidoffformanyreasons.Themainbenefitoftenureisthatitprotectsacademicfreedomandhelpsshieldthecurriculumfromoutsidepoliticalinter-ference.Parentsmightenvytenure,orbelievethatitkeepslousyteachersonthejob.Buttheysharewithteachersacommoninterestinresistingcorporateprac-ticesintheschoolsanduniversitiesandacommoninterestinallowingteacherstoapplytheirexpertise,inassociationwithparents,toconstructprofessionalstan-dardsthatservetheinterestsofstudents.Thisisatypicallycomplicatedconditionofmiddleclassexistence.= THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES25Ithasalwaysbeentruethattheprocessbywhichprofessionalpeoplearebroughtintotheworkingclassisnotsmooth.Itinvolvesintenseconflict.Weseethatmostclearlynowintheeducationreformmovementthatchallengesthelegiti-macyofteacherunionsacrossthecountry)claimingthattheyarethebiggestimpedimenttoschoolreformsthatwouldhelpchildrengetabettereducation."Theimpositionofcorporatemanagementpracticesintotheschools,centraltomuchofthereformagenda)requiresthefreedomofprincipalsandschoolboardstoimposetheirdecisionsupontheteachers.Managementhasincreasinglysub-jectedteacherstothesortsofdisciplineandregulationthattypifytheconditionsofskilledworkers.AsNewYorkTimesbusinesscolumnistJoeNoceraapprovinglyexplainedtheprocess)NewYorkCityschoolschancellorJoelKlein"empoweredprincipals)makingthem)asheputsit)'theCEOsoftheirbuildings."33Inresponse,theAmericanFederationofTeachersandtheNationalEducationAssociation,thetwomajorteachers'unionsintheUnitedStates,representingoverfourmillionpeople)haveinsistedthatteachersshouldplayacentralroleinguidingcurriculumreformsandotherchangesinschooloperations.Indoingso,theunionsaretryingtopreservetheprofessionalstatusoftheirmembers)todistinguishtheworklifeoftheteacherfromtheexperienceofthecafeteriaworkerorjanitor.Theideaistoavoidasituationinwhichtheschoolboard)principal,orcurriculumconsultingfirmdecideswhatshouldbetaughtineachclassandwhatteachingmethodsshouldbeused)andthenhiresteachersonlytotellthem"here'sthejob,nowgoanddoit."Astheschoolreformmovementhascometodominatethepubliceducationsystem)teachershaveoftenbeenonthelosingsideofthisconflict.Theimpositionofdetailedcontroloverteachersinvolvessubjectingthemtoquantitativemeasuresof"output,"usingstudents)scoresonstandardizedtestsofbasicskillsasindicatorsofteacherperformanceincreating"valueadded"intheirwork.Thecorporatemodelofeducationrequirestheteachertohonethestudentintothedesiredmarket-readyproductwithappropriateskills)muchasthemachinistshapesworkintoaproductforsaleinthemarket.Akeydistinc-tionbetweenaprofessionalandaskilledworkeristhedegreetowhichthepersonhascontroloverthedesignofthework.Whentheteacherlosescontrolofthelessonplanandbecomessubjecttoevaluationbasedonexternallydeterminedquantitativemeasuresofoutput)theteacherleavestherealmofprofessionallifeandenterstheworldofskilledwork.ThereisnoquestionthatthisprocessiswellalongaftertenyearsofNoChildLeftBehind,andtwoyearsoftheRacetotheTopasimplementedbytheObamaadministration.Asaresult,teachersacrossthecountryarebeingtransformedfromprofessionalsintoskilledworkers,movingfromthemiddleclassintotheworkingclassasthedyoamicsofcapitalistdevelopmentplayoutintheirpartof 26CHAPTER1theeconomy.Anaturalpartofthisagendaisweakeningordestroyingteachers'unions.Butthisprocessisnotuniformacrosstheentireteachingprofession.Someschoolsandteachersaresubjecttorigorouscontrol,othersmuchlessso.Asageneralrule,forteachersandotherprofessionals,changesintheireconomicandsocialcircumstancesarecloselytiedtotheexperienceofthosewhomtheyserve.Thoseprofessionalswhoseworkandlivesaremostcloselylinkedtoworkingpeoplehavetendedtodobadlyasthestandardoflivingandsocialstandingoftheworkingclasshasdeclined.Thoseprofessionalsmostcloselyassociatedwiththecapitalistclasshavetendedtodomuchbetter.Comparetheexperienceofpublicdefenderswithcorporatelawyers,ortheexperienceofdoctorswhopracticeinHMOclinicsinworkingclasstownswiththatofhigh-priceddoctorswhodon'thavetohasslewithinsurancecompaniesbecausetheirwell-to-dopatients(anaffordtowritechecksforservicesrendered.Thesedifferencesreflectthe"middle"positionoftheprofessionalmiddleclass.Forpublicschoolteachers,followingthisapproachsuggeststhatitisreason-abletoconcludethatby2010theschoolreformmovementhadgonefarenoughthatabout60percentofteacherscouldbecountedasskilledworkers,roughlyinproportiontothesizeoftheworkingclassinthecountry(seeTableI).Theseareteachersin"failingschools"orschoolsjudgedinneedofstrongintervention,typicallyinworkingclassareasofcitiesandsuburbs.Butteachersinotherpublicschools,particularlywherethechildrenofmiddleclassprofessionalsandotherswhoarerelativelysecureeconomicallygetaneducation,havegenerallyescapedthesepressures.Nursingisanotherprofessionincreasinglysubjecttotherigorsofskilledworkwithouttheindependenceofprofessionallife.Oneindicationistheprevalenceofovertime,evenforcedovertime,innursingwork.Reviewing5,317eight-andtwelve-hournurseshifts,onestudyfoundthattwo-thirdsoffull-timenursesworkedovertimeatleasttentimesintwotwo-weekperiods,one-thirdreportedovertimeoneveryshift,and10percentoftheshiftsinvolvedforcedovertime."Theprevalenceofovertimefornursesisoneoftheleadingreasonsthatnursesleavethejob.Thedesiretoprotectpatientcareandsustainnursinglevelshasledsixteenstatestoimposelegislativeorregulatoryrestrictiononovertimefornurses."InthecalculationsunderlyingTable1,I'vecountedthree-quartersofnursesin2010asmembersoftheskilledworkingclass,one-quarterasmiddleclassprofessionals.Similarquestionsariseinhighereducation,wheretheerosionoftenureandtheincreasingemploymentofcontingentacademiclabor-s-part-timeadjunctsandfull-timenon-tenure-tracklecturers-havedramaticallychangedtheacademicworkforce.Duringtherapidexpansionofhighereducationinthe• THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES27UnitedStatesinthe1960sand1970s,two-thirdsoffacultyweretenuredorontenure-tracklines.Adecadeintothetwenty-firstcentury,theproportionshavereversed-onlyone-thirdoffacultyareinrelativelysecurepositionswhile70per-centofundergraduateinstructioninpublicinstitutionsisdonebypart-timeadjuncts,whomakeup47percentofallteachingfaculty(notcountinggraduatestudents)."Thechallengetoprofessionalstandingamongacademicsisnotonlyaques-tionoftenure.Asmoderncorporatemanagementpracticesgaingroundinuni-versities,facultymembersareincreasinglysubjecttobiggerteachingloads,largerclasses,andotherformsofspeedup.Researchactivityislessandlesssupportedbytheuniversityitself;rather,facultyarerequiredtoseekoutside,oftencorpo-rate,supportforresearch,castingtheprofessorintheroleofpartentrepreneur,partsubordinateandsupplicanttothosewiththemoneytocontroltheresearchagenda.Thelifeofthemind,individualresearchandscholarship:theseprofes-sionalaspirationsarebeingreplacedbyexpectationsthattheprofessoristheretogenerateacertainnumberofmarket-readystudents,the"product"ofhighereducationinstitutions,andtodoresearchthatcorrespondsdirectlytotheneedsofbusiness.Asuniversityadministratorstreatfacultymorelikeemployeesandlesslikecolleagues,asfacultytailortheirresearchmoreandmoretocorporateneeds,theycometoresembletheskilledworkingclass.Thecharacteristicsof.middleclassprofessionallifeslipaway,withtelltalechangesinpower.Theimpositionofcorporatemanagementpracticesatcollegesanduniversi-tiessometimesextendstochangingthecontentandprocessofteachingitself,bywhichfacultyteachcoursestheydonotdesign(usingcurriculaandteachingmaterialsdevelopedbyotherfaculty,sometimesatdifferentinstitutions),andadministeringstandardizedteststheydonotcreateandsometimesdonotgrade.Thesetasksaresometimesdonebyothersinaprocesscalled"unbundling;'inwhichthevarietyoftasksaprofessionalfacultymemberdoesissplitapartandassignedtodifferentpeopleinanewdivisionoflaborinhighereducation.JohnSperling,thefounderandthen-presidentoftheUniversityofPhoenix,thelargestprivatefor-profitinstitutionofhighereducationintheUnitedStates,vividlydescribedthisprocessinanaddresstoaconferenceoftheNationalCen-terfortheStudyofCollectiveBargaininginHigherEducationinMarch2000.Speakingtoanaudienceofprofessorsanduniversityadministratorswhobargainunioncontracts,SperlingbeganhisremarkswithanextendedquotefromTheCommunistManifesto,byKarlMarxandFriedrichEngels.Thebourgeoisie[capitalistclass]cannotexistwithoutconstantlyrevo-lutionisingtheinstrumentsofproduction,andtherebytherelationsofproduction.andwiththemthewholerelationsofsociety....Constant ,'I28CHAPTER1revolutionisingofproduction,uninterrupteddisturbanceofallsocialconditions,everlastinguncertaintyandagitationdistinguishthebour-geoisepochfromallearlierones.Allfixed,fast-frozenrelations,withtheirtrainofancientandvenerableprejudicesandopinions,aresweptaway,allnew-formedonesbecomeantiquatedbeforetheycanossify.Allthatissolidmeltsintoair,allthatisholyisprofaned,andmanisatlastcompelledtofacewithsobersenseshisrealconditionsoflife."Lookingupfromthelectern,Sperlingsaidthathedidn'tusuallyagreewithKarlMarx,butthathedidwanthisaudiencetounderstandthatcapitalismwascom-ingtohighereducation,thatallthatwassolidwouldmeltintoair,andthatallthatwasholywouldbeprofaned."Thereisnoprecisemeasureofthedegreetowhichthisprocesshaspenetratedcollegesanduniversities.Aswithallotherprofessionals,thoseacademicsmostcloselyconnectedtoworkingclassstudents-incommunitycollegesandprivatefor-profitcolleges-aremostsubjecttothesepressures,whileacademicsinuni-versitycentersaremuchlessaffected,althoughnotimmune.Thetransformationofacademicsfromprofessionalstoskilledworkersisfurthestalongintheprivatefor-profitinstitutionsthatexercisethegreatestcontrolovertheirinstructors.Thewidespreaduseofadjunctsincommunitycollegesalsocarriestheacademyalongthispath.Managementemploysadjunctstoavoidpayingbenefits,toescapetherequire-mentsoftenure,andtosecureclassroominstructionatper-coursepayfarlessthanregularfacultyreceive.Butlowpayandbadworkingconditionsarenotthebasicmarkersofclass;authorityandautonomyare.Manyadjunctsretainauthorityovertheirwork,andcollegeadministratorsoftenlacktheresourcestosuperviseadjunctinstructionascloselyastheymightprefer.Nearly40percentofadjunctshavenonacademicjobs;"theyteachacourseortwoforpersonalorprofessionalreasons-businessownersteachingaccounting,judgesteachinglawschoolcourses,practicingengineersteachingsomethingoftheirfieldatthelocalcommunitycollege.Whiletheprocessofsubjectingacademiclabortocapitalistcontrol,forecastwithsuchrelishbyJohnSperling,hasbegun,mostacademicsretainsufficientcontrolovertheirworktoremainintheprofessionalmiddleclass,thoughunderever-increasingpressure.TheclassstandingsreportedinTableIcountonly5percentofacademiclaborasskilledworkers,thereststillintheprofessionalmiddleclass.Someteachers,socialworkers,andotherprofessionalswhomIplaceinthemiddleclassalreadythinkofthemselvesasworkersandshowincreasinginter-estinunionsandcollectivebargainingforprotection.Othersresistanyassocia-tionwithpeoplewhoarenot"professional"andidentifymorecloselywiththe= THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES29capitalistclassintheirvaluesandpoliticalleanings.Inpolitics,asineconomics,peopleinthemiddleclassareinthemiddle,andtendtoidentifythemselveswithlabororwithcapitaldependingontheirparticularsituationanddependingontherelativepowerofworkingclassmovementscomparedwiththepowercapital-istscandemonstrate.Theworkingclassislargeanddiverse.Pursuingoureconomicapproachtoclass,wecangetapictureofitbylookingcarefullyattheoccupationalstructureoftheU.S.economy.Butthespecificworkofaparticularjobisnottheonlyquestiontoconsider.Sinceclassisamatterofrelationshipsandpower,notofjobtitle,apersonwiththesamejobwillbeinoneoranotherclassdependingonthecir-cumstancesofthework.Atruckdriverwhoownshisownrig,forexample,isinthemiddleclassasasmallentrepreneur,butatruckdriveremployedbyafreightshipperisintheworkingclass.Aplumberoperatingasanindependentcontrac-torcountsinthemiddleclass,butthesameplumberworkingforsomeoneelseisintheworkingclass.TheU.S.DepartmentofLaborpublishesdetailedinformationaboutthenum-bersofpeopleemployedinhundredsofdifferentoccupations."Theseoccupa-tionsaregroupedintoninebroadcategories:management,business,andfinancialoccupations;professionalspecialty;sales;officeandadministrativesupport;services;construction,extractionandmaintenance;production;transportationandmaterialsmoving;andfarming,forestry,andfishing.Afterexaminingthedetailedoccupationalcontentofeachjobtitleineachcategory,Ihaveassignedemployeestotheworkingclassortothemiddleandcapitalistclassaccordingtothedegreeofauthorityandindependencetheemployeetypicallyhasonthejob.TheresultsareshowninTable1.Forexample,in201015.4millionpeoplewereemployedinsalesoccupations.Ofthese,8.1millionhadworkingclassjobs,including3.1millionretailcashiersand3.3millionretailsalesworkers,aswellastelemarketers,rentalclerks,andotherswithsimilartitles.Butstocktradersandrealestateagents,alsocountedbytheDepartmentofLaborinthebroad"sales"category,haveenoughauthor-ityandindependencetobecountedinthemiddleclass.Bygoingthrougheachoccupationinthesalescategoryinthisway,Iconcludethatofthese15.4millionpeople,8.1millionareintheworkingclass,and7.3millioninthemiddleclass.Theprofessionalspecialtycategorydividestheotherway:ofthe30.8millionpeopleinthesejobs,62percentaremiddleclass.Peoplecountedasprofession-alsholdsuchjobsasengineers,computerscientists(notcomputeroperators),TheWorkingClass 30CHAPTER1.TABLE1Employmentbyoccupation,2010(inthousands)MIDDLEWORKINGWORKINGClASSOCCUPATIONALGROUPTOTALCLASSCLASS(%OFTOTALjManagement,business,financialoperations*20,93820,65628213.0IProfessionalandrelated30,80519,02511,78038.2Service(includinghealthsupport)24,6342,21322,42191.0Officeandadministrativesupport18,0471,50716,54091.6Salesandrelated15,3867,3248,06252.4Construction,extraction,andmaintenance12,0861,04011,04691.4Production7,9987027,29691.2Transportationandmaterialmoving8,1824987,68493.9Farming,fishing,andforestry9874494395.5TOTALEMPLOYED139,06353,00986,05461.9Unemployed**13,6052,85810,74779.0TOTAL152,66855,86796,80163.4<includes1,505CEOsI**onlywithpastemploymentSource:U.S.DepartmentofLabor,EmploymentandEarnings,January2011,Table1(Householddata).doctors,lawyers,andthelike.Thesearemiddleclasspeople,giventhedegreeofindependenceandauthoritytheytypicallyhaveatwork,andtheyareaclearmajorityofthisoccupationalcategory.Butthisbroadcategoryalsoincludesmanyworkingclasspeople.Forexample,theDepartmentofLaborincludesrespiratory,speech,andphysicaltherapistsamongprofessionalspecialists,aswellasemergencymedicaltechnicians.clinicallaboratorytechnicians,teacherassistants.andbroadcastsoundengineers.Giventhespecificsofthesejobs,Ithinkitisappropriatetocountthosewhodothemashighlytrainedandskilledworkingclasspeople,evenwiththeirprofessionalqualifications,exceptwhentheyareself-employed,Similarly,theLaborDepartmentcountsallnursesaspro-fessionals,buttheconditionsoftheirworkleadmetobelievethatperhapsthree-quartersareworkingclass,whiletheresthavetheauthorityandindependencethatcharacterizemiddleclassjobs.Similarly,asdiscussedabove,60percentofK-12teacherscountedbytheDepartmentofLaborasprofessionals,and5per-centofacademics,arebestconsideredskilledworkers.Addingthemalluprevealsthat38percentofpeopleclassifiedasprofessionalsbytheDepartmentofLaborareworkingclass.Theremainingsevenoccupationalcategoriesarefairlyhomogeneous.The"executive,administrative,andmanagerial"categoryincludesessentiallynoworkingclasspeople(exceptinsuranceclaimsexaminersandappraisers).Thesearesuchjobsaspropertymanagers,financialmanagers,andeducationaladmin-istrators.Attheotherextreme,almostalloftheofficeandadministrativesupportb THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES31personnelareworkingclass:secretaries,informationclerks,fileclerksandotherrecords-processingoccupations,postalclerksandmailcarriers,computerequip-mentoperators,andteacheraides,amongothers.Themiddleclassisfoundamongthesupervisors.Thesameistrueoftransportationandmaterialmovingoccupations,productionjobs,andconstruction,extraction,andmaintenance.Table1showsthatserviceoccupationsareoverwhelminglyworkingclass.Theseincludefirefighters,dentalassistantsandnursingaides,privateguardsandpoliceofficers,hairdressersandcosmetologists,janitors,andwaiters.Butserviceoccu-pationsalsoincludesomemiddleclasspositionssuchassupervisorsandrestau-rantchefs(thoughnotshort-ordercooks,whoaretypicallyworkingclass).Inadditiontothoseworkingin2010,thelaborforceincluded13.6millionunemployedpeoplewhowereactivelylookingforworkbuthadnojobofanykind.Dataareavailableshowingthelast-heldoccupationoftheunemployed."Notsurprisingly,theunemployedtendtobefromthoseoccupationalgroupswithalargerconcentrationofworkingclassjobs.UsingDepartmentofLabordata,wefindthat79percentoftheunemployedin2010cameoutofworkingclassjobs.Onceeachoccupationalgroupisanalyzedandseparatedintoworkingclassandmiddleclassjobs,itisasimplemattertoaddupthepiecesandfindthetotalclasscompositionofthelaborforce.In2010,thelaborforcenumbered152.7millionpeople(employedorunemployedbutactivelylookingforwork).Ofthese,96.8millionwereworkingclass;55.9millionweremiddleclassandabove.Inotherwords,in2010theworkingclasswas63percentofthelaborforce.ThisiswhyIsayweliveinacountrywithaworkingclassmajority.Bytheway,theDepartmentofLaborcomesupwithanevenlargernumberforwhatmightbeconsideredtheworkingclassthanIdo.Itnotesthat82percentofthe108millionprivatesectoremployeesintheUnitedStatesin2009were"non-supervisory"employees."Thisincludessuchprofessionalsasdoctors,accoun-tants,andprofessorswhodonotsuperviseothers,whomIcountasmiddleclass.Itmayseemsurprisingthatsomanypeopleareintheworkingclass,giventhedecliningrelativesizeofmanufacturingintheU.S.economy.Butimagesoftheworkingclasstoocloselyidentifiedwithgoods-producingblue-collarwork-ersmissthepoint.Only14.8percentofpeoplecountedbytheDepartmentofLaboras"nonsupervisoryemployees"inthenonfarmprivatesectorareingoods-producingindustries(mining,construction,andmanufacturing)."Over70per-centofallprivatesectornonsupervisoryemployeesholdwhite-collarjobsinwholesaleandretailtrade,finance,insurance,andrealestate,andawidevarietyofbusiness,personal,andhealth-relatedserviceindustries."Butevenin1950,intheheydayofAmericanmanufacturingstrength,nomorethanathirdofthenonagriculturalworkforcewasemployedinmanufacruring." 32CHAPTER1Oldimagesoftheworkingclassneedcorrectioninotherways,too.Identifyingtheworkingclasswithfactoriesmayfosterthenotionthat"workingclass"meansmen,orevenjustwhitemen.Thinkagain:lessthanhalfofthoseintheworkingclasslaborforce,about40percent,arewhitemen.Minoritieshavealwaysbeenanintegralpartoftheworkingclass,agoodnumberofwomenhavealwaysworkedinfactories,andtodaywomenareaslightlyhigherpercentageoftheworkingclassworkforcethantheyareofthelaborforceasawhole.In2010,womenwere47.2percentoftheemployedworkforce.Sortingt1hroughthedatabydetailedoccupationalcategorytolookatgendercomposition,Ifindthatwomenwere50.1percentoftheworkingclass,and42.6percentofthemiddleclass(Table2).%Butthisdoesnotmeanthatwomenhavebrokenoutoftraditionaljobcatego-riesinabigway.Womenarestillgrosslyunderrepresentedinthemore-skilledblue-collarjobsthattraditionallyhavebeenheldbymen.In2010,womenheld27.6percentofproductionjobsintheUnitedStates,butwereonly3.9percentofmachinistsand0.9percentoftoolanddiemakers.Womenwereoverrepresentedinlower-payingjobssuchasbakers(57percent)andsewingmachineoperators(78.5percent).Insales,womenaredisproportionatelyinlow-payingworkingclassoccupationssuchascashierandretailclerk,andunderrepresentedinhigh-payingprofessionalsalespositionssuchasstockbrokersandfinancialserviceprofessionals.Amongtheprofessions,womenarethemajority(57.4percent),buttheyareoverrepresentedamongnurses(91percent),teachers(73.8percent),andotherpredominatelyworkingclassjobs,andunderrepresentedamongengi-neers(12.9percent),lawyers(31.5percent),computerscientists(30.5percent),andotherrelativelywell-paidpositions."Ifwelookatracialandethniccomposition,weseethatblacksandHispanicsareoverrepresentedintheworkingclassandunderrepresentedinthemiddleclass,patternssimilartowomen,butevenmorepronounced.FromTable2weseethatin2010,blackswere10.8percentofthetotalemployedlaborforce,buttheywere12.7percentoftheworkingclassandonly7.6percentofthemiddleclass.Hispanicswere14.3percentofallthosewithjobs,butheldonly8.6percentofmiddleclasspositionsand17.8percentofworkingclassjobs.Asians,ontheotherhand,weredisproportionatelyrepresentedinmiddleclasspositions,particularlythesciences,engineering,andhighereducation.Non-Hispanicwhiteswerealsooverrepresentedinthemiddleandcapitalistclasses.Weseefromallthesenumbersthatwomen,blacks,andHispanicsarealargerproportionoftheworkingclassthantheyareofthelaborforceasawhole.Theyarebynomeansabsentfrommiddleclasspositionsofauthority,butgenerallywomenandminoritiesareinthelower-paidsectionsoftheworkingclassandinthelowerranksofmanagementandprofessionallife,comparedwithmenorwhitepeople.Followingthispattern,womenandminoritiesarealsofoundb THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES33TABLE2Percentagesofemployedlaborforcebygender,race,andethnicity,2010NON-HISPANICWOMENMENBLACKSASIANSHISPANICSWHITESEmployedlaborforce47.252.810.84.814.370.1Workingclass50.149.912.74.117.865.3Middleclass*42.657.47.66.08.677.8amongcapitalists,buttheirbusinessesaresmallbynationalstandards."Thelargestblack-ownedbusinessin1998hadsalesunder$400million."Alookatcensusdatashowingthenumberofpeopleofdifferentraces,gen-ders,andnationalitiesinhundredsofoccupationsrevealsasurprisinglymixedlaborforceatalllevels.EconomistDougHenwoodwroteofthe1990s:Thelargestoccupationalcategoryforwhitemenin1990[thesingleoccupationemployingthelargestnumberofpeople]wassalariedman-agersandadministrators,atitlethatalsoappearsonthetoptenlistforblackmen(#8),Hispanicmen(#7),andwhitewomen(#6).Secretaryistheleadingjoblabelforwhitewomen-butit'salsonumberoneforHispanicwomenandnumberthreeforblackwomen.Truckdrivingistheleadingemployerofblackmen-butit'ssecondforbothHispanicsandwhites."Janitorsandcleaners"isthebiggestoccupationforHispanicmen,andsecondforblackmen-butsixthforwhitemen.Moreblackwomenarenurses'aidesandorderliesthananyotheroccupation-butit'stheninthbiggestemployerofwhitewomen.Theprivilegedtitlesusuallyappearhigherandmoreoftenforwhites)especiallymen,butthere'snoshortageofgrittyjobsforwhitefolkseither."«IncludesCEOsandotherseniorexecutivesincapitalistclassSource:AuthorcalculationsbasedonU.S.DepartmentofLabor,EmploymentandEarnings,January2011,Table1.The2000censusdatarevealedasimilarlandscapeofcommonoccupationswithingenders."Driver/SalesWorkersandTruckDrivers"wasthelargestoccu-pationforwhite,Hispanic,andblackmenandtheseventhlargestforAsianmen.Janitorwasthethird-largestoccupationforblackmen,fifthforHispanicmen,andeighthforwhiteandAsianmen.SecretarywasthelargestoccupationintheUnitedStatesandthelargestcategoryforwhitewomen,thirdforblackandHis-panicwomen)andfifthforAsianwomen.Cashierwasthesecond-largestoccupa-tionforHispanic,black)andAsianwomen)andfourthforwhitewomen.With3.1millionpeople,itwasthefifth-largestjobcategoryintheworkforce.Occupationsareoftensex-segregated,however.Therewerealmost1.5millioncarpentersin2000)thelargestconstructionoccupation.Ninety-eightpercent 34CHAPTER1weremen.Ofthethirty-oneoccupationswithmorethanonemillionworkersin2000,autoservicetechniciansandmechanics,carpenters,constructionlaborers,drivers/salesworkersandtruckdrivers,andgroundsmaintenanceworkersallweremorethan90percentmen.Forwomen,child-careworkers,receptionistsandinformationclerks,registerednurses,secretariesandadministrativeassis-tants,andteacherassistantswereatleast90percentwomen.Inonlyfiveofthetopthirty-oneoccupationswasthedifferencebetweenthepercentageofmenandwomenlessthanfifteenpoints:accountantsandauditors,cooks,marketingandsalesmanagers,miscellaneousassemblers.andpostsecondaryteachers."Neithertheworkingclassnorthemiddleclassisuniformingender,racial,orethniccomposition.Eachclasspresentsamosaic.Lookingatthemosaicanotherway,weseethatgender.racial,andethnicgroupsarealsonotuniform.Eachisdividedbyclass,asreflectedinTable3.Weseethattheworkingclassisthemajorityofeveryethnicandracialgroup,butthere'squiteabitofvariationinclasscompositionamongthem.Theworkingclassaccountedfor53percentofAsiansin2010,but77percentofHispanics.Atthesametime,73percentofblacksand58percentofnon-Hispanicwhiteswereintheworkingclass.Com-paredwiththeemployedpopulationasawhole,men,Asians,andnon-Hispanicwhitesweredisproportionatelyoverrepresentedinthemiddleandcapitalistclasses,whilewomen,blacks,andHispanicswereoverrepresentedinthework-ingclass.Whilewomenandnonwhiteswerevirtuallyunknowninthecapitalistclassfiftyyearsago,therearenowquiteafewwomenandblackchiefexecutivesofmajorcorporations,althoughstillgreatlyunderrepresentedatthatlevelcom-paredwiththeirnumbersinthelaborforce.52ThiscomplexsetofrelationshipsandidentitiesiswhatwehavetosortthroughtomakesenseofandtheninfluencethepoliticsandeconomicsofU.S.society.Raceisnotjustanumericalcategoryinademographicdivisionofthepopula-tion.RaceisacentralfeatureofsocialdynamicsintheUnitedStates.IthasalongTABLE3Classcompositionofracialandethnicgroups,2010TOTALEMPLOYEDPERCENTINPERCENTINPERCENTOFCHIEFINMILLIONSWORKINGCLASSMIDDLECLASSEXECUTIVESWomen65.7663425.5Men73.4594174.5Black15.073272.8Asian6.753473.2Hispanic19.977234.8Non-HispanicWhite97.7584289.2TOTAL139.16238100.0Source:U.S.DepartmentofLabor.EmploymentandEarnings,January2011,Table1.• THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES35historyasthefoundationofslavery,andthenasthebasisoftheJimCrowlawsoflegalsegregationandracialdiscriminationthatfollowedformalemancipation.ThishistoryhashadprofoundimplicationsforallAmericans,notjustthoseofAfricandescent.Arichliteraturehasdevelopedsincethe1970sdemonstratingthatthesocialmeaningsofracearenottiedtophysicaltraits,norisracismpsychologicallyinnate.Wehavecometounderstandthatracehasplayed,andinmanywayscontinuestoplay,aroleasaninstrumentofsocialcontrol,dividing"white"from"black"inaworkforcethatfromearlycolonialdaysthreatenedrebellion,and,fromthepointofviewofrulingelites,neededdiscipline.TheEnglishcolonialrulingelitesoftheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturiesgavespecialsocialmean-ingtotheideaofraceastheycreatedtherealityofchattelslaveryforpeopleofAfricandescent.TheyusedracismandthenewinstitutionsofslaverytodividefromeachothertheindenturedlaborersofEnglishandAfricandescentwhowereworkinginthecolonies.53AFL-CI0PresidentRichardTrumkaaddressedthelegacyofthishistoryinthe2008presidentialcampaigninanaddresstotheconventionoftheUnitedSteelworkersunionmeetinginLasVegasastheU.S.presidentialcampaignwasheatingup.Trumkaspokedirectlytotheracistattitudesthatsomeworkerscon-tinuedtoexpressintheirresistancetovotingforBarackObama:Alotofthemaregoodunionpeople;theyjustcan'tgetpastthisideathatthere'ssomethingwrongwithvotingforablackman.Well,thoseofuswhoknowbettercan'taffordtolooktheotherway.I'mnotoneforquotingdeadphilosophers,butbackinthe1700s,EdmundBurkesaid:''Allthatisnecessaryforeviltotriumphisforgoodpeopletodonoth-ing."Well,there'snoevilthat'sinflictedmorepainandmoresufferingthanracism-andit'ssomethingweinthelabormovementhaveaspe-cialresponsibilitytochallenge.It'sourspecialresponsibilitybecauseweknow,betterthananyoneelse,howracismisusedtodividework-ingpeople.We'veseenhowcompaniessetworkeragainstworker-howtheythrowwhitesafewextracrumbsoffthetable-andhowweallenduplosing.Butwe'veseensomethingelse,too.We'veseenthatwhenwecrossthatcolorlineandstandtogethernoonecankeepusdown.That'swhytheCIawascreated.That'swhyindustrialunionswerethefirsttostandupagainstlynchingandsegregation.PeopleneedtoknowthatitwastheSteelWorkersOrganizingCommittee-thisunion-thatwasfoundedontheprincipleoforganizingallworkerswithoutregardtorace.That'swhythelabormovement-imperfectasweare-isthemostintegratedinstitutioninAmericanlife." 36CHAPTER1Ihaveleftoutofthisdiscussionofclassesanymentionofthe"underclass;'atermoftenusedinpopularandsociologicaldiscussionsofpoverty.Wewilllookatpovertyandtheso-calledunderdassindetailinchapter4.ButforOurpur-poseshere,totheextentthatwearetalkingaboutpeopleengagedintheillegaldrugbusinessasthe"underclass,"thereisnoreasontobelievethattheclasscom-positionofthatindustryisanydifferentfromthatoflegalones.Thedrugtradeincludesowner-entrepreneursandmanagerialandsupervisorypersonnelwhohavethesameauthorityastheirsmall{andsometimesnot-so-small}capitalistandmiddledasscounterpartsinthelegaleconomy.Andthebusinessincludespeopleengagedinthemakinganddistributionofproductswhoareworkingclassineverysenseoftheword.Illegalgamblingandprostitutionoperationsmaybesmallerandmaytypicallylackthelayersofmiddlemanagementcharac-teristicoflargerbusinesses,bothlegalandillegal,buttheclassdivisionsbetweenbusinessownersandthosewhoworkforthemreflecttheclassdivisionsofthecomparablevisibleeconomy.Ifanything,thepowerdifferencesthatcharacterizeclassdivisioninillegalsec-torsmustbegreaterthanthoseweseeinlegalbusinesses,whereworkingpeoplehaverecoursetotheprotectionsoflaborlaw.Thereis,inshort,noreasontothinkthattheillegalsectorisdifferentenoughinitsorganizationtomakeclassdiffer-encesanylessstrikingorimportant.ClassAmbiguitiesClassisnotcaste,asocialstatusacquiredatbirthfromone'sparentsandindeliblymarkedonthepersonforlife.Aswewillseemorefullyinthenextchapter,thereislimitedmobilityacrossclasslines.Yet,somecross-classmobilityandambigui-tiesattheboundariesbetweenclassesshouldnotleadustoconcludethatclassesdon'texist,orarearbitrarydivisionsamongmore-or-lessequalhumanbeings.Classesarecentralelementsinoursociety,growingoutofandinturnshapingoureconomy,politics,culture,andhistory.Themajorityofpeopleareintheworkingclass,thosewhodothedirectworkofproductionandwhotypicallyhavelittlecontrolovertheirjobsandnosuper-visoryauthorityoverothers.Theworkingclassistheclearmajorityofthelaborforce,63percent.Atthetopoftheclassorder,controllingthebigbusinessappa-ratus,isthecapitalistclass,about2percentofthelaborforce.Asmallfractionofthecapitalistclassoperatesonanationalscale,andanevensmallernetworkofseveraltensofthousandsofinterlockingdirectorsamongthelargestofbusi-nessesisthecoreofthenationalrulingclass.Betweenthecapitalistclassandtheworkingclassisthemiddleclass,about35percentofthelaborforce.b THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES37Whileeachoftheseclassesisdistinctfromtheothers,allmembersofapar-ticularclassdonot,ofcourse,havethesamedegreeofpower,thesameincome,status,orlifestyleasothersintheclass.Eachclassisdiverse-inskill,authority,occupation,race,gender,ethnicity,andeveryothercharacteristicthathumanbeingspossess.Itevenhappensthatindividualsinoneclasscanhaveattributesmostoftenidentifiedwithanotherclass,aswhensomeskilledworkersmakemoremoneythansomeprofessionals,orsomemanagersworklongerhoursandhavemorestressthansomeproductionworkers.Becausesomeworkingclasspeoplegoinandoutofbusiness,withsmallstoresorcontractingoutfitsthatmostlyservetheirworkingclassneighbors,adegreeofoverlapexistsbetweenworkingclassandmiddleclassexperience.Inmanyneighborhoods,thereismorethanalittlepersonalidentificationacrossthisporousclassboundary.Facedwithsuchdiversityandapparentincoherence,itmaybetemptingtogiveuptheideathatclassisameaningfulcategoryandjustfocusoneachindi-vidual,orfallbacktothecommonbeliefthattherearesimplytherich,thepoor,andthebroadmiddleclassinbetween.Butananalogywithwater-thoughabitofastretch-willhelpexplainwhyitmakessensetokeepclasscategoriesasIamdefiningthem,despitethevarietyofindividualexperiencewithineachclass.Watertakesdifferentforms,ice,liquid,andsteam,eventhoughineachstateitisstillH20.Eachstateisdistinct,yetwithineachwidevariationscanoccur.Liquidwatercanbecoldorhotorlukewarm.Icecantakedifferentformstoo,andunderdifferentconditionsofpressureandvolume,steamcanvaryintern-peratureandotherproperties.Thethreestatesofwaterareevenfuzzyattheedges,whenitisnotclearexactlywhatisgoingon.Isslushiceorliquid?Howmanybubbleshavetoformatthebottomofapanofwater,andhowmanyhavetorisetothetopandroilthesurface,beforewesaythewaterisboiling?Yetthesevariationswithinstatesofwater,andambiguitiesattheedges,don'tstopusfromknowingthatwatertakesdifferentforms,evenifit'sallH20.Thinkingalongtheselinestellsusaboutclassaswell.Weareallpeople.Thecapitalist,theworker,themiddleclassprofessionalorbusinessperson,allfleshandblood,allwithhopesforourselvesandourchildren,mostofustryingtodothebestwecan.Butthisunderlyingsameness,whichisterriblyimportanttorememberandrespect,innowaymeansthatweareallequallypowerfulorthatnosystematicdifferencesexistamongus.Ourdifferentclassstandingscauseustoactdifferently,livedifferently,andhavedifferentexperiencesandlifechances,despiteourunderlyingresemblanceinacommonhumanity.Withinclasses,peoplearedifferent.Anunskilledfactorysweeperisinthesameclassasaradiologytechnician,apostallettercarrier,abankteller,amachin-ist.Theprofessionals,managers,andentrepreneursofthemiddleclassvarywidelynotonlyinthecontentoftheirworkbutintheirsocialstatus,income, 38CHAPTER1power.Amongcapitalists,too,arethebigandthesmall,nationalandlocalpowerbrokers,thewell-connectedandtherelativelyisolated.Butdespitethevariationsamongpeoplewithineachclass,itstillmakessensetoviewtheworldasmadeupofdistinctclasses,because,intheend,workersdonothavethepowerofthemiddleclass,letalonethecapitalists,eitherbigorsmall.Inthelastdecadeofthetwentiethcenturyandthroughthefirstdecadeofthetwenty-first,nonstandardworkarrangementsspread.Insteadofholdingaregularjob,moreandmorepeoplewereworkingastemps,asindependentcon-tractors,asfranchiseoperators.Thesenewworkrelationswereoftenforcedonpeopleaftertheyhadlostaregularjobtodownsizingoracompanymoveorfailure.Thesenewarrangementsusuallybroughtwiththemareductioninliv-ingstandards,increasedinsecurity,anendtoemployer-providedpensionsandinsurance.Dependingonhownarrowlyorbroadlywedefine"temporary"or"contingent"jobs,in1997anywherefrom1.9to4.4percentofthelaborforcewasinnonstandardemployment.Fewerthanhalfwereemployedpart-time.AFebruary2005governmentsurveyrevealedthatthefractionofworkersinon-call,tempservice,andcontract-providedpositionshadremainedunchangedsince2001,butthenumberofindependentcontractorshadrisen.Whileallthesecategoriesofemploymentareconsidered"contingent"(withnoexpectationthatthejobwouldcontinue),thepeopleholdingthem,andtheirattitudestowardstheiremployment,differeddramatically.The10.3millionindependentcontractorstendedtobeprofessionals,older,white,andmen,with82percentreportingpre-ferencefortheirjobstatuscomparedwithregularemployment.The4.5milliontempservices,on-call,andcontractworkers.ontheotherhand,tendedtobewomen,African-AmericanorLatino,andyounger,andonly32percentreportedpreferencefortheirworksituationoveraregularjob."Thelargestcategoryofpeoplewithnonstandardworkrelationsisthecat-egoryofindependentcontractors,consultants,andfreelanceworkers.Manyoftheseareprofessionalsandpeopleinvolvedinmanagerialorsalesworkandthuspartofthemiddleclass.Butsome"independentcontractors"and"franchiseoperators"arenotthemiddleclasspeopletheirtitlessuggest.In1998,fortythousandlimousinedrivers(nottaxidrivers)wereworkinginNewYorkCity.Somehadtraditionalemployeestatus,butmanywereindepen-dentcontractors,forcedtoleasetheircarsfromcarservicecompanies.Intheseleasearrangements,whichhavetheappearanceofabusinesscontractbetweentwoindependentparties,thedrivertakesonthestatusofafranchiseholder,butinrealityiscompletelycontrolledbythecarservicecompany.Whatclassdoesthe"independent"limodriverbelongto?Thequestionisnotrhetorical;theanswercontrolswhetherthedriverscanorganizeaunionandforcethecompanytonegotiateacollectivebargainingagreement.In1997,when• THECLASSSTRUCTUREOFTHEUNITEDSTATES39driversatonecompanywantedtoorganize,thecompanyclaimedtheywereindependentcontractors,notemployees,andsonotprotectedbylaborlawthatgivesworkerstherighttoorganizeunionsandrequirestheiremployertonego-tiateingoodfaith.ButtheNationalLaborRelationsBoard,thefederalagencythatdecidesthesedisputes,dismissedthecompany'sclaimandorderedaunionrepresentationelection.Thedriversoverwhelminglyvotedtheunionin.>Thestoryoftheselimousinedriversisrepeatedwhereveremployerstrytomaskpowerrelationswiththeveneerofaprofessionalorentrepreneurialtitlebestowedonworkers.Classisnotinthename.Classisinthepowerrelationshipspeopleexperience.InwhichclassisasecretarywhoalsohasaMaryKayfranchiseontheside,supplyingandmanagingthreeotherwomen?Whatdowecallanelectricianwhoworksforhiscity'sboardofeducationbutalsohashisowncontractingbusiness?Inwhatclassdoweputafamilywithahusbandwhoworksinanautoplantandawifewhoisapediatrician?Isapersonwhoownsamachineshopemploy-ingtwenty-fivepeopleontwoshiftsandwhoworkssidebysidewithhisemploy-eesonthefloortwomorningsaweekwhiletakingcareofthebusinesstherestofthetime,acapitalistorinthemiddleclassasasmallbusinessman?Theambiguityofsuchborderlinecases,andthewidevarietyofexperiencewithinclasses,istestimonytothefactthatclassesarenotsimplyboxesorstaticcategoriesintowhichwepigeonholepeople.Classesareformedinthedynam-icsofpowerandwealthcreation,andarebytheirnatureabitmessy.Classesaremorecomplicated,moreinteresting,andmorerealthanthearbitraryincomelevelsusedtodefineclassintheconventionalwisdom.